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1900 

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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
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https://archive.org/details/historyofmexico02banc 


THE  WORKS 

OP 

HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


HISTORY 


OF 


MEXICO 


BY 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 


VOLUME  II 


NEW  YORK 
THE  BANCROFT  COMPANY 


oo^ttejstts  of  this  volume. 


CHAPTER  1. 

REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO. 

1521-1523. 

I 

Quarrelling  over  the  Booty  —  Poor  Results  —  Torture  of  Quauhtemo- 
tzin — Treasure-hunting — A  Disappointment  —  Pasquinades — Finan- 
cial Measures — A  Sabine  Capture — Looking  for  a  Capital — Mexico 
Selected — Municipality  Formed — Planning  the  City — Architectural 
Features — Cortes'  Palaces  —  Building  Material  —  Fort  and  Aque- 
duct—  Attracting  Serfs  and  Settlers  —  Merry  Toilers  —  Arms  of 
Tenochtitlan  

CHAPTER  II. 

PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 

1521-1522. 

Centralization  and  its  Effect — A  Fallen  Athens — Reward  of  a  Traitor — 
Career  of  a  Precocious  Prince — Ixtlilxochitl's  Disappointment — Pol- 
icy toward  Native  Princes — Tezcuco  and  Acolhuacan — Tlascala  and 
her  Reward — New  Conquest  Projects — Search  for  Ammunition — 
Climbing  a  Volcano — Descending  into  the  Burning  Crater — Casting 
Cannon — Tochtepec  Expedition — A  Boaster's  Discomfiture — Gold- 
hunting  in  Xaltepec — Esplritu  Santo  Founded — Zapotecapan  and 
Miztecapan — The  Mystic  Prophet — Orozco  Invades  Oajaca — Ante- 
quera  Established — Cociyopu's  Dilemma — Alvarado  Overruns  Tutu- 
tepec — Segura  Founded  Anew  

CHAPTER  III. 

RAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 

1521-1524. 

King  Zwanga's  Warning — First  Entry  into  Michoacan — Montano's  Visit 
to  the  Court  of  Tangaxoan — A  Narrow  Escape — Tarascan  Envoys — 
Olid  Invades  Michoacan — Outrages  at  Tangimaroa  and  Tzintzun- 
tzan — Colonization  Attempted — Visions  of  the  South  Sea — Ship- 

C  V) 


vi 


CONTENT^ 


PAGE 

building  at  Zacatula — The  Route  to  the  Spice  Islands — Alvarez'  Mis- 
hap in  Colima — Olid  Avenges  Him — Chimalhuacan  Region — Isle  of 
the  Amazons — Cortes  Hastens  to  Appropriate  a  Rich  Field — The 
Queen  of  Jalisco— Tradition  of  a  Shipwrecked  Cross   4J. 

CHAPTER  IV, 

TAPIA'S  DISCOMFITUREo 

1521-  1522. 

Velazquez  still  Longing  for  Mexico — A  Governor  Sent  from  Spain — In- 
trigues of  Tapia — Counter-intrigues — Conference  of  Cempoala — The 
Claimant  Ousted — Bono  de  Quejo's  Mission — Revolt  of  the  Aztecs— 
A  Terrible  Lesson — Conspiracies  against  Cortes — Narvaez  at  his 
Feet...,.....,   65 

CHAPTER  V. 

AFFAIRS  OF  CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 

1522. 

Cortes  Finds  Favor  with  the  Audiencia — His  Third  Letter — Treasures  for 
the  Emperor — An  Ominous  Loss — Chased  by  Corsairs — What  King 
Francis  Said — The  Curse  of  Montezuma — Cardinal  Adrian  Inter- 
feres— Cortes'  Case  before  the  Sovereign — His  Achievementj  Re- 
viewed— Refutation  of  Charges — Velazquez  Crushed  and  Fonseca 
Humbled — Cortes  Appointed  Governor  and  Captain-general   79 

CHAPTER  VL 

CORTES  AND  GARAY  IN  PANUCO. 

1522-  1523, 

Rivalry  for  Panuco — Cortes  Hastens  to  Occupy  It — Battle  at  Ayotochti- 
tlan — Operations  at  Chila — Native  Tactics — Founding  of  San  Este- 
van  del  Puerto — A  Shipwreck  Incident — Disappointing  Results- 
Campaign  in  Tututepec  Mountains — Rejoicings  on  the  Receipt  of 
Cortes'  Commission — Alluring  Projects  for  Southern  Conquests- 
Startling  News — Garay  Prepares  to  Descend  on  Panuco — His  Lack 
of  Ability  and  Firmness — March  from  Las  Palmas — Negotiations 
with  Vallejo  ,  , , . .  94 

CHAPTER  VIL 

THE  PANUCO  AFFAIR  AND  ITS  SEQUEL. 

1523-  1524. 

Alvarado  Appears  upon  the  Scene — Naval  Strategy — Double  Dealings — 
How  Cortes  Settled  the  Affair — Garay's  Sudden  Death — General 
Uprising  in  Panuco — Massacres— Desperate  Efforts  of  the  Settlers — 
Sandoval  to  the  Rescue — His  Ruse  at  the  Pass— Terrible  Retalia- 
tion— Burning  of  the  Patriots — Garayan  Conspiracy — An  Estimable 


CONTENTS, 


Judge — His  Shipwreck  and  Island  Life — Alvarado  and  Olid  De^jart 
for  Southern  Conquests — Marin's  Campaign  in  Chiapas,  and  Rangel'a 
Entry  into  Zapotecapan  ,  ,   1 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 

1523-1524. 

Cortes  as  Governor — His  Ordinances — Armament  of  Settlers — Promoting 
Agriculture — Pallas  and  Denieter — Antillean  Jealousy — Social  Re- 
forms— Sumptuary  Laws  —  Taking  Wives — Cortes  Shoulders  his 
Cross — Suspicious  Death  of  Catalina — Local  Government — EflForts  to 
Exclude  Lawyers — Removal  of  Vera  Cruz — Markets  and  Trade  Reg- 
ulations—  Royal  Officials  Arrive — Traits  and  Intrigues — Colonial 
Policy — Enslavement  of  Native  Americans — Suppression  of  Reparti- 
mientos  Opposed  —  Encomienda  Regulations — Work  and  Pay  of 
Serfs — Entrapping  Slaves — Representations  of  the  Council — Extort- 
ing Tribute  

CHAPTER  IX, 

APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 

1522-1526. 

Religious  Feeling  among  the  Conquerors — The  First  Ministers — Juan 
Diaz  and  Friar  Olmedo — Papal  Interest  Displayed — Francisco  de 
Los  Angeles'  Proposed  Mission — Brother  Gante  and  his  Companions- 
Father  Valencia  —  Franciscan  Rules  and  Privileges  —  The  Twelve 
Apostles — Indian  Astonishment — Cortes  at  the  Feet  of  the  Friars — 
Politic  Self-abasement  —  First  Synod — Monastic  Discipline — Con- 
vents and  Hospitals — Methods  of  Conversion — Choirs  and  Orches- 
tras— Tricks  of  Trade — Friars  and  Disciples — Stubbornness  of  Prose- 
lytes— Baptism  en  Masse  and  Bestowal  of  Names — Legality  of  the 
Rite — The  Marriage  Question — Native  Catechists  and  Missionaries- 
Iconoclasts  and  Martyrs — Progress  of  Conversion  and  its  Causes — • 
Christian-like  Rites  among  the  Natives — Attractive  Features  of  the 
Roman  Church — Festivals — Character  of  the  Friars  

CHAPTER  X. 

INTRIGUES   AGAINST  CORTES. 
1524. 

Intrigues  of  Disappointed  Officials — Insinuations  against  Cortes — His 
Fourth  Letter — The  Silver  Cannon — Convoy  System — Deferred  Con- 
tract with  the  Sovereign — Cortes  under  a  Cloud — Prepares  for  the 
March  to  Honduras — Acting  Governors  Appointed — Machinations  of 
Salazar — The  Hypocrite  and  the  Tool — Attempt  to  Oust  the  Treas- 
urer— Subtle  Duplicity — Zuazo  Made  Prisoner — Casas  and  Gonzalez 
Appear  on  the  Scene  


viii 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XL 

salazar's  usurpation  and  overthrow. 
1525-1526. 

PAGE 

Overthrow  of  Paz— His  Terrible  Fate— Persecution  of  the  Friends  of 
Cortes — Alvarado  Considers  the  Matter — Search  for  Cortes — His 
Funeral  Honors — Spoliation  of  his  Property — Lashing  a  Wife- 
Tyrannical  Proceedings  of  Salazar — It  Leads  to  Revolt — General 
Alarm — Expeditions  against  Rebels — Chirinos'  Fiasco— The  Friars 
Hurl  Anathemas — The  Governors  Humbled — The  Mysterious  Mes- 
senger— Rising  of  the  Men  of  Cortes — Election  of  Estrada  and  Al- 
bornoz — Assault  on  the  Government  House — Salazar  Encaged—. 
Conspiracy  to  Release  Him   215 


CHAPTER  Xn. 

THE  PONCE  DE  LEON  EPISODEo 

1526. 

Altamirano  Sent  to  Bring  Cortes — His  Arrival  at  Medellin — Demonstra- 
tive Reception — Reform  Measures — A  Juez  de  Residencia  Sent  to 
New  Spain — Ponce  de  Leon  and  his  Instructions — How  Cortes  Re- 
ceived the  Blow — The  Banquet — A  Scheming  Friar — Ponce  de  Leon 
Assumes  the  Government — The  Residencia  of  Cortes — Death  of  Ponce 
de  Leon — Aguilar  Succeeds  him — His  Unfitness  and  Death   238 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Estrada's  rule — cortes  driven  to  seek  justice  in  spain. 
1527. 

Campaign  in  Zapotecapan — Spice  Island  Projects — Loaisa's  Expedition — 
Guevara  Finds  the  Way  to  Zacatula — Saavedra's  Voyage  to  the 
Moluccas — Cortes  Slighted — He  is  Exiled  from  the  Capital — Recon- 
ciliation with  Estrada — Guzman  Appointed  Governor  of  Panuco — ■ 
Finding  No  Gold  He  Turns  Oppressor — Encroachments  on  Mexico — • 
Raid  into  Las  Palmas  Region — Slave-trade  Horrors — Cort6s  to  Plead 
before  the  Sovereign — Fears  that  He  will  Revolt — Preparing  for  the 
Voyage  to  Spain  ■.   254 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  first  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 

1528-1529. 

Oidores  Appointed — Stringent  Measures  Proposed  against  Cortes — Guz- 
man Made  President — Power  and  Jurisdiction  of  the  Audiencia — Ita 
Instructions — Laws  of  Alfonso  the  Wise — Reception  of  the  New 
Rulers — Their  Avarice  Excited — Intrigue  against  Cortes — Robbery 
and  Extortion — Abuse  of  Friars  and  Clergy — Residencia  of  Cortes — 
The  Bishop's  Anathema — Shameless  Conduct  of  Oidores — Guzman's 
Palliative  Schemes  of  Conquest — Smuggling  Despatches  273 


CONTENTS. 


ix 


CHAPTER  XV. 

ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS — CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 

1527-1529. 

PAGE 

Vicissitudes  of  the  First  See — Bishop  Julian  G-arces — The  Iconoclast 
Zumarraga — Lamentable  Vandalism — Character  of  the  Clergy — Ar- 
rival of  Dominicans — Rivalry  of  the  Orders — Introduction  of  Nuns — 
Meeting  of  Cortes  and  Pizarro — Death  of  an  Ideal  Soldier — Excite- 
ment over  Cortes'  Arrival  in  Spain — Playing  the  Gallant — His 
Reception  by  the  Emperor — Marks  of  Favor — He  is  Made  a  Marquis 
with  Large  Grants — Politic  Soothings  of  Discontent — Why  He  Lost 
the  Governorship — His  Contract  for  South  Sea  Discoveries — His 
Bride  and  Jewels — Papal  Concessions — Return  to  New  Spain — Ova- 
tion to  the  Hero — Hostility  of  the  Oidores   296 

CHAPTER  XVI, 

THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 

1530-1532. 

The  New  President  and  Oidores — Their  Instructions — Measures  for  Set- 
tlers and  Natives — Sumptuary  Laws — Impressive  Entry  of  the 
Oidores — The  Government  House — Swearing  Allegiance  to  the  Sov- 
ereign— Residencia  and  Fate  of  Matienzo  and  Delgadillo — Corregi- 
miento  System  Introduced — A  Check  to  Slavery — Advancement  of 
Natives — Social  Reforms — Founding  of  Puebla  of  the  Angels — Secret 
Order  to  Restrict  Encomiendas — General  Clamor  against  It — The 
Conquerors  and  their  Reward   320 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 

1526-1534. 

CorujQa's  Mission — Advance  of  the  Cross — Entry  of  Guzman  into  Michoa- 
can — His  Atrocities — Terrible  Fate  of  King  Tangaxoan — Campaign 
in  Cuinas,  Cuitzco,  and  along  Chapala  Lake — Battle  of  Tonala — 
Raids  from  Nochistlan — El  Gran  Teul — Operations  in  Jalisco — In 
Quest  of  the  Amazons — The  Greater  Spain — Crossing  the  Espiritu 
Santo — On  to  Etzatlan — Devastating  Floods — Branding  Slaves — The 
Amazon  Myth — Change  of  Plans — Founding  of  Towns — Guzman 
Defies  the  Audiencia — Castilla's  Discomfiture — Nemesis — Bibliog- 
raphy  341 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  VICEREGAL  GOVERNMENT. 

1535-1537. 

Appointment  of  Mendoza — His  Instructions  and  Prerogatives — Arrival 
and  Reception  of  the  First  Viceroy — Inaugural  Ceremonies — Retire- 


X 


CONTENTS. 


ment  of  the  Oidores — Difficulties  of  the  Administration — City 
Improvements — Defensive  Measures — Apparent  Weakness  of  the 
Spaniards — Proclivities  and  Condition  of  Negroes — Their  Conspiracy 
and  its  Suppression — Muster  of  Spaniards  in  the  Capital   375 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 
1530-1540. 

Troubles  of  Bishop  Zumarraga — He  Goes  to  Spain — His  Consecration 
and  Return  to  Mexico — First  Churches  in  the  Capital — Uncertain 
Priority  and  Sites — The  First  Cathedral — Necessity  of  More  Bishop- 
rics— Dioceses  of  Oajaca  and  Michoacan  Established — Franciscan 
Progress — Custodia  of  Santo  Evangelio  Raised  to  a  Province — Labors 
of  the  Padres — Dominican  Provincia  Established — Unseemly  Strife — 
Successful  Propagandism — Arrival  of  Augustinians — Labors  and 
Hardships — Provincia  Established — Miraculous  Shrine  at  Chalma — 
Dagon  Overthrown — The  Virgin  of  Guadalupe — A  Glorious  Vision — 
A  Modest  Shrine  and  a  Costly  Church — A  Wonderful  Painting — 
Multitudes  of  Converts — Secret  Idolatry   386 

CHAPTER  XX. 

FUTILE   ATTEMPTS   TOWARD  DISCOVERY. 

1530-1540. 

Authority  of  Cortes  Curtailed — Indian  Conspiracy  Suppressed — Disturb- 
ances in  Oajaca — An  Empty  Title — Cortes  and  the  Colonists  of  Ante- 
quera — Further  Disputes  with  the  Audiencia — Cortes  Persistent — 
Baffled  Efforts  at  Discovery — High  Hopes  and  a  Lowly  Dwelling — 
Misfortune  Follows  Misfortune — Guzman's  Animosity — Cortes  De- 
fiant— He  Sails  Northward — Failure  of  the  Enterprise — Rivalry  of 
Mendoza — Cortes  Disgusted — He  Returns  to  Spain   410 

CHAPTER  XXL 

CONQUEST    OF  YUCATAN. 

1527-1549. 

Aboriginal  Yucatan — Francisco  de  Montejo  Appointed  Governor — Battle 
of  Ak6 — The  Spaniards  March  on  Chichen  Itza — Alonso  de  Avila  and 
his  Band  in  Quest  of  Gold — His  Message  to  the  Lord  of  Chetumal — 
The  Chieftain's  Reply — Avila's  Command  Besieged — Their  Escape 
and  Departure  for  Honduras — Montejo  Defeated — The  Canine  Bell- 
ringer — Flight  of  the  Spaniards — The  Adelantado's  Narrow  Escape — 
Gallantry  of  Bias  Gonzalez — The  Governor  Departs  for  Tabasco — The 
Spaniards  Driven  into  the  Sea — Montejo  Transfers  his  Rights  to 
his  Son — The  Spaniards  Again  Besieged — Torture  of  Diego  and  Juan 
Cansino — Santillan  Takes  Montejo  s  Residencia — Missionary  Labors.  428 


CONTENTS. 


xi 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN. 

1536-1542. 

PAGE 

Torre  Appointed  Juez  de  Residencia — An  Unpleasant  Meeting— The 
Vulture  Encaged  —  Guzman's  Release  and  Departure  to  Spain — 
Clipped  Wings — Guzman's  Death  and  Character — Tone's  Official 
Investigations — His  Wise  Administration — Indian  Revolt — A  Catas- 
trophe— Torre's  Last  Hours — His  Character  —  Coronado  Succeeds 
Him  as  Governor — His  Incompetency — Delusive  Hopes — A  Profitless 
Expedition — Niza  Revives  Enthusiasm — Visions  of  Conquest  and 
Wealth  —  Troubles  Foreshadowed — Coronado's  Expedition  North- 
ward— His  Disappointment  and  Return — Contemporary  Progress  in 
Michoacan — A  Useful  Visitador — Reforms  and  Prosperity — Quiroga 
Made  Bishop  of  Michoacan — His  Beneficent  Rule   457 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

DEATH  OF  CORTES. 

1540-  1547. 

Departure  of  Cortes  for  Spain — His  Arrival  and  Reception — Hollow 
Show — Vain  Hopes  —  He  Joins  the  Expedition  to  Algiers — And 
Suffers  Shipwreck — Loss  of  the  Famous  Emeralds — He  is  Slighted 
at  a  Council  of  War — Return  to  Madrid — A  Fruitless  Petition — 
More  Indignities — Last  Touching  Appeal — Determination  to  Return 
to  Mexico — Last  Illness  and  Death  of  the  Conqueror — Disposition  of 
the  Remains — His  Last  Will — The  Estate — The  Descendants  of  Cor- 
tes— Resume  of  his  Character   474 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  MIXTON  WAR. 

1541-  1542. 

Rule  of  Onate  in  Nueva  Galicia  —  His  Difficult  Position — Rebellion 
Rife — Departure  of  Coronado — Causes  of  Dissatisfaction — Beginning 
of  Hostilities — Defeat  of  Ibarra — Alvarado  Arrives  at  Navidad — 
And  is  Appealed  to  for  Aid — He  Receives  a  Summons  from  Mendoza, 
and  Departs  for  Tiripitio — Agreement  between  Them — Alvarado 
Returns  to  Oiiate's  Relief — Precipitous  Attack  on  Nochistlan — De- 
feat of  the  Spaniards — And  Death  of  Alvarado — Arrival  of  Mendoza 
with  Reenforcements — His  Successful  Campaign — End  of  the  Mixton 
War — Expeditions  of  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo  and  Ruy  Lopez  de  Villa- 
lobos — The  Survivors  of  Soto's  Florida  Expedition  Arrive  at  Panuco.  490 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE  NEW  LAWS. 

1543-1546. 

Causes  for  Enactment  of  New  Laws — Success  of  Las  Casas — Provisions  of 
the  New  Code — They  Cause  Excitement  among  the  Colonists — 


xii 


CONTENTS. 


Efforts  to  Introduce  Them  in  New  Spain — Visitador  Francisco  Tello  de 
Sandoval — He  Publishes  the  New  Laws  in  Mexico — Indignation  of 
the  Encomenderos — They  Send  Procuradors  to  Spain — Who  Obtain 
the  Revocation  of  a  Portion  of  the  New  Laws — The  Emperor's  Views 
on  the  Subject — Ravages  of  Pestilence — Eruptions  of  Volcanoes — 
Reduction  of  Tribute — Small  Coins — Interestedness  of  the  Clergy — 
Land  Grants — Ambiguous  Attitude  of  Mendoza — Convention  of  Bish- 
ops— Arrival  of  Las  Casas — Mendoza  Prohibits  Discussion  on  Indian 
Affairs  —  Decision  of  Ecclesiastics  Declaring  Slavery  Unlawful — 
Return  of  the  Visitador  to  Spain   516 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

END  OF  MENDOZA's  KULE. 

1547-1550. 

General  Improvements — Agriculture,  Industry,  and  Commerce — Encour- 
agement of  Marriages — Aid  to  Peru — Conspiracy  and  Revolt — Chi- 
chimecs  and  Otomis — Conquest  of  Queretaro — Removal  of  Guada- 
lajara— Coronado  Returns — His  Resignation — Audiencia  at  Compos- 
tela — Removal  to  Guadalajara — Discovery  of  Mines — Settlement  of 
Zacatecas — The  Archdiocese  of  Mexico — Death  of  Bishop  Zumarraga 
— His  Last  Will — Character  of  the  Prelate  and  the  Man — A  False 
Visitador 's  Audacity — Last  Acts  of  the  Viceroy — He  is  Appointed 
to  Peru  and  is  Superseded  by  Luis  de  Velasco — Mendoza's  Departure 
for  Peru — And  his  Death   535 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

INDIAN  POLICY. 

1550-  1560. 

Luis  de  Velasco,  Second  Viceroy — Royal  Instructions  and  Subsequent 
Regulations — Enforcement  of  the  New  Laws — Consternation  Caused 
by  their  Execution — Slaves  Set  Free — Diego  Ramirez'  Commission — 
Caciques'  Abuses  Checked — The  Crown  Assumes  Full  Jurisdiction — 
Encomienda  Entail — Opposition  of  the  Audiencia — Bad  Effects  of 
the  New  Laws  on  Mining  and  Revenue — Population  and  its  Charac- 
ter— Reform  Measures  —  Powers  of  the  Viceroy  Restricted — The 
Audiencia  Made  his  Council — Philip  II.  Proclaimed  King — He  Begs 
for  Money   563 

CHAPTER  XXVIIL 

^  VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 

1551-  1564. 

Arrival  of  Martin  Cortes,  Second  Marques  del  Valle — Visitador  Valder- 
rama  and  his  Relations  with  Cortes — New  Policy  Regarding  Enco- 
miendas — Cortes'  Troubles — Threatened  Revolt  and  Velasco's  Wise 
Course — Royal  Orders  Affecting  the  Audiencia — The  Visitador 's 


CONTENTS. 


xiii 


Exactions  of  the  Indians— His  Efforts  to  Check  Abuses,  and  Proposed 
Reforms — His  Disagreements  with  the  Viceroy — Condition  and  Char- 
acter of  Velasco — His  Death,  Burial,  and  General  Regret — Public 
Education — Floods  in  the  Mexican  Valley — Disastrous  Expedition  to 
Florida — Settlements  in  Zacatecas  and  Guanajuato — Conquest  of  the 
North-western  Region — Kingdom  of  Nueva  Viscaya — Expedition  to 
the  Philippines  and  its  Results   579 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

•  THE  AVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 

1564-1568. 

The  Audiencia's  Weak  Rule — 111  Feeling  toward  the  Marques  del  Valle — 
Encomienda  Policy — Alonso  de  Avila's  Masquerade — Plot  against  the 
Crown — Valderrama  Returns  to  Spain — Conspiracy  Reported — Great 
Christening  of  the  Marques'  Twins — Arrest  of  the  Marques  and 
Others — Trial  and  Execution  of  the  Brothers  Avila — Marques  de 
Falces,  Third  Viceroy — Marques  del  Valle  Sent  to  Spain — Falces 
Deposed  by  Munoz  and  Carrillo — Their  Cruel  Course — Martin  Cortes 
Tortured — His  Courage — Complaints  Reach  the  Crown — Summary 
Removal  of  Munoz  and  Carrillo — ^Their  Fate — Falces  Vindicated — 
Second  Rule  of  the  Audiencia — Sufferings  of  the  Marques — Final 
Acquittal — Loss  of  Domain  and  Property — His  Death — Return  of 
Luis  Cortes — Later  Life  of  Martin  Cortes   602 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 

1568-1580. 

Temporary  Government  of  the  Audiencia — John  Hawkins  Invades  Vera 
Cruz — His  Defeat  and  Expulsion — Fate  of  the  English  Prisoners — 
Viceroy  Martin  Enriquez  de  Almansa — Drake's  Operations — Foreign 
Raids — Yucatan,  its  Government  and  Indian  Affairs — First  Acts  of 
Enriquez — Organization  of  Military  Forces — Campaigns  against  the 
Chichimecs — Presidios  and  Movable  Block-houses — Matlalzahuatl 
Epidemic  and  its  Havoc — Famine — Inundation — Recall  of  Enriquez — 
His  Government  Policy — His  Death   637 


CHAPTER  XXXL 

CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 
1550-1600. 

Archbishop  Alonso  de  Monttifar — Jealousy  between  the  Secular  and  Reg- 
ular Clergy — Royal  Support  of  the  Friars — Differences  between  the 
Friars  and  the  Civil  Power — Father  Gerdnimo  de  Mendieta  Defends 
the  Religious — His  Works — Position  of  the  Friars  and  their  Influence 
with  the  Natives— Persons  Excluded  from  the  Priesthood — Reli- 
gious Riot  in  Mexico — The  Sacramental  Dispute — First  and  Second 
Ecclesiastic  Councils  of  Mexico — Archbishop  Montdfar's  Death — 
The  Inquisition — Its  Establishment,  Privileges,  Objects,  and  Acts — 


xiv 


CONTENTS. 


Father  Landa's  Treatment  of  Idolaters — Archbishop  Moya  y  Con- 
treras — Third  Ecclesiastic  Council  and  its  Acts — Archbishop  Mon- 
tiifar's  Departure — Alon&o  Fernandez  de  Bonilla  Succeeds  Him — 
Other  Dioceses  in  the  Country  and  their  History  „ ,   663 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

BELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

1550-1600. 

The  Society  of  Jesus  in  New  Spain — Distinguished  Patrons  of  the  Order 
and  their  Services — Importation  of  Holy  Relics — Spread  of  the 
Jesuits  through  the  Country — Brothers  of  Charity  and  St  Hyppo- 
lytus — Purposes  of  the  Association — The  Carmelites — Their  Labors 
and  Advancement — Benedictines  and  their  Priory  in  Mexico — The 
Franciscans  and  their  Several  Provinces — Their  Work  and  Influ- 
ence— Troubles  with  the  Viceroys — Noted  Franciscans  in  the  Several 
Provinces — Order  of  Barefooted  Franciscans — Their  Custodial  and 
Provincial  Organization  —  The  Dominicans  and  their  Successes — 
Their  Distinguished  Men  —  The  Order  of  St  Augustine  —  Strict 
Rules — The  Mercenaries,  or  Order  of  Mercy — Their  Settlement  in 
Mexico — Religious  Brotherhoods  and  the  Objects  of  their  Devo- 
tion— Nunneries  in  Mexico,  Oajaca,  and  Michoacan,  and  their  Uses..  700 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 

1580-1589. 

Suarez  de  Mendoza,  Count  de  la  Coruna — A  too  Benignant  Rule — Golden 
Times  for  the  Corrupt  Officials — Suarez  well  out  of  It — Archbishop 
Moya  y  Contreras  Made  Visitador — Then  Viceroy — A  Stern  Ruler — 
He  Makes  Money  for  his  Master — Hard  Times  for  the  Wicked  Offi- 
cials— They  Beg  Deliverance  from  Moya — And  Receive  It — Z^niga, 
Marques  de  Villamanrique — A  Just  and  Moderate  Rule — Pirates  on 
the  West  Coast — Cavendish  Captures  a  Galleon — A  Rare  Prize — 
California  Coast  Defences — Commerce  on  the  Atlantic — Epidemic, 
Earthquakes,  and  Social  Disruption — Villamanrique  Deposed  and 
Humiliated   739 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 

1589-1600. 

Rumored  Insurrection — Fears  of  Velasco,  the  New  Viceroy — Reception — 
City  Improvements — The  Chichimecs — The  Mines  of  Guanajuato, 
San  Luis  Potosf,  and  Zacatecas — Founding  of  Towns — Philip  Wants 
More  Money — Velasco's  Astute  Measure — Conde  de  Monterey,  Vice- 
roy— Futile  Effi?rts  to  Move  the  Indian  —  Race  Intermixtures — 
Nuevo  Leon — Occupation  of  the  Northern  Country — Governor  Cara- 
bajal  —  Review  of  the  Century — Bibliographical — Writers  Subse- 
quent to  the  Conquest — Torquemada  among  Others   757 


HISTORY  OF  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  I. 

REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO. 
1521-1523. 

Quarrelling  over  the  Booty — Poor  Eesults — Torture  of  Quauhtemo* 
TziN— Treasure-hunting — A  Disappointment — Pasquinades— Finan- 
cial Measures — A  Sabine  Capture — Looking  for  a  Capital — Mex- 
ico Selected — Municipality  Formed — Planning  the  City — Aecht- 
tectural  Features — Cortes'  Palaces — Building  Material — Fort 
AND  Aqueduct— Attracting  Serfs  and  Settlers — Merry  Toilers — 
Arms  of  Tenochtitlan. 

Famed  Tenochtitlan  had  fallen,  its  splendor  buried 
with  the  blood-stained  altars  that  had  so  long  been  a 
terror  to  And,huac.  And  the  proud  Aztecs  lay  trodden 
under  foot,  beaten  back  into  their  original  abasement, 
as  serfs  and  refugees,  to  form  with  their  emblazoned 
prestige  a  pedestal  for  the  victor's  fame.  The  promise 
of  Cortes  to  the  king,  made  two  years  before,  was 
fulfilled,  and  his  prospects  were  very  bright.  Little 
fear  now  of  dungeons,  of  a  traitor's  fate;  he  could 
boldly  face  his  arch-enemy  and  rival,  and  point  to  all- 
justifying  success  as  an  advocate  for  the  attainment 
even  of  the  coveted  governorship  of  this  empire,  the 
largest  and  richest  so  far  acquired  for  his  sovereign. 
Proudly  exultant,  he  hugged  himself  as  his  mind 
dwelt  upon  the  foremost  conqueror  in  the  Indies. 

But  his  cup  was  not  wholly  free  from  bitterness 
even  now;  whose  is?  His  soldiers  and  companions 
expected  also  their  reward,  and  that  quickly  and  in 

Vol.  II.  1 


2 


REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO. 


tangible  form;  for  this  they  had  risked  Hfe,  and  had 
acquired  for  him  wealth  and  immortality.  A  demand 
was  made  for  an  exhibition  before  royal  officials  of  the 
booty  captured  by  the  troops  during  the  pillage,  and 
the  captives  were  ordered  to  reveal  and  surrender 
whatever  treasures  they  knew  of  But  those  who 
had  secured  valuable  articles  were  by  no  means  pre- 
pared to  give  them  up,  particularly  since  the  leaders 
were  justly  suspected  of  wrongful  appropriation.  The 
brigantine  crews  were  supposed  to  have  had  the  best 
chance  of  securing  spoils.  Of  course  they  denied  the 
insinuations  made,  and  sought  to  divert  the  outcry  in 
another  direction.  The  allies  were  the  culprits,  who 
with  their  immense  numbers  and  knowledge  of  lan- 
guage and  locality  had  penetrated  into  every  corner 
and  carried  off  the  great  prizes  while  the  soldiers 
were  fighting,  leaving  them  the  gleanings.  There 
might  still  be  large  treasures  which  the  Aztecs  had 
hidden  to  spite  their  foes,  as  intimated  more  than  once 
during  the  siege.  When  threatened,  the  captives 
revealed  a  certain  amount,  declaring  that  they  pos- 
sessed no  more.  As  for  the  spoils  lost  during  the 
retreat  of  the  Spaniards,  they  had  been  swallowed  by 
the  lakes  or  scattered  among  the  thousands  of  pur- 
suers.^ 

When  finally  the  royal  officials  gave  their  report,  it 
appeared  that  the  total  gold  collected  from  the  cap- 
tives and  sacking  parties,  and  smelted  into  bars, 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  caste- 
llanos.  Besides  this  there  were  a  number  of  pieces 
of  too  fine  a  workmanship  to  be  broken  up,  and  many 
jewels  and  pearls,  besides  feather-work  and  fabrics,^  but 

^  Sahagun's  native  record  describes  the  conference  with  the  captives  to 
have  taken  place  on  the  day  after  the  fall,  in  the  quarter  last  captured.  Cor- 
t^a  was  seated  in  great  state  under  a  canopy,  with  the  kings  and  princes  on 
either  side.  Hist.  Conq.,  57-9.  'Huuo  fama  que  lo  (gold)  mand6  echar  Gua- 
temaz  en  la  laguna  quatro  dias  antes.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  158. 
'Diezdias,'  corrects  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  viii.  According  to  Du- 
ran,  it  was  cast  into  a  deep  sacred  well,  and  never  discovered.  Hist.  Ind,^ 
MS.,  ii.  513-14,  the  devil  assisting  to  shield  it,  so  that  no  Christian  should 
enjoy  the  treasure.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  118. 

^  Cort6s,  Cartas,  257-8.   Oviedo,  Gomara,  and  Herrera  follow,  and  Fonseca 


WHERE  IS  THE  GOLD? 


3 


altogether  far  below  the  expectation  of  even  the  most 
moderate  among  the  fortune-hunters.  Talk  of  fraud 
was  heard,  and  many  threatened  to  complain  to  the 
kinof  of  the  manner  in  which  their  services  were  re- 
warded. 

None  would  believe  the  statement  of  the  captive 
princes  that  they  knew  of  no  more  treasures,  and  it 
was  demanded  that  torture  should  be  applied  to  ex- 
tort the  secret  from  them.  To  the  credit  of  Cortes 
be  it  said  that  he  remonstrated  against  this  sugges- 
tion, though  chiefly  because  his  word  had  been  given 
to  respect  the  prisoners.  Or,  indeed,  his  opposition 
may  have  been  for  effect.  At  all  events  this  effort 
to  shield  the  princes  directed  the  outburst  of  the  sol- 
diers against  himself  He  is  conniving  with  Quauhte- 
motzin,"  they  said,  "  in  order  to  secure  possession  of 
the  treasures."^  Thus  pressed,  the  general  jdelded  a 
perhaps  not  unwilling  assent,  and  to  his  never  ending 
shame  he  surrendered  the  emperor  and  the  king  of 
Tlacopan*  to  the  executioners.  Their  method  was 
simple  and  effective  :  the  roasting  of  the  feet  before 
a  slow  fire,  oil  being  applied  to  prevent  a  too  rapid 
charring  of  the  flesh,  for  this  might  lessen  the  pain 
and  defeat  the  purpose.^ 

Quauhtemotzin  is  said  to  have  borne  his  suffering 
with  the  usual  stoicism  of  an  Indian,  and  when  his 

and  Urrutia,  Real.  Hac,  i.  5.  The  bar  gold  was  equivalent  to  *  19. 200  oncie.' 

Clav'tf/ero,  Storia  Iless.,  iii.  232.  Bernal  Diaz  appears  to  estimate  the  bars 
alone  at  380,000  pesos  de  oro,  yet  subsequent  lines  indicate  this  to  represent 
all  the  treasure,  loc.  cit.  *  los  mexicanos  el  sacaron  todas  las  joyas  que  tenian 
escondidas  en  una  canoa  llena.'  Sahagun,  ubi  sup. 

The  chief  accuser,  says  Herrera,  was  the  treasurer  Alderete,  a  creature 
of  the  bishop  of  Burgos,  the  enemy  of  Cortds.  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  viii. 

*  Chimalpain  enumerates  Cohuancoch,  the  ex-king  of  Tezcuco,  the  Cihua- 
coatl,  Aquici  the  prince  of  Azcapuzalco,  the  city  of  goldsmiths,  and  several 
others.  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  76.  Oviedo,  iii.  549,  mentions  the  tripartite  sover- 
eigns, while  Gomara,  followed  by  Herrera,  allows  merely  the  emperor  and 
his  favorite  courtier  to  be  tortured,  Bemal  Diaz  calling  the  latter  king  of 
Tlacopan. 

^'The  feet  and  hands  were  burned.*  Testimony  of  Doctor  Ojeda,  who 
cared  for  the  wounds.  CorUs,  Residencia,  1,  106,  126.    '  Bruciargli  a  poco  a 

{)oca  i  piedi  dopo  avergli  unti  d'olio.'  Clavkjero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  233.  'For 
o  que  qued6  casi  impossibilitado  de  andar.'  Bustamante,  in  Sahagun,  IlisU 
Conq.  (ed.  1840),  237.  *Un  violente  ecsamen,'  is  the  mild  term  used  by 
Panes,  in  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.y  MS.,  58.    Robertson  condemns  the  tor- 


4 


REBXnLDING  OF  MEXICO. 


fellow- victim  turned  Iti  anguish  as  if  appealing  for 
compassion,  he  exclaimed  rebukingly:  Think  you 
that  I  enjoy  it?"^  Nevertheless  Quauhtemotzin  cud- 
gelled his  brain  to  bethink  himself  how  to  escape  tor- 
ment, and  pointed  out  a  number  of  places  where 
treasures  might  be  found.  Thereupon  Cortes  stepped 
forward,  thinking  if  possible  to  recover  his  name  from 
foul  dishonor,  and  said:  "Such  behavior  to  a  king  is 
cruel,  inhuman;  I  will  have  none  of  it."  Nevertheless 
Quauhtemotzin  went  on  to  tell  how  the  canoe  of  some 
rich  fugitives  was  upset  by  a  brigantine,  indicating 
that  and  other  spots  where  treasures  might  be  found. 
Search  was  made  and  divers  employed,  but  with  insig- 
nificant results. 

The  king  of  Tlacopan  offered  himself  to  point  out 
the  places  where  gold  had  been  hidden  some  distance 
from  the  city.  Alvarado  went  with  him  and  at  their 
heels  a  crowd  of  Spaniards.  Arrived  at  the  spot 
the  captive  declared  that  his  statement  was  but  an  in- 
vention to  save  himself  from  further  torture.  He  had 
hoped  to  die  on  the  way.  But  Alvarado  permitted 
the  king  to  live,  though  in  truth  he  was  reserved  for 
a  fate  worse  than  immediate  death. ^  The  search  con- 
tinued: houses  were  again  ransacked,  gardens  up- 
turned, cellars  and  passages  examined,  and  graves  were 
opened  and  the  lake  was  dragged.^ 

ture  as  *a  deed  which  stained  the  glory  of  all  his  great  actions.'  Hist.  Am., 
ii.  126.  'An  indelible  stain' on  his  honor.  Prescott's  Mex.,  iii.  234-5.  Ala- 
man  expresses  himself  in  a  similar  manner,  while  Bustamante  charges  the 
deed  fiercely  to  Cortes'  extreme  greed,  ubi  sup. 

^  This  utterance  has  become  famous  in  Robertson's  free  rendering :  *  Am  I 
now  reposing  on  a  bed  of  flowers?'  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  127.  Others  substitute 
'roses'  for  flowers.  Herrera  writes  simply :  ' Nor  am  I  in  delight. '  Herrera 
also  says  that  the  companion  of  Quauhtemotzin  died  during  the  torture. 

'See  IJist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  551-5,  this  series.  Testimony  in  Cortds,  Resi- 
dencia,  i.  167,  declares  that  the  prisoners  revealed  several  rich  deposits  which 
Cortes  quietly  appropriated;  and  Alvarado  may  have  been  saspected  of  a 
similar  act. 

^In  the  reservoir  of  Quanhtemotzin's  residence  was  found  a  sun  disk  of 
gold,  and  a  number  of  jewels.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  158.  A  noble  indi- 
cated an  idol  in  the  same  place  as  probably  containing  gold,  but  a  long  search 
revealing  nothing,  Cort6s  ordered  him  to  be  roasted  alive  and  then  cast  half- 
dead  into  the  lake.  Seeing  this  and  other  outrages  the  emj^eror  in  his  fear 
and  despair  attempted  to  hang  himself.  Sworn  testimony  of  Zamora  and 
Orduna,  in  Cortes,  Besidencia,  ii.  203-4,  nevertheless  to  be  taken  with  allow- 


RESULTS  OF  TOETUHE. 


5 


A  trifling  amount  was  thus  obtained,  which  was 
gradually  increased  by  presents  and  tributes  from 
neighboring  provinces;  but  this  proved  little  among  so 
many,  reduced  as  it  was  by  the  ro^^al  fifth  and  the 
assignment  secured  by  the  opportune  manoeuvre  on 
Cortes'  part  of  offering  the  choicest  pieces  of  jewelry 
as  a  present  to  the  emperor.^  The  share  of  the  horse- 
men was  about  one  hundred  pesos  de  oro/^  and  that  of 
others  proportionately  less.  Indignation  now  burst 
forth  anew,  and  many  scorned  to  accept  their  share. 
The  treasurer  Alderete  was  included  among  those 
suspected  of  fraud,  and  to  exonerate  himself,  cast  the 
blame  on  Cortes. 

ance.  Ixtlilxochitl  claims  to  have  secured  the  release  of  a  tortured  courtier 
by  expostulating  with  Cortes,  and  representing  that  the  Mexicans  might 
revolt  if  such  measures  continued.  He  also  sought  to  procure  the  release  of 
his  brother  Cohuanacoch  from  prison.  To  this  end  he  ransacked  all  Tezcuco 
for  treasures,  and  borrowed  from  his  relatives,  and  then  alone  did  he  succeed. 
Shackles  and  confinement  had  reduced  the  prince  to  a  pitiable  condition. 
Hor.  Crueldades,  64-5.  He  was  afterward  baptized  as  Pedro  Alvarado. 
Cedula,  1551;  Dice.  Univ.,  iv.  165.  The  desecration  of  graves  by  treasure- 
hunters  had  been  practised  before  the  fall,  and  when  the  central  temple  was 
captured  a  discovery  of  a  grave  therein  with  1,500  castellanos  served  to  direct 
cupidity  in  this  direction.  Cortes,  Cartas,  243. 

^'Que  valia  dos  vuzes  mas  que  la  que  aula  sacado  para  repartir  el  Real 
quinto.'  Bernal  Diaz,  loc.  cit.  Oviedo,  iii.  424,  estimates  the  total  royal  fifth 
at  over  50,000  pesos  de  oro,  others  at  less;  while  a  witness  in  Co7^t4s,  Besidmcia, 
i.  124,  206,  states  that  Cortes  defrauded  the  crown  of  the  fifth  due  on  some 
200,000  castellanos  of  valuables  which  came  in  from  the  provinces.  In  the 
accouffb  of  the  royal  officials  of  June,  1522,  the  total  gold  melted  between 
September  1521  and  May  16,  1522,  is  given  at  164,404  pesos  (evidently  de 
oro)  including  all  obtained  since  the  flight  from  Mexico.  The  royal  fifth  on 
this,  on  slaves,  etc.,  but  not  on  unbroken  jewels,  amounted  to  48,000  and  odd. 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xii.  260-8. 

'Cabian  los  de  a  cauallo  a  cien  pesos.'  Bernal  Diaz,  ubi  sup.  Judging 
from  former  statements  this  should  read  pesos  de  oro.  A  horse  at  this  time 
cost  from  450  to  500  pesos,  a  firelock  100  pesos,  etc.  Probanza  de  Lejalde,  in  Icaz- 
balceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  417;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  243. 

^1  Among  the  secret  charges  brought  out  at  the  later  residencia  was  that 
Cortes  had  the  custody  of  the  official  dies  for  marking  gold,  and  by  this  means 
defrauded  the  crown  of  some  70,000  castellanos.  Cortes,  Besidencia,  i.  1G5, 
267.  See  also  note  9.  A  little  consideration  would  have  shown  the  credulous 
soldiers  that  their  estimate  of  treasures  was  inordinate.  During  Montezuma's 
time,  when  the  treasury  was  fullest,  the  surrender  of  its  entire  contents, 
together  with  contributions  from  provincial  towns  and  rulers,  brought  about 
600,000  pesos  de  oro  to  the  expedition  cofiers.  A  considerable  part  of  this  was 
carried  away  by  the  fleeing  army,  and  a  larger  portion  of  it  lost  in  the  lake. 
The  present  spoil  must  be  assumed  to  have  come  from  what  thy  Aztecs  recov- 
ered of  the  lost  portion,  and  from  the  contributions  since  received  from  the 
provinces.  These  must  have  been  meagre,  since  the  towns  and  rulers  had  been 
plundered  of  most  valuables,  and  sinco  but  few  would  contribute  to  the  now 
humbled  and  isolated  capital  city.  From  these  existing  treasures  the  ixiaraud- 


6 


REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO. 


It  was  readily  believed  that  he  had  secured  for  him- 
self, besides  the  fifth  granted  to  him  by  the  a|>Teement 
at  Villa  Kica,  and  a  sum  to  repay  him  for  certain  losses, 
the  richest  treasures  revealed  by  the  tortured  cap- 
tives. The  exaggerated  estimate  of  Aztec  wealth,  based 
on  native  testimony,  and  impressed  by  the  bombast  of 
the  adherents  of  Cortes,  was  too  deeply  rooted  in  the 
minds  of  the  soldiers  to  be  eradicated  by  argument, 
although  a  little  reflection  convinced  a  few  of  the 
more  thoughtful  how  unreasonable  their  expectations 
had  been. 

The  general  occupied  at  this  time  a  palace  at  Coyu- 
huacan,  and  on  its  white  coating  the  soldiers  found  an 
outlet  for  their  feelings  which  they  dared  not  openly 
express.  Inscribed  upon  the  wall,  for  several  morn- 
ings, in  prose  and  verse,  appeared  honest  complaints 
and  malicious  attacks.  Most  of  them  were  from  the 
men  of  Narvaez,  to  judge  from  the  allusions  to  Cortes 
as  an  upstart  and  usurper,  who  had  come  to  reap  what 
Velazquez  had  sown,  and  who  w^ould  soon  descend  to 
his  proper  low  level.  Priding  himself  both  on  his  wit 
and  poetry,  Cortes  stooped  to  add  his  couplets  of 
retort,  only  to  encourage  the  libellers  to  more  out- 
rageous utterances.  Finally,  at  Father  Olmedo's 
suggestion,  a  notice  was  posted  forbidding  such  pas- 
quinades under  heavy  penalty.^^ 

The  discontent  was  partly  due  to  the  inability  of 

ing  allies  must  have  secured  a  portion,  and  the  fortunate  white  sackers  another. 
Hence  the  amount  secured  for  the  expedition  cannot  be  considered  much  below 
what  should  have  been  expected.  Little  could  have  been  cast  into  the  lake, 
or  purposely  hidden  by  the  Aztecs,  although  a  contrary  opinion  is  still  widely 
cherished  even  by  staid  historians.  As  for  the  amounts  supposed  to  have  been 
privately  secured  by  Cortes,  chiefly  from  the  treasures  taken  away  during  the 
Sorrowful  Night,  no  proof  was  ever  brought  to  substantiate  them.  He  no  doubt 
took  care  to  obtain  a  certain  share,  but  he  also  expended  it  freely,  in  sending 
to  the  Islands  for  war  stores,  horses,  and  provisions,  in  supplying  agents  in 
bribery,  and  what  not.  It  is  not  likely  that  he  could  have  secured  any  large 
amounts  for  himself  from  the  present  spoils. 

^-  Bernal  Diaz  names  several  Velazquez  men  who  led  in  this  word  skirmish. 
Alvarado,  Olmedo,  and  others  proposed  that  the  total  treasure  should  be  set 
apart  for  the  wounded  and  disabled,  and  it  was  hoped  that  this  would  induce 
Cortes  to  surrender  a  goodly  share;  but  nothing  was  done.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad.,  158. 


THE  POOR  ROBBERS. 


7 


the  soldiers  to  pay  for  the  clothes,  arms,  and  other 
supplies  obtained  on  credit  in  Cuba  and  from  sup- 
ply v^^^els,  or  to  satisfy  doctors  and  other  per- 
sons clamoring  for  money.  The  remedy  applied  by 
Cortes  was  to  ap}»oint  two  able  and  esteemed  ap- 
praisers, w^ho  determined  upon  the  validity  and  amount 
of  every  claim,  and  on  finding  the  debtor  unable  to 
pay  granted  him  a  respite  of  two  years.  Another 
measure  to  relieve  the  financial  strait  was  to  lower 
the  standard  of  gold  by  three  carats,  so  as  to  counter- 
act the  rapacity  of  the  traders;  but  the  latter  raised 
their  prices  even  more  than  enough  to  cover  the  dif- 
ference, and  the  soldiers  remained  the  losers.  This 
gold,  known  as  tepiizque,  the  native  name  for  copper, 
fell  more  and  more  into  discredit  as  unprincipled  per- 
sons added  to  the  alloy,  and  some  years  later  it  was 
withdrawn  from  circulation  in  payment  of  certain  dues 
and  fines.  The  name  of  tepuzque  lingered  in  the 
vocabulary,  however,  and  was  applied  also  to  persons 
and  things  having  a  false  gloss. 

Further  discontent  was  caused  by  an  order  for  the 
surrender  of  the  wives  and  daughters  of  prominent 
Aztecs  seized  by  the  soldiers.  The  demand  had  been 
made  by  Quauhtemotzin  and  other  leading  captives, 
in  accordance  with  the  promises  extended  at  the 
capitulation,  and  could  hardly  be  ignored,  though  the 
efforts  to  carry  out  the  order  were  reluctant  enough. 
Many  of  the  fair  captives  were  hidden;  others  had 
already  been  reconciled  to  a  change  of  lords  with  the 
aid  of  baubles  and  blandishments,  and  the  rest  were 
nearly  all  induced  to  declare  their  unwillingness  to 

^3  In  Guanajuato  silver  of  inferior  standard  is  still  called  plata  de  tepuzcos. 
Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  158.  The  municipality  of  Mexico  on  April  6,  1526, 
ordered  the  coinage  of  tepuzque  gold  into  pieces  of  1,  2,  and  4  tomines,  and  1, 
2,  and  4  pesos.  By  August  nearly  3,000  pesos  had  been  issued.  Libro  de  Ca- 
hildo,  MS.  The  remedies  were  extended  also  to  the  soldiers  at  Villa  Rica  and 
other  places,  whose  share  in  the  spoils  had  been  made  equal  to  that  of  the 
active  besiegers,  in  order  to  keep  them  content  with  garrison  life.  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  5-10.  In  the  following  pages  is  given  tlie  text 
of  the  contract  between  Cortes  and  the  expedition  forces,  wherein  he  is 
granted  one  fifth  in  consideration  for  his  duties  and  extra  expenses.  It  ia 
dated  August  6,  1519. 


8 


REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO. 


return,  chiefly  under  the  shielding  excuse  that  idola- 
try had  become  unendurable  after  the  revelations  of 
Christian  doctrines  and  practices.^* 

The  question  of  paramount  interest  now  was,  what 
to  do  with  the  captured  city,  and  in  order  to  settle  it 
a  conference  was  held  at  Coyuhuacan.  A  stronghold 
was  certainly  needed  in  the  valley  to  assure  its  posses- 
sion, and  since  this  must  evidently  become  the  capital 
of  the  new  empire,  the  site  required  careful  consider- 
ation. The  majority  at  once  inclined  toward  Mexico, 
endeared  to  their  mind  by  the  recollection  of  her 
architectural  beauties  and  by  her  striking  situation, 
all  enhanced  by  the  difficulties  and  cost  of  life  con- 
nected with  the  capture.  This  bias  was  supported  by 
the  undeniable  strategic  value  of  the  position  in  being 
protected  on  all  sides  by  water,  the  primary  induce- 
ment, indeed,  which  had  led  the  Aztecs  to  choose  the 
site.  This  also  afforded  free  play  to  the  movements 
of  the  imposing  fleet,  both  for  defence  and  for  con- 
trolling the  lake  districts.  There  were  several  persons, 
however,  who  objected  to  the  site.  In  case  of  revolt 
the  natives  might  cut  the  causeways,  and  by  aid  of 
the  besieging  manoeuvres  taught  by  the  Spaniards 
render  their  situation  on  the  island  most  precarious. 
Even  if  the  fleet  prevented  this  danger  to  a  certain 
extent,  it  would  be  difficult  to  obtain  supplies,  and, 
above  all,  the  cavalry,  the  most  effective  instrument 
for  intimidation  and  control,  would  be  rendered  useless, 
while  allies  would  be  less  able  to  cooperate.  A  minor 
objection  was  the  prospect  of  inundations,  which  after- 
ward became  the  most  serious  danger  of  the  city. 
This  party  preferred  Coyuhuacan,  or  rather  Tezcuco, 
which,  strengthened  with  a  wall  on  the  land  side,  and 
open  to  the  lake,  offered  equal  facilities  to  fleet  and 
cavalry  movements,  and  to  intercourse  with  allies, 

i*'Ydestu,  luanera  no  lleuaron  siao  ires.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.y 
V>S.  Duran  assumes  that  most  of  those  taken  during  the  last  days  of  the 
giege  were  surrendered.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  510. 


MUNICIPALITY  CREATED. 


9 


while  supplies  would  be  cheaper  and  of  ready  access.^^ 
Cortes  decided  in  favor  of  the  majority,  however,  and 
maintained  that  the  prestige  of  the  city  throughout 
the  country  was  also  a  matter  of  consequence.^^ 

Mexico  being  accordingly  chosen  for  the  capital, 
municipal  officers  were  appointed  by  Cortes  from 
among  the  leading  men,  with  Pedro  de  Alvarado  as 
leading  alcalde.^^  Prompt  measures  were  taken  to  open 
the  streets  and  remove  the  ruins.  Before  this  a  host 
of  natives  had  been  sent  in  to  take  away  the  dead 
and  clean  the  houses,  while  large  fires  throughout  the 
infected  quarters  assisted  to  purify  the  atmosphere. 
These  sanitary  measures  were  the  more  necessary  in 
visvv  of  the  prospective  diseases  to  follow  in  the  wake 
of  dispersing  denizens  of  the  capital,  and  to  arise  from 

^^Oort^s,  Residencia,  i.  97.  These  objections  were  renewed  at  intervals, 
and  in  a  letter  to  the  king  of  Dec.  15,  1525,  Contador  Albornoz  represented 
that  a  number  of  the  citizens  desired  a  removal  to  either  Coyuhuacan  or  Tez- 
cuco,  using  in  the  main  the  arguments  given.  The  removal  could  be  effected 
within  six  months,  and  the  name  of  the  city  might  be  retained.  Carta,  in  Icaz- 
balceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  506-8.  Later  projects  for  removal  were  based  on  the 
danger  from  inundations  as  will  be  seen,  though  the  extent  then  acquired  by 
the  city  made  it  more  difficult.  See  Cepeda,  HeL,  i.  4-6. 

This  he  adduces  as  a  main  reason  in  the  letter  to  the  king.  Cartas,  262, 
310.  'Por  tener  alii  sugetos  d  los  Yndios  por  que  no  se  le  rebelasen  mudando 
sitio,'  is  the  additional  reason  of  Duran.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  513. 

^'  As  such  he  figures  already  in  Dec.  1521.  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xxvi.  30-1,  so  that  the  rebuilding  must  have  begun  in  that  year,  and 
not  later,  as  many  suppose.  Owing  to  the  loss  of  the  first  year's  record  in  the 
fire  of  1692,  the  names  of  the  first  regidores  are  unknown.  At  first  no  regular 
book  was  kept,  wherein  to  record  their  acts,  'sino  papeles  e  memorias.'  Libido 
de  Cabiido,  MS. ,  Dec.  20, 1527.  The  first  of  the  preserved  records  is  dated  March 
8,  1524,  and  gives  the  attending  members  of  the  council  as:  Francisco  de  las 
Casas,  alcalde  mayor,  Bachiller  Ortega,  alcalde  ordinario,  Bernaldino  Vazquez 
de  Tapia,  Gonzalo  de  Ocampo,  Rodrigo  de  Paz,  Juan  de  Hinojosa,  and  Alonso 
Xaramillo,  regidores,  Francisco  de  Ordufla  acting  as  secretary.  The  sessions 
were  for  a  long  time  held  in  Cortes'  house.  The  most  interesting  are  those 
from  1524  to  1529  inclusive,  which  take  up  the  history  of  Mexico,  so  to  speak, 
from  the  time  Cortes  leaves  it  in  his  celebrated  letters,  recording  the  acts  of 
the  eventful  interregnum  periods  under  Salazar,  Ponce  de  Leon,  Aguilar,  and 
Estrada,  and  including  the  doings  of  the  first  audiencia.  My  copy,  quoted  as 
Libro  de  Cabiido,  is  a  manuscript  in  260  folio  pages,  taken  from  the  volume 
rescued  by  the  savant  Sigiienza  y  Gongora  from  the  fire  of  June  8,  1692, 
started  by  a  hungry  rabble.  Besides  the  notes  from  his  hand,  it  contains 
autograph  annotations  by  the  learned  Pichardo,  and  forms  a  gem  in  the  col- 
lection obtained  by  me  from  the  Maximilian  Library.  By  royal  decree  of 
Octob^ir  22,  1523,  Mexico  was  allowed  12  regidores,  as  a  token  of  favor,  and 
two  years  later  the  sovereign  himself  appointed  one  in  the  person  of  Alonso 
Perez.  Mex.,Ectractos  de  Cedulas,  MS.,  2,  3,  all  of  which  relates  to  the  decrees 
touching  the  ci*y.  Later,  all  leading  cities  were  allowed  12  regidores.  Ilecop. 
de  Indias,  ii.  33. 


10 


REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO. 


a  scarcity  of  provisions  in  the  valley,  where  the  fields 
had  been  ravaged  to  some  extent  before  the  siege,  and 
since  despoiled  by  army  foragers.^^ 

A  plan  was  drawn  for  a  Spanish  quarter,  centring 
round  the  square  already  preeminent  with  imperial 
palaces  and  the  leading  temple  in  Andhuac,  once  con- 
secrated to  Christian  worship.  This  was  the  aristo- 
cratic Tenochtitlan,  a  name  long  preserved  even  in 
official  records  under  the  corrupt  form  of  Temixtitan. 
It  was  separated  by  a  wide  canal  from  the  Indian 
quarter,  which  centred  chiefly  round  Tlatelulco,  re- 
garded as  plebeian  long  before  the  conquest.  Only  a 
small  part  was  covered  by  the  plan/^  beyond  which 
the  houses  afterward  extended  in  striking  irregularity 
as  compared  with  those  in  the  older  quarters.  In 
addition  to  the  three  regular  causeways  two  more 
were  added,  the  support  along  the  aqueduct  from 
Chapultepec  being  enlarged  to  a  road.^^  The  Tlaco- 
pan  road,  or  rather  Tacuba,  as  it  was  henceforth 
termed,  soon  became  a  sort  of  elongated  suburb, 
owing  to  the  numerous  vegetable  gardens  which 
sprang  up  on  either  side  of  it.  The  famous  levee 
which  protected  the  southern  front  of  the  city  from 
the  waters  of  Xochimilco  Lake,  and  had  served  as  a 
resort  for  traders  and  promenaders,  was  strengthened 
and  named  San  Ldzaro.^^ 

The  quarter  was  laid  out  in  rectangular  blocks,  the 

'La  tercera  plaga  fu6  una  muy  gran  hambre  luego  como  in6  tomada  la 
ciudad,'  is  Motolinia's  strong  description  of  it,  and  even  the  Spaniards  were 
pressed  for  want  of  maize.  Bist.  Ind.^  i.  17. 

The  limits  appear  to  have  been  nearly,  Calle  de  la  Santlsima  on  the  east, 
San  Ger6nimo  or  San  Miguel  on  the  south,  Santo  Domingo  on  the  north,  Santa 
Isabel  on  the  west.  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  198. 

^"Vetancurt  writes  toward  the  close  of  the  17th  century:  *Entrase  en  la 
Ciudad  por  seis  calsadas,  las  tres  antiguas  de  Guadalupe  d  el  Norte,  de  Ta- 
cuba al  Poniente,  y  la  de  S.  Anton  al  Medio  dia,  y  por  otras  tres  q  hizieron 
los  Espanoles,  por  la  de  la  Piedad,  por  la  de  la  Chapultepec,  y  la  de  Santiago 
asia  el  Poniente. '  IVat.  Mex.  Cepeda,  Rel.  Mex. ,  i.  3,  4,  half  a  century  earlier, 
gives  the  Santiago  road  a  length  of  5,500  varas  and  a  width  of  10;  the  San 
Anton,  7,000  by  10;  its  Iztapalapan  extension  5,200  by  11;  the  Chapultepec 
3,000  by  7;  the  Tacuba  2,500  by  14.  The  latter  is  now  known  as  San  Cosme. 

'^'^  It  was  9,000  varas  long,  and  6  wide,  and  had  7  openings,  corresponding 
to  so  many  canals  which  passed  through  to  the  lake.  These  canals  were  from 
1,000  to  3,800  varas  long.  Id.    See  Native  Baces,  ii.  560,  et  seq.,  for  descrip* 


PUBLIC  AND  PRIVATE  HOUSES. 


11 


eastern  extension  being  twice  as  long  as  the  northern,^'^ 
and  distributed  among  the  intended  settlers,  with  the 
usual  reservations  for  public  buildings.^^  In  the  cen- 
tral part  hardly  any  of  the  filled  canals  were  reopened, 
but  beyond  the  main  channels  were  left  intact,  and 
spanned  by  stone  bridges.^*  Of  the  two  squares  in 
the  Spanish  quarter,  by  far  the  largest  was  the  former 
central  temple  court,  serving  now  also  for  market- 
place, round  which  were  reserved  sites  for  church,  con- 
vent, gubernatorial  palace,  town-hall,  prison,  and  other 
public  buildings. The  town-hall  was  begun  in  1528, 
only,  and  finished  four  years  later,  enlargements  hav- 
ing speedily  to  be  made.^^  Private  houses  were  erected 
on  a  scale  proportionate  to  the  means  and  aspirations 
of  the  owner,  both  large  in  so  far  as  an  abundance  of 
free  labor  and  material  was  concerned.    The  main 

tion  of  old  Mexico.  Orozco  y  Berra  incorrectly  places  the  central  temple 
between  the  main  southern  and  northern  avenues  instead  of  facing  both.  This 
and  some  other  minor  errors  are  probably  due  to  a  misreading  of  Libro  de 
Cabildo.    I  must  express  my  admiration  for  the  researches  of  this  scholar. 

22  The  streets  were  but  14  varas  wide,  sufficient  for  the  traffic  of  early 
days,  but  uncomfortably  narrow  in  later  times,  so  much  so  that  Revilla  Gigedo, 
in  the  eighteenth  century,  proposed  to  widen  them,  though  the  scheme  was  not 
carried  out.  See  Vetancvrt,  loc.  cit. ;  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  199. 

22  Every  conqueror  received  two  lots,  other  settlers  one,  Cortis,  Cartas, 
310,  with  the  condition  of  building  a  house,  and  holding  possession  for  5  years. 
By  cedula  of  1523  two  cahalleHas  of  land  were  granted  to  each  conqueror  near 
the  town  chosen  for  residence.  The  conditions  were  frequently  evaded  by 
paying  an  indemnity.  See  Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  March  15,  April  1,  8,  15, 
June  10,  November  4,  1524,  and  passim;  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  ii.  The 
term  of  residence  was  afterward  reduced  to  4  years.  Recop.  de  Indias,  ii.  39; 
see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,i.  496-9,  for  laws  concerning  the  founding  of  settlements. 

2*  One  reason  for  filling  the  smaller  channels  was  the  fetid  odors  which  rose 
from  their  shallow  waters.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  235-6.  Cedar  piles  were 
used  in  soft  places, 

2^  Torquemada's  description  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  is 
interesting.  The  plazas  are  3,  all  connected,  the  principal  being  in  front  of  the 
cathedral.  The  northern  extension  is  the  Plazuela  del  Marques,  so  named  from 
Cortes'  houses,  while  the  south-eastern  is  the  plazuela  del  virey,  formerly  known 
as  el  volador,  and  now  also  known  as  de  las  escuelas,  from  the  schools,  the  first 
name  coming  from  the  viceregal  palace  with  its  officers.  The  western  side  of 
the  main  plaza  was  occupied  by  traders,  the  southern  by  the  city-hall  and 
prison.  Monarq.  Ind.,  i.  299. 

26  The  first  reservation  for  it  covered  6  lots.  The  neglect  to  build  caused 
the  lots  to  be  occupied  by  citizens,  but  a  decree  of  December  16,  1527,  restored 
them  to  the  city.  Building  began  April  17, 1528,  and  the  council  took  posses- 
sion May  10,  1532.  Adjoining  buildings  were  purchased  at  different  times, 
30  to  50  years  later,  so  as  to  contain  also  public  granary  and  slaughter-house. 
In  1692  the  building  was  fired  by  a  famine-stricken  mob.  See  Libro  de  Cabildo, 
MS.;  also  Mexican  supplement  to  Dice.  Univ.,  viii.  527. 


12 


REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO. 


effort  was  to  render  the  buildings  strong  in  case  of 
an  uprising,  and  with  this  view  stone  and  masonry 
work  was  the  rule,  and  towers  could  be  erected  at  each 
corner,  which  assisted  to  give  them  an  imposing 
appearance.  The  pains  bestowed  on  architectural 
embellishments,  wherein  churches  and  convents  after- 
ward took  the  lead,  proved  a  salutary  example  to  the 
community,  to  judge  from  Cortes'  enthusiastic  assur- 
ance to  the  emperor  that  within  a  few  years  the  city 
would  take  the  first  rank  in  the  world  for  population 
and  fine  edifices.^^ 

The  general  himself  built  two  fine  houses  on  the 
sites  of  the  old  and  new  palaces  of  Montezuma,  located 
respectively  in  the  western  and  south-eastern  parts 
of  the  ancient  square. They  were  constructed  with 
great  strength,  particularly  the  south-eastern,  which 
contained  more  than  one  interior  court,  and  was  pro- 
tected by  a  projecting  tower  at  each  corner,  and  liber- 
ally provided  with  embrasures  and  loop-holes.  Seven 
thousand  beams  are  said  to  have  been  employed  in  the 
construction.^^  Strength  was  not  the  only  object  of 
these  centrally  located  houses,  but  also  profit,  the 
lower  story  of  one  at  least  being  divided  into  shops, 

2^ '  De  hoy  en  cinco  anos  sera  la  mas  noble  y  populosa  ciudad  que  haya  en 
lo  poblado  del  mundo,  y  de  mejores  edifieios.'  Cartas,  310.  *  Niuna  citt^  in 
Spagna  per  si  gran  tratto  I'ha  migliore  ne  piu  grade. '  Anon.  Conqueror,  in 
Ramusio,  Viaggi,  iii.  309.    He  extols  particularly  the  later  Dominican  convent. 

See  vol.  i.  chap.  xvi.  In  the  royal  cedula  of  July  1529,  granting  to 
Cortds  these  sites,  the  new  palace  is  described  as  bounded  by  the  square  and 
the  Iztapalapan  road,  and  (south  and  east)  by  the  streets  of  Gonzalez  de  Tru- 
jillo  and  Martin  Lopez,  the  shipwright.  The  old  palace  is  bounded  by  the  new 
street  of  Tacuba,  and  that  leading  to  San  Francisco,  and  (westward)  by  the 
houses  of  Rangel,  Farfan,  Terrazas,  and  Zamudio.  Icazbalcefa,  Col.  Doc,  ii. 
28-9;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  213-14.  The  new  palace-site  was 
sold  by  Cortes'  son  to  the  government  on  January  29,  1562,  and  the  viceregal 
palace  rose  upon  it.  The  old  palace,  bounded  to  the  side  and  rear  by  the 
streets  of  Plateros  and  La  Prof  esa,  or  San  Jose  el  Real,  served  up  to  that  time 
for  government  purposes.  Ramirez,  Notidas  de  Mex.,  \i\  Monumentos  Domin. 
Esp.,  MS.,  No.  6,  309  et  seq.;  Carhajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  221-2.  The 
Iztapalapan  road  was  afterward  called  del  Reloj.  Calle  de  la  Celada,  leading 
to  the  rear  of  the  new  palace,  southward,  was  so  called  from  an  ambush 
during  the  siege.  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  203-12,  257-8.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i. 
190,  misleads  Prescott  and  others  about  the  location  of  the  old  palace,  and 
places  the  new  where  the  old  really  stood. 

*  Que  vna  viga  de  cedro  tenga  ciento  y  veynte  pies  de  largo,  y  doze  de 
gordo.  .quadrada.'  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  235. 


FURTHER  DESTRUCTION. 


13 


which  3rielded  a  considerable  revenue.^^  Very  similar 
to  the  houses  of  Cortes  was  that  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado, 
situated  in  front  of  the  arsenal.  This  proximity  was 
objected  to  by  the  royal  officers,  who  suspended  the 
construction  til]  potent  reasons  were  produced  to  over- 
rule the  order. 

A  great  proportion  of  the  material  was  obtained 
from  the  existing  edifices  and  ruins,  the  incentive 
for  tearing  them  down  being  increased  by  the  hope 
of  finding  treasure.  At  this  part  of  the  work  the 
Spaniards  were  foremost,  and  in  their  vandalistic 
strife  monument  after  monument  of  Nahua  art  was 
razed,  particularly  the  finer  edifices.  Even  the  huge 
pyramidal  structures  supporting  the  temples  disap- 
peared, for  within  them  were  graves  of  princes  and 
nobles,  known  to  contain  treasure.  Materials,  espe- 
cially for  fagades,  were  also  obtained  from  the  many 
quarries  in  the  neighborhood,  notably  tetzontli,  a  red, 
porous,  yet  hard  stone,  and  a  kind  of  porphyry. Oak, 
cedar,  and  cypress  were  abundant  round  the  lake,  and 
in  the  surrounding  hills.  Although  there  was  no  lack 
of  carriers  to  fell  and  convey  timber,  the  Spaniards, 
with  a  disregard  fostered  by  the  nude  and  arid  soil 
of  Castile,  allowed  the  groves  and  forests  near  the 
lake-shores  to  be  ruthlessly  cut  down,  thus  increasing 
the  evaporation  which  soon  left  the  lake  ports  high 
and  dry,  bordered  by  salt-marshes. 

The  first  and  most  important  structure  in  the  city 
was  the  arsenal,  with  its  fortified  docks  for  sheltering 
the  fleet.  It  Avas  situated  north-east  of  the  main 
square,  at  the  former  terminus  of  the  Calle  de  la 
Perpetua,^^  round  a  basin  which  had  been  used  for 

Fifteen  thousand  castellanos  a  year,  says  a  witness  during  the  later  resi- 
dencia.  Another  points  to  the  strong  construction,  with  towers,  as  a  sign  of 
disloyal  intentions  on  Cortes'  part.  The  two  houses  occupied  24  lots,  and 
were  erected  with  aid  of  crown  slaves — both  exaggerated  statements,  as  will 
be  shown  afterward.  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  47,  90,  111-12. 

The  marriage  of  Governor  Estrada's  daughter  to  J orge  de  Alvarado.  Id. 

^'^  'A  feld-spath  vitreux  et  depourvu  de  quartz.'  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.^  i. 
111.    See  also  Native  Races,  ii.  557. 

2^  This  was  at  first  called  the  street  of  the  atarazanas  (arsenal).  The  direc- 
tion is  pretty  clear  in  Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  90,  101,  210,  221,  226,  in  con- 


14 


REBUILDINa  OF  MEXICO. 


a  harbor  by  the  Aztecs.  Two  battlemented  towers 
protected  the  entrance  to  the  dock,  and  formed  the 
extremes  of  the  strong  walls  leading  to  the  arsenal, 
which  faced  the  street.  The  main  feature  of  this 
building  was  a  large  tower,  known  properly  as  the 
fort,  the  strongest  in  the  city.  Pedro  de  Alvarado  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  first  commandant;  and  Rodri- 
guez de  Villafuerte  took  charge  of  the  fleet. The 


fort  concluded,  Cortes  regarded  the  city  as  secure ;  and 

nection  with  grant  of  lots,  yet  Father  Pichardo,  one  of  the  highest  authorities 
on  the  history  of  Mexico  city,  places  it  at  the  terminus  of  Santa  Teresa  street, 
3  blocks  below,  wherein  he  is  followed  by  many  writers.  The  eastern  location 
was  required  to  give  the  fleet  free  access  to  the  lake,  without  hinderance  from 
causeways. 

^'^  Oviedo,  iii.  517.  He  went  for  a  time  to  Zacatula  as  lieutenant.  Herrera, 
dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  viii.,  intimates  that  Villafuerte  was  also  made  command- 
ant, but  not  so  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  158,  whose  indication  of  Alvarado 
is  supported  by  the  fact  that  he  erected  his  house  in  front  of  the  fort.  Pedro 
de  Salazar  de  la  Pedradawas  sent  out  in  1526,  by  the  emperor,  to  take  charge 
of  the  fort,  and  secure  it  from  the  suspected  partisans  of  Cortes.  Samaniego 
was  lieutenant.  Pacheco  and  Gardenias,  CoL  Doc,  xiii.  371;  Cortis,  Escritos 
Sueltos,  114-15.  Cortes  describes  the  reception  place  for  the  vessels  as  'un 
cuerpo  de  casa  de  tres  naves,  .  .  .  y  tienen  la  puerta  para  salir  y  entrar  entre 
estas  dos  torres.'  Cartas,  310.    The  fleet  was  long  preserved  for  service,  to 


Mexico  Rebuilt. 


Las  atarazanos,'  His6»  Ind., 


NEW  TASK-MASTERS. 


15 


took  formal  possession  with  the  army.  No  effort 
appears  to  have  been  made  to  erect  a  church,  and  for 
several  years  a  hall  in  Cortes'  house  served  for  chapel.^'' 
This  seems  a  strange  neglect  on  the  part  of  men  who 
came  in  the  guise  of  crusaders.  They  were  more 
attentive  to  temporal  comforts,  as  manifested  in  par- 
ticular by  the  eagerness  to  introduce  water.  Indeed, 
one  of  the  first  measures  had  been  the  restoration  of 
the  aqueduct  which  in  Aztec  times  brought  water 
from  Chapultepec,  about  two  miles  distant.^^ 

^'Raze  and  tear  down,  ye  slaves,  but  all  must  be 
rebuilt  with  your  own  hands  for  the  victor ! "  Such 
had  been  the  taunting  prophecy  frequently  thrown 
into  the  teeth  of  the  allies  as  they  paved  a  way  for 
the  Spaniards  through  the  city  of  the  Aztecs,  and 
truly  was  it  fulfilled,  for  the  task  of  rebuilding  was 
ruthlessly  exacted  from  the  lake  allies,  though  the 
Aztecs  had  to  share  in  it.  It  was  also  necessary 
to  populate  the  city  to  obtain  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water  and  other  purveyors  for  the  com- 
fort of  the  victors.    As  the  best  means  to  promote 

2^  Testimony  of  Tapia  and  Mejia  and  others,  in  Cortes,  Residencia,  i. 
48,  91,  162,  et  seq.  Vetancurt  leaves  the  impression  that  this  chapel  was 
dedicated  to  St  Joseph :  '  Parroquia  vnica  que  era  de  Espanoles. '  l^-at.  Mex. ,  6. 

^''The  original  was  constructed  on  a  causeway  of  solid  masonry  5  feet 
high  and  5  feet  broad,  the  water  running  through  2  pipes  of  masonry  to 
different  reservoirs  and  branch  pipes,  as  described  more  fully  in  Native  Races, 
ii.  565-6.  The  pipes  were  not  wholly  restored,  so  that  the  water  flowed  partly 
in  open  canals.  This  proving  objectionable  from  dust  and  refuse,  portions 
were  ordered  to  be  covered,  and  on  August  26,  1524,  Juan  Garrido  was  em- 
ployed at  a  salary  of  50  pesos  de  oro  to  watch  over  it,  additional  men  being 
appointed  as  the  need  became  apparent.  Part  of  the  beautiful  grove  of  Cha- 
pultepec was  actually  cut  down  to  prevent  leaves  from  falling  into  the  spring. 
The  aqueduct  did  not  extend  beyond  the  first  houses  on  the  Tacuba  side  of 
the  city,  and  it  was  proposed  in  1527  to  repair  the  aqueducts  of  Coyuhuacan 
or  Huichilobusco,  and  extend  them  to  the  southern  suburb.  This  appeared 
too  costly,  and  efforts  were  made  to  extend  the  Chapultepec  aqueduct  to  the 
centre  of  the  city,  as  appears  from  contracts  with  the  municipality,  one 
dated  April  17,  1528.  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  17,  23,  193,  221,  etc.  Nothing 
appears  to  have  been  done,  however;  for  the  procuradores  in  Spain  demanded 
special  legislation,  and  by  order  of  September  22,  1530,  the  extension  to  the 
main  plaza  was  decreed,  the  cost  to  be  apportioned  among  Spanish  and  native 
settlers.  *  De  lo  (water)  que  se  perdiere,  se  podre  hazer  vn  molino  para 
propios  de  la  dicha  ciudad.'  Puga,  Cedulario,  64;  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii. 
287-91.  This  work  was  concluded  only  in  1537.  The  fine  aqueduct  Tlas- 
pana  was  not  in  operation  till  the  middle  of  the  following  century. 


16 


REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO. 


the  return  of  the  inhabitants,  and  assure  their  good 
conduct,  at  one  time  by  no  means  submissive,  the 
cihuacoatl,  or  Heutenant,  of  Quauhtemotzin,  whom 
Cortes  had  known  in  Montezuma's  time,  was  given  a 
similar  position  under  Cortes,  with  instructions  to 
bring  back  and  settle  the  people,  and  rule  them 
according  to  native  laws,  modified  to  some  extent  by 
Spanish  regulations.  Some  of  these  involved  privi- 
leges which  tended  greatly  to  reconcile  the  natives 
to  the  new  rule.  Special  districts,  with  certain  fran- 
chises, were  also  granted  to  different  chiefs  so  as  to 
encourage  them  to  introduce  their  tribes. Other 
natives  were  also  allured  by  similar  offers,  while  cer- 
tain lords  and  towns  were  ordered  to  supply  and. 
maintain  during  the  rebuilding  a  number  of  laborers 
and  artisans,  the  largest  force  coming  from  Tezcuco, 
in  accordance  with  an  agreement  made  by  Ixtlilxo- 
chitl  on  being  raised  to  the  long-desired  throne  of 
his  ancestors. One  of  the  wards,  called  Tlascalte- 
capan  in  commemoration  of  its  capture  by  Tlascal- 
tecs,  was  granted  to  settlers  of  this  people,  who 
rendered  good  service  in  maintaining  order  among 
the  Mexicans.  While  the  latter  settled  throughout 
the  city,  Tlateluco  became  the  headquarters  for  the 
Aztecs. 

The  rebuilding  progressed  rapidly,  the  natives 
swarming  in  and  relieving  their  work  with  songs  and 
witticisms,  almost  frivolous  in  their  oblivion  of  past 
troubles,  and  regardless  of  the  fetters  they  were  still 
continuing  to  forge  for  themselves.  Their  great 
number  made  the  task-master's  whip  less  needful,  and 
the  only  apprehension  seemed  to  be  about  food,  which 
became  so  scarce  as  to  give  rise  to  diseases  under 

2^  Cortes,  Cartas,  308-9.  Gomara  associates  Pedro,  the  son  of  Montezuma, 
with  the  cihuacoatl,  and  gives  each  a  ward  to  populate  and  rebuild.  Hist. 
Mex.,  235;  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  viii. 

^^His  namesake  magnifies  the  number  of  men  supplied  by  him  to  400,000. 
Hor.  Crueldades,  60.  '  Haciendo  los  Chalcos,  Tezcucanos  y  Xuchimilcos  y 
fepanecas  tragesen. . . materiales. '  Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  512. 

It  is  now  called  San  Juan  Bautista  ward,  says  Panes.  Monumentoa  Do- 
min.  JSsp.,  MS.,  61.    Neither  name  appears  on  present  maps. 


COAT  OF  ARMS. 


17 


which  quite  a  number  succumbed.**'  The  superintend- 
ence of  the  different  branches  of  the  work  was  in- 
trusted to  Spanish  artisans  and  officers,  who  instructed 
the  natives  in  the  use  of  iron  tools,  in  transporting 
and  Hfting  material,  and  in  building,  the  native  Amer- 
icans everywhere  proving  apt  learners. 

So  rapid  was  the  growth  of  the  city*^  that,  from 
representations  made  in  1522,  the  sovereign  was 
pleased  to  award  it  official  recognition  by  conferring 
a  coat  of  arms,  representing  a  water-blue  field,  in 
allusion  to  the  lake  of  Mexico,  having  in  the  centre 
a  gilt  castle  to  which  three  paved  causeways  led. 
At  the  end  of  the  two  lateral,  not  connected  with 
the  castle,  stand  two  lions  rampant,  each  grasping 
the  castle  with  its  paws,  in  token  of  Spanish  victory. 
A  gilt  border  surrounds  the  field,  containing  ten 
maguey  leaves,  and  a  crown  surmounts  the  shield.*'^ 

The  native  arms  represented  a  maguey  plant  in  the 
middle  of  a  lake,  and  thereon  an  eagle  with  a  snake 
in  its  bill.  This  was  also  permitted  to  be  used  in 
certain  connections,^  though  with  some  changes,  in 
accordance  with  the  more  or  less  bigoted  ideas  of  the 
authorities  in  Mexico.  At  times  all  allusion  to  the 
native  eagle  and  maguey  was  forbidden  as  of  demo- 
niacal influence.**  Seven  years  later  the  city  was  ac- 

^Herreray  dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  viii.  *Era  tanta  la  gente  que  andaba  en 
las  obras  que  apenaa  podia  hombre  romper  per  algunas  calles.'  MotoUrda, 
Hist.  Ind.,  i.  18. 

In  his  letter  of  October  1524,  Cortes  indicates  30,000  settlers  (vecinos). 
Cartas,  309,  which  must  include  many  temporary  dwellers,  for  about  80  years 
later  Torquemada,  i.  299,  assumes  as  a  high  estimate  7,000  Spanish  and  8,000 
native  settlers  or  families.  Gomara,  who  wrote  about  1550,  mentions  2,000 
Spanish  settlers.  Hist.  Mex.,  236.  Some  20  years  before  this  the  anonymous 
conqueror  speaks  of  400  leading  Spanish  houses.  Bamusio,  Viaggi,  iii.  309. 

*2This  was  granted  July  4,  1523,  in  consideration  of  the  city  being  'tan 
insigne  y  Noble,  y  el  mas  principal  Pueblo,  que  hasta  ahora,  en  la  dicha  tierra, 
por  Nos  se  ha  hallado.*  Ordenes  de  la  Corona^  MS.,  ii.  67-8;  Mex.,  Extr,  de 
Cidulas,  MS.,  3,  13. 

^^Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  43.  In  recognition  of  the  city  having  been  the 
capital  of  the  country.  Vetancurt  describes  this  coat  of  arms  with  the  addi- 
tion of  a  castle  with  3  towers,  and  2  lions  supporting  the  shield,  which  is 
surmounted  by  a  crown.  Trat.  Mex.,  5,  6. 

Archbishop  and  Viceroy  Palafox  caused  the  eagle  to  be  replaced  with  a 
cross.  The  changes  and  mixtures  thus  introduced  in  the  course  of  three  cen- 
turies of  colonial  rule,  as  represented  on  coins,  standard,  and  seals,  are  almost 

HiBT.  M£Z.,  TOL.  ZI.  2 


18 


REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO, 


corded  the  same  preeminence  in  New  Spain  as  that 
enjoyed  by  Burgos  in  old  Spain/^  and  in  1548,  the 
title  of  '^very  noble,  great,  and  very  loyal  city."^^ 

innumerable,  and  this  accounts  for  the  cut  in  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  TeatroEcles. ,  i.  1 , 
which  accords  with  none  of  the  above  descriptions.  In  view  of  these  changes 
the  crown  issued  a  decree  in  1596,  ordering  preference  to  be  given  to  arms 
granted  by  the  sovereigns.  Recop.  de  Indias,  ii.  25. 

*^The  first  vote  in  national  council,  'y  el  primer  lugar,  despues  de  la  Jus- 
ticia,  en  los  Congresos.'  Id.  This  decree  was  dated  June  25,  1530.  The 
regidores  by  this  time  numbered  12,  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  October 
22,  1523,  granting  this  number  to  'Ciudades  principales'  in.  the  Indies,  other 
towns  to  have  only  six.  Id.,  33.  By  decree  of  1539  the  municipality  waa 
granted  jurisdiction  within  a  circuit  of  15  leagues.  Recop.  de  Indias,  ii.  25. 

*^0n  July  4.  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  43;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  544. 
A  much  esteemed  distinction.  The  city  was  fortunate  enough  to  obtain  a 
big  bone  of  Saint  Hippolytus,  which  enjoyed  great  veneration,  adds  Calle. 
In  addition  to  the  standard  authorities  quoted,  the  following  works  bear 
more  or  less  fully  upon  the  subject  of  the  chapter:  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i. 
17,  358-67,  389-97,  506-8;  Siguenza  y  Gdngora,  Anotaciones  Grit.,  MS.,  1 
et  seq.;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.,  233-47;  Monumentos Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  58-61, 
73-5,  83-5;  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  76  et  seq.;  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Espana, 
374-8;  Archivo  Mex.,  Doc.,i.  61  etseq.;  ii.  218-21,  257-79,  303-4;  Ternaux- 
Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie  i.  torn.  x.  49  et  seq.;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
xiii.  76-80,  293-5;  KingsborougTi's  Mex.  Antiq.,  ix.  391,  429;  Motolinia,  Hist. 
Lid.,  17;  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  p.  vL;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  ii.  375-81; 
iii.  16^-7,544;  /c^.,  MS.,  86,  263;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro,  i.  1,  7;  Cavo, 
Tres  Siglos,  i.  15, 16,  23-6,  60,  65,  73;  Aa,  NaauTceurige  Versameling,  x.  155 
et  seq. ;  Nueva  Espana,  Respuesta,  MS. ;  Recop.  de  Indias,  ii.  25 ;  drdenes  de 
la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  4,  67;  Monumentos  Hist,  y  Pol.,  MS.,  let  seq.;  Mex., 
Estractos  de  CMulas,  MS.,  3,  13,  14;  Leyes,  Varias  Anot.,  MS.,  111-12; 
Salazar  y  Olarte,  Conq.  3Iex.,  6-9;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  43;  Fonseca,  Hist. 
Hacienda,  i.  5;  Robertson's  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  125-7;  Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  Al- 
varado,  5,  6,  40,  71-2;  PrescotVa  Mex.,  iii.  208-59;  Id.  (Mex.  ed.),  notes, 
passim;  Helps^  Cortes,  ii.  118-22,  132-5;  Bustamante,  Necesidad,  41-4; 
Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  149-98,  ii.  197-322;  Cepeda,  Relacion,  i.  3-6;  Sammlung 
aller  Reisebesch.,  xiii.  453  et  seq.;  Lacunza,  Discursos,  453-4;  Humboldt,  Essai 
Pol.,  i.  193  et  seq.;  Holmes'  Annals,  i.  53;  Armin,  Alte  Mex.,  339-56;  Liceo 
Mex.,  i.  68-72;  Aim.  Calend.,  1839,  26;  Zamacois,  Hist.  M4j.,  iv.  51-65, 
93-101,  137-50,  472;  Pimentel,  Mem.  Lit.,  94-6;  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.  (Mad. 
1843),  457-60,  492,  509-12;  Soc.  Ilex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  121-2;  Poinsett's 
Notes,  i.  65;  Pap.  Var.,  v.  no.  ii.  8;  xlvi.  no.  viii.  31-44;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec, 

i.  80-5;  Dice.  Univ.,  i.  300-5;  Conder's  Mex.  and  Guat.,  80;  Album  Mex., 

ii.  466;  Abispa  de  Chil.,  59-60;  Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex.,  4-8;  Domenech,  Hist. 
Mex.,  i.  241-2. 


CHAPTER  II. 


PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 
1521-1522. 

Centralization  and  its  Effect — A  Fallen  Athens — Reward  of  a 
Traitor — Career  of  a  Precocious  Prince— Ixtlilxochitl's  Disap- 
pointment— Policy  toward  Native  Princes — Tezcuco  and  Acolhua- 

CAN — TlASCALA  and  HER  REWARD — NeW  CoNQUEST  PROJECTS — SeARCH 

FOR  Ammunition — Climbing  a  Volcano — Descending  into  the  Burn- 
ing Crater — Casting  Cannon — Tochtepec  Expedition — A  Boaster's 
Discomfiture — Gold-hunting  in  Xaltepec — Espiritu  Santo  Founded 
— Zapotecapan  and  Miztecapan — The  Mystic  Prophet — Orozco  In- 
vades Oajaca — Antequera  Established — Cociyopu's  Dilemma — Alva- 
RADO  Overruns  Tututepec — Segura  Founded  Anew. 

The  exaltation  of  Mexico  tended  to  eclipse  the 
other  native  towns  in  the  valley  even  more  than  her 
rise  under  Aztec  supremacy.  There  was  no  longer  a 
series  of  capitals,  to  be  sustained  by  kings  and  minor 
lords,  all  prepared  to  rival  one  another  in  pomp  and 
embellishments.  The  only  capital  now  was  Tenoch- 
titlan,  which  the  Spaniards  felt  obliged,  for  the  safety 
and  interest  of  themselves  and  the  crown,  to  make 
the  main  stronghold  and  point  of  concentration.  The 
revenues  of  the  native  rulers  could  no  longer  be  em- 
ployed according  to  the  dictates  of  their  fancy  for 
palaces  and  similar  works,  since  the  greater  part 
passed  into  the  hands  of  the  encomenderos  and  the 
treasury  officials.  New  diseases,  enslavement,  and  dif- 
ferent methods  for  employing  the  natives,  all  added 
to  the  causes  for  decline  among  their  lately  flourish- 
ing towns,  only  too  many  of  which  have  entirely 
disappeared  from  the  maps  or  dwindled  to  petty 
hamlets.  Mexico  also  declined,  for  that  matter,  in 
extent  and  population,  according  to  the  admission  of 

(19) 


20  PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


the  conquerors,  and  the  evidence  of  ruins/  She  was 
no  longer  the  centre  of  a  vast  continental  trade,  or 
the  residence  of  a  brilliant  court,  whose  despotic  sov- 
ereign obliged  provincial  lords  to  congregate  there 
with  vast  retinues,  and  expend  their  income  for  the 
benefit  of  Aztec  jailers.  Trade  drifted  into  other 
channels,  and  the  humbled  caciques  hid  from  oppres- 
sion and  indignities  in  remote  villages,  where  they 
might  still  exact  a  semblance  of  respect  from  equally 
oppressed  vassals. 

Among  the  suffering  towns,  though  it  dwindled 
hardly  so  fast,  was  Tezcuco,  renowned  not  alone  for 
ancient  glories,  but  for  the  beauty  of  its  buildings, 
and  for  being  the  chief  seat  of  native  learning,  the 
Athens  of  the  continent.^  Like  savagism,  aborigi- 
nal civilization  declined  when  brought  into  contact 
with  foreign  culture,  whose  exponents  both  despised 
it  and  looked  upon  the  embodying  records  as  de- 
moniacal, fit  only  to  be  destroyed.  As  for  the  popu- 
lation, a  large  proportion  was  drafted  for  the  rebuild- 
ing of  the  queen  city,  particularly  of  artisans,  there 
to  perish  or  remain.  The  obsequious  Ixtlilxochitl 
was  only  too  eager  to  anticipate  the  wishes  of  the 
patronizing  and  graspiug  Spaniards.  He  who  had  not 
hesitated  the  sacrifice  of  his  country  and  religion  to 
personal  ambition,  as  modern  Mexicans  not  unjustly 
term  his  Spanish  alliance,  did  not  scruple  to  aid  in 
enslaving  his  subjects.  Resistance  on  his  part  would 
not  have  saved  them;  still  the  role  he  had  volun- 
tarily assumed,  and  been  obliged  to  sustain,  must 
ever  brand  his  memory  in  the  minds  of  patriots.  The 
reward  for  his  long  devotion  was  now  to  come.  His 
brother.  King  Fernando,  died  from  wounds  received 
during  the  siege,  it  seems,^  to  the  deep  regret  of  the 

^See  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  276,  this  series. 

2  See  description  in  Hist.  Max. ,  i.  425-7,  this  series.  Within  few  years 
the  population  is  said  to  have  dwindled  to  one  third,  and  60  years  later  to 
one  ninth.  The  Spanish  population  in  1858  numbered  100  (families)  only. 
Ponce,  Eel,  in  Col.  Doc.  In6d.,  Ivii.  111. 

^  '  Despues  que  se  tomd  la  ciudad  de  Tenuxtitan,  estando  en  esta  de  Cuyoa- 
can,  f alecid  don  Fernando. '  Cortes,  Cartas,  270.    This  passage  has  evidently 


IXTLILXOCHITL. 


21 


Spaniards,  to  whom  he  had  become  endeared  by  his 
gentle  manners,  his  fine,  fair  presence,  resembling  that 
of  a  Castilian  rather  than  of  a  native  American,  and 
by  his  devotion  to  their  interests.  The  Tezcucans 
hastened  to  elect  for  successor  Ahuaxpitzactzin,  after- 
ward baptized  as  Cdrlos,  a  not  fully  legitimate  son  of 
Nezahualpilli ;  for  the  scheming  and  unpatriotic  Ixtlil- 
xochitl  does  not  appear  to  have  been  liked  in  the 
Acolhua  capital,  whatever  his  influence  in  the  northern 
provinces  which  he  had  wrested  from  the  rest.  This 
independent  conduct  of  the  electors  did  not  please 
Cortes,  who  might  have  approved  their  choice  if  sub- 
mitted with  due  humility,  and  so  he  persuaded  them 
to  reconsider  the  selection  in  favor  of  his  well-deserv- 
ing protege  Ixtlilxochitl,  baptized  as  Fernando  Pi- 
mentel,  though  generally  referred  to  under  the  former 
name,  now  the  cognomen  of  his  family.^ 

Although  but  twenty-one  years  of  age,  Ixtlilxochitl 
could  point  to  a  career  almost  unparalleled  for  one 
so  young,  and  one  that  might,  under  different  cir- 
cumstances, have  placed  his  name  among  the  most 
illustrious  in  Nahua  annals.  At  his  birth  already 
astrologers  drew  strange  portents  from  the  stars.  The 
child  would  in  the  course  of  time  become  the  friend  of 
strangers,  turn  against  his  own  blood,  change  laws  and 
institutions,  and  even  rise  against  the  gods.  He  should 
be  killed.  Nay! "  replied  the  king,  ^'  have  not  the  gods 
willed  his  birth,  and  this  as  the  time  approaches  for 

escaped  both  Prescott,  Mex.,  iii.  46,  and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ. ,  iv.  465,  who,  following  a  confused  statement  in  Ixtlilxochitl,  place  thib 
rather  prominent  event  before  the  beginning  of  the  actual  siege. 

*See  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  572,  this  series,  wherein  is  explained  the  confusion  of 
the  other  writers  on  this  point,  some  misled  by  the  careless  wording  in  Cortes, 
Cartas,  270,  which  appears  to  give  him  the  name  of  Carlos,  The  name  Fer- 
nando is,  however,  too  clearly  fixed  by  the  family  records  and  archives  used 
by  Ixtlilxochitl.  See  Hor.  Crueldades,  13,  74,  and  Relaciones,  390,  410,  414, 
433-4,  and  above  note  on  p.  572.  Gomara  and  Herrera  confirm  the  error  by 
copying  Cortes.  Duran,  like  many  another,  overlooks  the  intermediate  kings 
since  Cohuanacoch's  time.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  493.  Cavo  assumes  with  much 
probability  that  the  appointee  offered  the  inducement  of  sending  large  forces 
to  aid  in  rebuilding  Mexico.  Tres  Siglos,  i.  15,  16.  Garcia  de  Pilar  asserts 
that  the  appointment  was  procured  by  heavy  bribes  to  Cortes,  some  80,000 
pesos,  besides  other  presents,  Ixtlilxochitl  selling  his  subjects  both  to  slave- 
dealers  and  butcher-stalls  to  obtain  the  money.  Cortis,  Residencia,  ii.  218-19- 


22  PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


the  fulfilment  of  the  ancient  prophecies?"  These  re- 
ferred to  the  coming  of  the  children  of  fair  Quetzalcoatl 
from  the  region  of  the  rising  sun.^  The  boy  displayed 
a  remarkable  precocity  united  to  a  cruel  disposition. 
Out  of  pure  mischief,  or  because  his  nurse  happened  to 
offend  him,  he  pushed  her  into  a  deep  well  as  she  bent 
for  water  for  him,  and  then  attempted  to  quiet  her 
drowning  shrieks  by  casting  stones  upon  her.  When 
called  before  the  king  to  answer,  he  pleaded  that  the 
deceased  had  broken  the  law  which  forbade  female 
attendants  at  the  palace  to  speak  with  a  man.  He 
had  merely  punished  her  for  the  transgression.^  This 
seemed  just,  and  the  wondering  judge  bade  him  go. 
At  the  age  of  seven  he  organized  a  company  of  boy 
soldiers,  and  sent  his  tutors  to  collect  weapons  where- 
with to  spread  terror  among  the  citizens,  his  plea 
being  that  he  was  training  warriors  for  the  common- 
wealth. Two  counsellors  objected  to  these  dangerous 
pranks,  and  expressed  the  conviction  that  such  mis- 
chievous spirits  as  the  prince  and  his  companions 
should  be  killed  ere  they  created  more  serious  trouble. 
Some  of  his  associates  expressing  fears  for  their  safety, 
young  Ixtlilxochitl  marched  to  the  dwelling  of  the 
counsellors  and  caused  them  to  be  strangled.  He  there- 
upon presented  himself  before  the  king  and  assumed 
the  responsibility  of  the  deed,  which  was  simply  an 
anticipation  of  the  fate  meditated  by  the  counsellors 
against  himself,  who  had  never  injured  them.  Neza- 
hualpilli  wished  to  be  just,  even  if  the  life  of  a  son 
depended  upon  it,  but  in  his  admiration  for  the  prom- 
ising qualities  of  the  boy  as  a  leader  and  advocate,  he 
could  find  no  reasons  for  condemning  him;  nor  did 
any  of  the  ordinary  judges  venture  to  raise  their  voice 
against  the  imp.  When  fourteen  years  of  age  he 
joined  in  the  Tlascala  campaign,  and  three  years  later 
his  gallant  behavior  had  secured  for  him  the  insignia  of 
*  great  captain/ 

^  See  Hist.  Mex.,  vol.  i.  chap,  vii.,  for  a  full  account  of  the  myths  and  omens. 
^He  was  then  but  three  years  old,  says  ixtlilxochitl.  Jiist.  Chick.  ^  275-6. 
Certainly  a  remarkable  child. 


TEZCUCO  AFFAIRS. 


23 


Meanwhile  Nezahualpilli  had  died  without  naming 
a  successor,  and  the  council,  influenced  by  Monte- 
zuma, set  aside  the  claims  of  an  elder  brother  and 
declared  Cacama  king.  Actuated  both  by  personal 
ambition  and  patriotic  resentment  against  Aztec  in- 
terference, Ixtlilxochitl  denounced  the  electors  as  tools 
of  the  imperial  intriguer.  •  Finding  his  protests  un- 
heeded, he  began  to  interest  the  interior  provinces  in 
his  own  behalf,  by  applying  patriotic  arguments,  and 
in  1517  he  descended  from  Meztitlan  with  a  force 
estimated  at  a  hundred  thousand  men.  Everything 
yielded  before  him,  and  one  of  the  foremost  Aztec 
generals  was  defeated  and  captured.  More  than  one 
adjoining  principality  now  pronounced  in  favor  of  the 
great  captain,  while  the  Aztec  monarch  neglected  to 
sustain  Cacama,  under  the  pressure  of  troubles  in  his 
own  provinces,  and  of  ominous  incidents  supported  by 
the  arrival  off  the  eastern  coast  of  mysterious  water- 
houses  with  white-bearded  occupants — the  expeditions 
of  Cordoba  and  Grijalva.  Thus  abandoned,  Cacama 
hastened  to  make  terms  with  his  brother,  who  declared 
that  the  campaign  was  directed  wholly  against  Monte- 
zuma, but  nevertheless  exacted  the  northern  half  of 
the  kingdom  for  himself  The  terms  may  be  regarded 
as  moderate  on  the  part  of  an  irresistible  general. 
Ixtlilxochitl  must  have  had  strong  motives  for  con- 
tenting himself  with  a  half,  for  he  dreamed  no  longer 
of  regal  power  alone,  but  of  overthrowing  the  hated 
Aztecs,  whose  strength  seemed  already  waning,  and 
thus  achieving  immortal  renown  as  the  savior  of  his 
country,  a  project  which  afterward  would  have  ex- 
panded into  the  more  ambitious  one  of  founding  a 
new  Chichimec  empire.  The  present  moderation  was 
intended  to  extend  his  influence  to  the  furtherance 
of  these  schemes,  and  to  assure  them  by  a  more 
steady  growth,  unhampered  by  jealous  intrigue.  The 
appearance  of  the  Spaniards,  while  aflbrding  him  the 
much  desired  assistance,  brought  him  in  contact  with 
schemers  equally  ambitious,  but  stronger  and  more 


24  PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


subtle.  In  their  hands  he  became  a  tool,  whose  devo- 
tion became  stamped  as  obsequiousness,  whose  patri- 
otic efforts  assumed  a  traitorous  guise,  and  whose 
grand  plans  turned  into  hateful  plottings.  Bitter  irony 
of  fate!  ^ 

While  investing  him  with  the  sovereignty  of  Acol- 
huacan,  although  without  the  title  of  king,  Cortes 
also  conferred  the  perpetual  grant,  for  himself  and 
descendants,  of  three  districts,  among  them  Otumba 
and  Tziauhcohuac,  each  with  about  thirty-three  vil- 
lages.^ This  concession  served  only  to  open  the  eyes 
of  Ixtlilxochitl  to  the  intention  of  Cortes  with  regard 
to  Tezcuco,  whose  prince  was  evidently  to  bear  the 
name  only  of  ruler.  His  important  services  to  the 
Spaniards,  which  he  had  estimated  as  indispensable, 
were  thus  to  be  rewarded :  by  the  shadow  of  the  sub- 
stantial power  which  he  could  so  many  times  have 
acquired  for  himself,  and  worse  than  this,  by  the 
insulting  grant  of  a  small  portion  of  what  he  had  all 
this  time  enjoyed  as  his  own.  And  this  grant  was 
conferred  by  men  to  whom  he  had  dispensed  so  many 
favors,  in  treasures,  vassals,  and  deeds,  and  whom  he 
had  saved  from  destruction,  as  he  flattered  himself,  by 
tendering  his  alliance  when  inaction  alone  would  have 
procured  him  untold  favors  from  the  Aztecs.  The 
thought  was  humiliating.  Forgetting  his  usual  defer- 
ence, the  prince  ventured  to  observe  that  what  had 

'  Ixtlilxochitl,  his  namesake,  rose  as  biographer  to  ennoble  his  efforts  and 
magnify  his  deeds  with  unsparing  generosity.  Nevertheless,  his  pages  reveal 
at  intervals  a  bitter  sarcasm  upon  his  misguided  zeal,  which  can  hardly  be 
accidental.  The  writer,  indeed,  was  actuated  chiefly  by  a  desire  to  advocate 
the  claims  of  his  family  on  the  gratitude  of  the  crown,  from  which  he  demanded 
grants  and  other  favors,  and  his  main  reliance  was  on  the  services  of  his  name- 
sake, of  whose  role  he  must  otherwise  have  been  ashamed.  He  was  also 
afraid  to  express  anything  but  praise  of  acts  connected  with  the  advancement 
of  the  Spaniards.  In  describing  the  career  of  his  hero  he  yields  to  the  com- 
mon fault  of  exaggeration,  yet  the  acquisition  of  a  kingdom  by  a  mere  youth, 
wrested  as  it  were  from  the  dreaded  Montezuma,  gives  probability  to  almost 
any  tales  about  him.  See  Hist.  Chich.,  275-7,  282-4;  Rd.,  410;  Torquemada, 
i.  221-7;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro,  pt.  ii.  43-4;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  iii.  367-75; 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  i. ;  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  i.  297-9. 

® '  Otumba  con  treinta  y  tres  pueblos,  Itziuhcohuac  con  otros  tantos,  que 
cae  acia  la  parte  de  Panuco,  y  Cholula  con  ciertos  pueblos. '  Ixtlilxochitl^  Hor. 
Crueldades,  61. 


REWARD  FOR  SERVICES. 


25 


been  given  was  his  own,  since  it  had  never  been  taken 
from  him.  After  the  services  he  had  rendered,  and 
the  hardship  he  and  his  people  had  undergone  for  the 
Spaniards,  it  was  but  right  that  he  and  his  successors 
should  be  left  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  king- 
dom.^ Cortes  recognized  the  justice  of  the  claim,  but 
he  remembered  Ixtlilxochitl's  tardy  extension  of  aid 
after  the  flight  from  Mexico,  and  was  probably  fully 
aware  of  the  motives  which  prompted  his  alliance.  All 
this  afforded  strong  reasons  for  not  yielding  to  the  de- 
mands of  this  and  other  allies.  To  acknowledge  every 
such  claim  would  materially  reduce  his  own  credit 
and  the  value  of  the  conquest.  The  native  rulers  had 
served  his  purpose,  and  being  no  longer  indispensable 
they  must  gradually  learn  to  recognize  their  true  posi- 
tion as  nothing  more  than  leading  personages  among 
the  half- civilized  race  he  had  conquered.  In  the 
present  instance  he  gave  no  definite  answer,  and  Ix- 
tlilxochitl  was  left  nominally  in  possession  of  what 
he  claimed,  till  circumstances  revealed  the  shadowy 
nature  of  his  title  and  possessions. 

On  returning  to  his  kingdom,  after  being  released 
from  further  attendance  at  Mexico,  he  availed  himself 
of  his  position  to  reward  with  grants  and  other  hon- 
ors the  most  deserving  adherents,  and  others  whom 
policy  commended  to  his  notice.  He  also  employed 
the  captive  slaves that  had  fallen  to  his  share  to  aid 
in  repairing  the  damage  inflicted  on  Tezcuco  during 
its  recent  occupation  as  Spanish  head-quarters,  notably 
the  destruction  of  the  royal  palace  and  other  edifices 
by  the  Tlascaltecs  on  first  entering  the  city  and  on 
passing  through  it  after  the  fall  of  Mexico.  All  these 
efforts,  however,  failed  to  reconcile  the  inhabitants  of 
the  capital  and  lake  districts,  whose  treatment  by 
the  Spaniards  had  made  them  more  than  ever  averse 

•In  the  version  of  Ixtlilxocbitl's  .Relacion,  429,  etc.,  published  by  Busta- 
mante  iinder  the  title  of  Horribles  Grueldades,  60-1 ,  the  editor  has  misund*/.r- 
Btood  the  meaning  of  the  text,  and  ventured  to  substitute  Cortes  where  ii 
should  read  Ixtlilxochitl,  thus  changing  the  sense. 
Two  thousand  in  number,  says  Ixtlilxochitl. 


26 


PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


to  a  prince  hateful  to  them  from  boyhood.  The 
return  from  captivity  of  the  deposed  Cohuanacoch 
had  created  a  sympathy  which  soon  turned  the 
current  of  popularity  in  favor  of  one  who  had 
suffered  so  much  for  the  national  cause.  Aware  of 
the  feeling  with  respect  to  himself,  Ixtlilxochitl  felt 
it  almost  a  matter  of  necessity  to  leave  his  brother 
at  Tezcuco  in  enjoyment  of  the  regal  honors  accorded 
him  before  his  very  face.  He  even  thought  it  politic 
to  assign  him  a  certain  portion  of  the  revenue.  He 
withdrew  to  his  former  northern  domains,  establishing 
his  capital  at  Otumba,  where  a  new  palace  was 
erected." 

Not  unlike  the  rewards  of  Ixtlilxochitl  were  those 
of  the  Tlascaltecs,  to  whom  the  Spaniards  owed  a 
vast  debt — their  lives,  and  the  moral  and  physical  aid 
which  sustained  them  in  adversity,  and  in  the  initia- 
tory operations  which  led  to  ultimate  success.  In  this 
act  of  forging  fetters  for  adjoining  peoples,  fetters 
which  were  also  to  shackle  themselves,  they  had  been 
impelled  not  alone  by  a  hatred  of  the  Aztecs,  more 
intense  and  exalted  than  that  of  the  Tezcucan  prince, 
but  by  a  friendship  based  on  admiration,  and  cemented 
by  Cortes'  politic  favors.  At  the  opening  of  the 
Tepeaca  campaign  they  had  certainly  been  led  to  form 
great  expectations,^^  and  promises  flowed  freely  when 

According  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hor.  Crueldades,  61,  he  agreed  with  Cohua- 
nacoch, out  of  brotherly  love  it  seems,  to  divide  the  kingdom  with  him;  the 
brother  to  rule  as  king  at  Tezcuco,  and  control  Chalco,  Quauhnahuac,  Itzucun, 
Tlahuac,  and  other  provinces  as  far  as  the  South  Sea,  while  Ixtlilxochitl 
retained  the  northern  provinces,  and  those  extending  toward  the  North  Sea. 
This  assumed  division  is  based  on  the  former  limits  of  the  Chichimec  empire.  It 
is  not  likely  that  a  Tezcucan  monarch  received  even  nominal  honors  in  half  the 
provinces  named.  See  Native  Races,  v.  395-6,  for  boundaries  assigned  by  the 
terms  of  the  tripartite  alliance  in  1431,  which  had  become  practically  obso- 
lete before  the  Spaniards  arrived.  Ixtlilxochitl  seeks  to  magnify  the  power 
of  his  ancestry  to  promote  his  claims.  He  allows  his  namesake  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  northern  kingdom  on  March  19,  1523,  and  to  build  palaces  also 
at  Teotihuacan  and  at  Tecpitpac,  a  site  given  him  by  his  father.  Hor.  Cruel- 
dades, 53.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  563-4,  assumes  that 
while  Cohuanacoch  received  the  tribute  and  nominal  sovereignty  of  all  the 
kingdom,  the  brother  controlled  the  general  administration  and  the  armies, 
to  prevent  any  revolt. 

By  a  craftily  worded  document  issued  to  them  by  Cortes,  wherein  flow- 


TLASCALA'S  QUESTIONABLE  GAIN. 


27 


they  were  dismissed  to  their  homes  after  the  fall  of 
Mexico.  The  first  instalment  thereof  was  exemption 
from  the  tribute  exacted  in  all  other  provinces,  and 
from  being  given  in  encomiendas  then  came  certain 
titles  which  sounded  so  well,  but  were  worth  little 
more  than  their  cost  to  the  crown.  Thus  their  capi- 
tal was  made  the  seat  of  the  first  diocese,  honored  by 
the  name  of  Carolense,  and  their  alcalde  mayor, 
elected  from  among  themselves,  was  permitted  to  call 
himself  governor.^*  Huexotzinco  shared  slightly  in 
these  privileges,  and  the  cacique  received  a  coat  of 
arms  for  assisting  the  fugitive  Spaniards  in  1520.^^ 
And  this  was  about  all.  The  fault  lay  greatly  with 
Cortes,  who  for  the  sake  of  his  own  credit  never 
admitted  the  real  extent  of  his  obligation  to  these 
faithful  allies.  Their  very  devotion  and  prowess  were 
to  assist  in  destroying  them,  since  nearly  every  expedi- 
tion in  early  times  for  opening  new  regions,  or  sup- 
pressing revolts,  took  away  a  number,  of  whom  many 

ing  words  fed  their  hopes  without  committing  himself.  The  only  substantial 
promise  recorded,  aside  from  the  share  in  booty,  appears  to  have  been  the  con- 
servation to  them  of  lands  and  local  government.  Several  modern  writers 
harp  on  the  contract  made  with  them,  but  their  only  authority  is  Camargo, 
who  is  doubtful.  See  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  525,  this  series. 

Even  to  the  crown.  This  exemption  was  confirmed  through  Cortes 
when  in  Spain,  so  that  grasping  officials  might  not  prevent  it.  By  decree  of 
1535  the  province  was  as  a  special  mark  of  favor  declared  an  inalienable  part 
of  the  crown  of  Castile,  drdenes  de  la  Corona,  ii.  4.  'Porque  parezca  que 
tienen  alguna  mas  libertad,  *  is  Cortes'  significant  allusion  to  the  flimsiness  of 
the  favors.  Cartas,  332. 

1*  Diego  Maxixcatzin  was  governor  in  1534.  Motolinia  describes  fully  the 
elaborate  festivities  in  1538,  when  the  new  arms  of  the  city  were  first  dis- 
played. Hist.  Ind.,  81.  The  laws  in  Recop.  de  Indian,  ii.  199-200,  confirm 
to  them  certain  customs,  exempt  them  from  the  obliga,tion  to  serve  beyond 
their  province,  and  from  monopolies  in  wines  and  meats,  which  must  be  let 
at  public  auction  as  in  Spain.  The  viceroy  is  enjoined  to  honor  them  and 
their  towns  in  every  way,  and  they  are  further  given  the  touching  privilege 
of  freely  making  representations  and  complaints^ — the  royal  waste-basket 
was  capacious  enough. 

The  cedula,  dated  1534,  calls  him  Aquiahuateuliti,  baptized  as  Francisco 
de  Sandoval  y  Moreno.  Panes,  in  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  13-5,  They 
were  for  a  time  given  in  encomienda  to  Cortesians.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy. , 
serie  ii.  tom.  v.  18/.  Father  Juarez  obtained  their  incorporation  under  the 
crown.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  vii. 

^^This  is  intimated  in  the  opening  cedula  concerning  them,  Id.,  199, 
wherein  their  prompt  submission  to  church  and  king  is  indicated  as  their 
chief  merit.  In  another  cedula,  however,  they  are  commended  for  *  services 
rendered  during  the  pacification  of  the  country. ' 


28  PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


perished,  while  others  were  distributed  as  settlers  to 
support  the  Spaniards  in  controlling  different  districts. 
Diseases  and  other  adjuncts  of  the  new  civilization 
made  inroads  upon  them  as  they  did  on  all  the 
natives,  and  so  they  dwindled  to  a  handful,  impotent 
even  to  raise  their  voice  against  the  abuses  to  which 
unscrupulous  officials  submitted  them.^'^  Their  only 
real  friends  were  the  friars,  who  did  what  they  could 
to  protect  their  rights,  and  confirm  them  in  their 
devout  and  loyal  disposition. 

While  the  rebuilding  of  Mexico  served  to  occupy 
the  more  contented  spirits  who  had  decided  to  settle 
there,  supported  by  the  encomiendas  granted  them  in 
the  valley,  Cortes  found  the  better  remedy  for  the 
rest  to  be  expeditions,  which  would  not  only  advance 
the  common  interest,  but  enable  them  to  achieve  their 
own  rewards  and  at  the  same  time  remove  turbulent 
characters  to  a  safe  distance.  Actual  campaigns  were 
little  called  for,  since  the  mere  report  of  the  fall  of 
Mexico  sufficed  to  summon  neutral  or  even  hostile 
caciques  to  render  homage  to  the  victors.  Neverthe- 
less it  was  necessary  to  actually  occupy  the  surrounding 
provinces,  ascertain  their  condition  and  wealth,  and, 
above  all,  to  extort  tribute  and  presents  on  the  strength 
of  the  ridiculous  requirement  issued  by  the  sovereign 
in  the  name  of  the  pope,  and  to  be  used  in  demanding 
submission  from  the  natives. To  this  end  the  tribute- 
rolls  of  Montezuma  proved  of  value,  by  indicating  the 
kind  and  amount  of  taxes  exacted  by  the  rapacious 
Aztec  collectors.    An  exhibition  of  the  rolls  with 

1^  The  king  found  it  necessary,  at  the  instance  of  the  friars,  to  repeat  more 
than  once  the  order  against  their  compulsory  service  beyond  the  limits  of  their 
province.  'Tambienlos  hizo  esclavos;  digna  recompensa  por  cierto  de  unos 
hombres  viles,  verdugos  de  su  misma  patria, '  is  the  patriotic  outburst  against 
them  by  Bustamante.  Abispa  de  Chilpancingo,  59.  See  also  his  Necesidad, 
in  Pap.  Var.,  xlvi.  MS.,  8,  and  his  Tracts,  41-2.  He  overlooks  that  they 
acted  with  a  motive  which  to  them  was  pure.  They  were  made  tools  by  a 
superior  mind.  By  a  viceregal  decree  issued  at  their  request  in  December 
1537,  no  slaves  were  allowed  within  their  territory.  Facheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  ii.  202. 

^^See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  397-9,  this  series. 


SULPHUR  FROM  POPOCATEPETL. 


29 


the  alluring  facts  was  enough  to  bring  forward  the 
needed  volunteers  for  any  of  the  proposed  expeditions. 

A  primary  measure,  however,  was  to  replenish  the 
ammunition,  for  hardly  any  powder  remained.  In  this 
dilemma  Cortes  bethought  himself  of  the  smoking 
Popocatepetl,  where  Ordaz  had  discovered  sulphur  in 
1519.  Encouraged  by  the  fame  of  his  ascent,  Fran- 
cisco Montano  offered  himself  for  the  venture.^^  Four 
Spaniards  and  a  number  of  natives  accompanied  them, 
and  as  they  approached  the  volcano  their  train  had 
swelled  to  thousands  of  sight-seers,  aglow  with  excite- 
ment at  this  second  storming  of  the  infernal  regions, 
which  promised  to  be  far  more  daring  than  the  first. 
Many  built  huts  near  the  foot,  there  to  await  the 
result  of  the  battle.  The  ascent  began  about  noon, 
several  attendants  following  with  the  necessary  ropes, 
bags,  and  blankets.  When  night  came  on  they  dug  a 
cavity  in  which  to  shelter  themselves  from  the  pierc- 
ing cold,  but  the  sulphurous  exhalations  became  so 
unendurable  as  to  drive  them  forth.  While  groping 
about  in  the  dark,  half  benumbed,  one  of  the  Span- 
iards fell  into  a  crevice,  and  but  for  a  friendly  icicle 
he  would  have  been  dashed  into  an  abyss  several 
thousand  feet  below.  Finding  the  locality  unsafe  they 
halted  until  dawn,  despite  the  chilling  blast,  and  then 
hastened  forward.  Half  an  hour  later  an  eruption 
shook  the  mountains,  and  sent  them  scampering  for 
the  friendly  shelter  of  some  crags.  The  shock  proved 
not  wholly  unwelcome,  however,  for  a  heated  stone 
rolled  toward  them,  by  which  they  were  enabled  to 
warm  their  stiffened  limbs.  Soon  afterward  one  of 
the  men  became  so  exhausted  that  he  had  to  be  left 
behind  to  await  their  return.  They  were  already 
approaching  the  goal,  when  a  fresh  eruption  took  place 

Francisco  Mesa,  an  artillerist,  is  named  as  one  of  the  companions,  and 
J uan  de  Larios  appears  to  have  been  another.  In  the  petition  of  Montano's 
heirs  the  event  is  placed  during  the  siege,  and  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  251-2, 
dates  it  while  Cortes  Was  at  Segura;  but  both  are  too  early.  In  his  relation 
of  May  1522,  Cortes  states  that  he  sent  the  men  from  Coyuhuacan,  so  that 
it  must  have  been  shortly  after  the  siege,  while  preparing  new  expeditions. 


30  PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


witli  a  shower  of  stones  and  ashes  that  caused  them 
to  drop  their  burdens  and  rush  for  shelter. 

After  a  while  they  ventured  forward  again,  and 
reached  the  summit,  and  as  they  gazed  apprehensively 
into  the  crater,  nearly  half  a  league  in  width,  the 
clearing  smoke  occasionally  disclosed  seething  masses 
hundreds  of  feet  below,^^  while  the  oppressive  fumes 
sent  a  shiver  almost  of  horror  through  their  frames, 
mingled  with  unspoken  regrets  for  having  undertaken 
the  evil  adventure.  Their  reputation  was  at  stake, 
however,  and  among  the  four  who  had  persevered  so 
far,  none  wished  to  show  cowardice.  The  difficulty 
was  to  descend  into  the  crater  to  collect  the  sulphur 
which  was  lying  there  in  abundance.  At  last  a  spot 
was  found,  and  lots  being  drawn,  it  fell  to  Montano  to 
take  the  initiatory  step.  With  a  rope  around  his  waist 
he  descended  into  the  abyss  for  a  distance  of  several 
hundred  feet,^^  according  to  his  own  statement,  with 
swimming  brain,  oppressed  by  deadly  fumes,  and  in 
danger  from  eruptive  substances.  It  seemed  indeed  a 
slender  support  and  one  which  at  any  moment  might 
part  and  abandon  him  to  the  glowing  fire  beneath. 
After  delivering  a  bagful  of  brimstone  seven  times, 
he  was  relieved  by  one  of  his  companions,  who  made 
six  trips,^^  increasing  the  output  to  three  hundred 
pounds.  This  was  deemed  sufficient;  and  eager  to 
escape  from  their  threatening  position,  they  began  the 
return  journey,  which  proved  not  a  little  difficult, 
burdened  as  they  were.  At  times  they  were  threading 
a  deep  crevice,  at  times  sliding  down  a  snow-covered 
surface,  stumbling  against  some  sharp  projection,"  or 
sinking  into  a  treacherous  aperture.    The  abandoned 

2""  Cortes,  Cartas,  270.  Herrera  ignores  this  allusion  to  a  flight  and  reascent, 
and  states  that  the  party  reached  the  summit  at  10  A.  m.  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  ii. 

'^^  '  Q  estaua  ardiendo  a  manera  de  fuego  natural,  cosa  bie  espantosa  de 
ver. '  Id.  '  Tan  gran  hondura,  que  no  pudieron  ver  el  cabo. '  Cortds,  Cartas^ 
270. 

22  •  Setenta  d  ochenta  brazas.'  Id.,  312.    Herrera  makes  it  only  14. 

23  So  runs  the  statement  in  Herrera;  and  Cortes  also  writes  that  the  men 
were  '  lowered '  70  fathoms  into  the  crater;  but  it  is  more  probable  that  their 
colored  story  reduces  itself  to  a  mere  descent  along  the  inclme  of  a  crevice. 
Juan  de  Larios  is  said  to  have  made  the  last  descents. 


MANUFACTURE  OF  CANNON. 


31 


comrade  was  picked  up,  though  he  could  render  no 
aid  in  conveying  the  burden.  As  they  approached 
the  camp  at  the  foot  the  natives  came  forth  with 
enthusiastic  cheers  to  bear  the  doughty  adventurers 
on  their  shoulders.  Their  journey  to  Coyuhuacan 
was  a  triumphal  march,  and  Cortes  himself  came  to 
welcome  them  with  an  embrace,  wreathed  in  abun- 
dant promises.  Montano  was  too  humble  an  individ- 
ual, however,  to  receive  the  same  attention  as  Ordaz, 
who  used  his  less  valuable  performance,  magnified  by 
influence  and  position,  to  obtain  a  coat  of  arms  and 
grants.  An  encomienda,  scanty  even  for  his  ordinary 
services  as  participant  in  the  conquest,  and  a  brief 
term  of  office  as  corregidor,  was  all  that  his  repeated 
appeals  could  secure.^*  The  sulphur  proved  most 
acceptable,  but  no  attempts  were  made  to  obtain 
more  from  the  volcano,  because  of  the  danger. 

Another  want  was  cannon,  both  for  expeditions 
and  for  the  different  strongholds  to  be  established  in 
their  wake.  Iron  was  unknown  to  the  natives,  but 
copper  could  be  obtained  in  abundance,  and  an  alloy 
was  alone  needed  to  produce  a  serviceable  metal.  The 
rich  possessed  a  little  tin  in  the  shape  of  dishes,  esti- 
mated indeed  equal  to  silver, and  small  pieces  circu- 
lated as  money.  By  following  this  clew  it  was  found 
that  at  Taxco,  some  distance  south-west  of  QuauliDa- 
huac,  mines  of  this  metal  existed.    Use  was  at  once 

2^  The  encomienda  comprised  half  the  village  of  Zapotitlan,  altogether 
insufficient  for  the  maintenance  of  his  large  family  of  10  sons  and  7  daughters. 
His  appeals  produced  an  order  to  the  viceroy,  years  later,  to  reward  him, 
and  he  received  the  office  of  corregidor  of  Tonala  in  Miztecapan,  with  a  salary 
of  200  pesos.  His  term  expired  after  2  years,  and,  although  his  residencia 
proved  good,  no  other  office  was  given.  He  now  fell  into  want,  and  had  to 
mortgage  his  house.  His  appeals  appear  to  have  received  little  attention,  for 
his  descendants  continued  to  clamor  as  late  as  1593.  A  son-in-law  then 
obtained  an  allowance  of  200  pesos,  which  was  exchanged  for  better  rewards. 
Monkino,  Peticion,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  480-3;  Alaman, 
Disert.,  i.  app.  148-54. 

^  '  Que  nos  provean  de  Espana,  y  V.  M.  ha  sido  servido  que  no  haya  ya 
obispo  que  nos  lo  impida.'  Cortes,  Cartas,  312.  Good  saltpetre  had  already 
been  found.    For  later  ascents,  see  vol.  i.  257,  this  series. 

'  Compro  los  platos  dello  a  pesos  de  plata.'  Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  237.  See 
Native  Races,  ii.  382,  473. 


32  PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST, 


made  of  the  discovery,  which  led  also  to  finding  rich 
silver  and  iron  deposits.  Casting  at  once  began  under 
the  direction  of  an  experienced  gunner,  and  with  the 
artillery  already  on  hand,  they  had  soon  a  hundred 
cannon. 

During  the  general  uprising  that  followed  the  ex- 
pulsion of  Spaniards  from  Mexico  in  the  previous 
year,  some  fourscore  adventurers  had  been  surprised 
and  slaughtered  in  Tochtepec,^^  a  mountainous  region 
on  the  upper  waters  of  Rio  Papaloapan.  No  meas- 
ures being  taken  to  chastise  the  perpetrators  of  the 
deed,  the  inhabitants  grew  confident  in  their  strong- 
holds. After  the  fall  of  Mexico  a  number  of  Aztec 
fugitives  sought  refuge  there  to  keep  alive  the  spirit 
of  freedom.  With  no  lack  of  men  at  his  command, 
Cortes  now  resolved  to  uproot  this  hot-bed  of  sedi- 
tion, located  as  it  was  in  a  country  reputed  rich  in 
gold.  A  force  of  thirty-five  horse,  two  hundred  foot, 
and  some  thirty  thousand  allies,  was  accordingly  de- 
spatched at  the  end  of  October  1521,  under  Sandoval, 
attended  by  Captain  Luis  Marin  and  others,  with 
orders  to  reduce  the  whole  region,  and  secure  posses- 
sion by  founding  the  necessary  colonies.  The  first 
demand  for  submission  by  so  formidable  an  army, 
flushed  with  recent  victories,  brought  forth  the  na- 
tives in  humble  supplication.  All  that  remained  to 
be  done  was  to  pursue  the  hostile  refugees  and  chief 

^'^  Thirty  of  these  were  brass,  the  rest  iron,  and  they  had  been  obtained 
chiefly  from  Narvaez,  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  others.  '  De  f alconete  arriba,  treinta 
y  cinco  piezas,  y  de  hierro^  entre  lombaras  y  pasavolantes  y  versos  y  otras 
maneras  de  tiros  de  hierro  colado,  hasta  setenta  piezas.'  The  casting  began 
early  in  the  autumn  of  1524.  In  his  letter  of  October  15th,  he  writes  that  five 
guns  had  so  far  been  cast.  Cartas,  312.  Oviedo,  iii.  465,  differs  in  the  num- 
ber. The  casting  of  guns  was  produced  by  his  many  jealous  accusers  as  a 
proof  of  rebellious  projects,  several  of  the  pieces  being  declared  suppiciously 
different  from  those  needed  for  Indian  fighting.  CorUs,  Residenda,  i.  64, 
236-7.  He  was  driven  to  the  measure  by  Fonseca's  prohibition  against  allow- 
ing war  material  to  reach  New  Spain.  CorUs,  Cartas,  311. 

2^  Also  called  Totepec,  preserved  in  the  present  Tuxtepec.  Mercator,  1569, 
has  Tochtejpec  town;  on  map  of  1574,  Costota  lies  north  of  it;  West-Ind.  Spie- 
gliel,  1624,  TocMepec;  Kiepert,  Tustepec.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  i.  510.  The 
massacre  has  been  described  in  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  511. 

29  Cortes  names  the  provinces  Tatactetelco,  Tuxtepeque,  Guatuzco,  AlJi- 
caba.    Guatuxco  was  the  first  entered.  Cartas,  260. 


BRIONES  AND  THE  TILTEPECS. 


33 


who  had  led  in  the  slaughter  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
who  had  fled  on  finding  the  people  intimidated.  They 
were  soon  brought  in,  and  the  leading  cacique  was 
summarily  burned  in  the  main  square  of  Tochtepec  as 
a  warning  to  his  assembled  vassals.  The  rest  were 
pardoned  after  a  salutary  suspense. 

While  examining  the  mineral  resources  of  the  new 
conquest,  Sandoval  despatched  Captain  Briones  with 
a  hundred  infantry  and  some  allies  to  subdue  Tiltepec 
and  other  towns  in  the  adjoining  Zapotec  territory, 
Briones  was  a  voluble  fellow,  as  we  have  seen,  lately 


MrrZTECAPAN  AND  GOAZACOALCO. 


commander  of  one  of  the  lake  brigantines,  who  had 
made  a  good  impression  on  the  officers  by  a  boastful 
exhibition  of  scars  from  the  wars  in  Italy.  The  Za- 
potecs  were  made  of  sterner  stuff  than  the  Tochte- 
pecans,  inured  as  they  were  to  danger  among  their 

^  *  La  jactancia  suele  vivir  muy  cerca  de  la  cobardfa,'  hints  Salazar,  some- 
what  unjustly.  Hiat.  CoTiq.,  83.    He  figures  even  more  prominently  in  Hon- 
duras.   See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  525  et  seq. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  8 


U  PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


rugged  cliffs,  and  reliant  on  their  formidable  pikes  and 
stout  cotton  armor;  and  when  Briones  approached 
with  easy  confidence,  they  fell  upon  him  in  a  narrow 
pass  with  a  fury  that  compelled  him  to  retreat,  with 
one  third  of  his  force  wounded,^^  including  himself 
Sandoval  was  not  a  little  disgusted  on  learning  the 
miserable  failure  of  the  boaster,  and  asked  him  iron- 
ically how  he  used  to  fight  in  Italy. Briones  swore 
that  he  would  sooner  meet  large  armies  of  Moors 
than  the  Zapotecs,  who  seemed  to  spring  from  the 
very  ground  in  ever-increasing  numbers.  It  would 
not  answer  to  let  the  repulse  go  unavenged,  and  San- 
doval hurried  with  nearly  all  the  force  to  restore  the 
Spanish  prestige.  The  previous  struggle  had  been 
sufficiently  obstinate  to  cause  the  enemy  to  hesitate, 
and  the  cacique  of  Tiltepec  threw  open  his  gates, 
which  example  was  followed  by  the  Xaltepecs. 

The  latter  district  bordered  on  that  of  the  warlike 
Mijes,  who  were  constantly  making  raids  on  their  ter- 
ritory, and  it  was  chiefly  with  a  view  to  obtain  pro- 
tection that  envoys  came  with  humble  mien,  though 
attired  in  beautiful  embroidered  robes,  to  tender  sub- 
mission, and  to  soften  the  hearts  of  the  conquerors 
with  presents.  Among  the  gifts  were  ten  tubes  filled 
with  gold-dust,  which  at  once  aroused  an  interest 
in  their  affairs.  While  unwilling  to  give  them  the 
soldiers  with  whom  they  hoped  to  terrify  their  foe, 
a  small  party  was  sent  to  examine  the  mines  under 
the  pretence  of  reconnoitring  for  a  speedy  descent  on 
the  Mijes.  So  good  were  the  reports  that  Sandoval 
immediately  secured  for  himself  a  town  near  the  mines, 
from  which  he  obtained  a  large  sum  in  gold.  The 
other  towns  and  tracts  of  the  conquest  were  distrib- 
uted among  the  members  of  the  expedition,^^  and  to 

One  died  of  wounds,  and  several  were  carried  oflf  soon  after  by  disease. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  165. 

32  *  Parece  le  senor  Capitan,  que  son  estas  tierras  otras  que  las  donde  an- 
duuo  militando  ? '  Id. 

23  Sandoval  took  Guazpaltepec,  which  yielded  15,000  pesos  de  oro  from 
the  mines;  Marin  received  Xaltepec,  'quite  a  dukedom;   Ojedas  received 


ESPIRITU  SANTO. 


35 


assure  control  he  founded  a  villa  which  was  named 
Medellin,  in  honor  of  the  birthplace  of  himself  and 
Cortes.^* 

From  this  point  the  army  proceeded  southward  to 
the  Goazacoalco  country,  whose  advantages  with  its 
port  and  its  fertility  had  been  demonstrated  by  special 
expeditions  during  the  time  of  Montezuma.  On  reach- 
ing the  Goazacoalco,  Sandoval  summoned  to  him  the 
leading  caciques.  Several  days  passed  without  an 
answer,  and  preparations  were  made  for  warlike  meas- 
ures. Guided  by  certain  natives,  he  one  night  fell  upon 
a  town  and  captured  a  female  chief  of  great  influence. 
This  stroke  proved  effective,  and  the  rest  of  the  country 
submitted,  with  offers  of  rich  presents. In  accordance 
with  the  instructions  received,  a  town  was  now  founded 
on  the  southern  bank  of  the  river,  four  leagues  from 
the  mouth,  and  named  Espiritu  Santo,  from  the  day 
on  which  they  had  crossed  the  stream  and  received 
the  allegiance  of  the  people. The  prospects  of  the 
town  as  the  future  entrepot  for  trade  between  New 
Spain  and  the  Islands  and  home  country,  as  well  as 
the  resources  of  the  district,  gave  it  a  strong  attrac- 
tion, and  a  number  of  both  leaders  and  soldiers  offered 
to  settle,  notably  Luis  Marin,  Francisco  de  Medina, 
who  afterward  met  so  terrible  a  fate,  Diego  de  Godoy, 
to  whom,  instead  of  Marin,  historians  have  wrongly 
given  the  credit  of  conquering  Chiapas,  and  Francisco 

Tiltepec,  while  Bernal  Diaz  writes  that  he  refused  to  his  later  regret  Matla- 
tlan  and  Orizaba.  Hist.  Verdad.,  165-6. 

3* '  Veiute  leguas  la  tierra  adentro,  en  la  provincia  de  Tatalptetelco. ' 
Cortes,  Cartas,  313.  The  founding  and  the  installation  of  the  municipality 
were  hastened  by  the  arrival  of  Cristobal  de  Tapia,  who  intended  to  supersede 
Cortes  as  governor,  as  will  be  told  elsewhere.  It  was  soon  after  moved  near 
to  Vera  Cruz. 

3j  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.  The  people  came  with  a  large  num- 
ber of  canoes  to  ferry  the  army  across,  Cacique  Tochel  remaining  as  hostage. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  166.  They  paid  two  years'  arrears  of  taxes,  says 
Ixtlilxochitl.  Hor.  Crueldades,  57.  Cortes  writes  1520,  Eio  de  Totuquahpio; 
Orontius,  1531,  R.  de  quaUf;  Colon,  1527,  R.  de  gasacalcos;  Ribero,  1529, 
R.  de  guasacalco;  Munich  Atlas,  x.  1571,  7?°  de  guaqaqa;  Hood,  1592,  R.  de 
Guaca;  Ogilby,  1671,  R.  de  Guazacoalco;  Dampier,  1699,  R.  Guazacoalco  or 
Guashigivalp;  Laet,  1633,  R.  Guazacoalco;  Jefferys,  1776,  R.  Guazacalco,  with 
the  town  of  Cayhoca.    Goldschmidf s  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  i.  359. 

And  because  on  the  former  anniversary  Narvaez  had  been  defeated,  adds 
Bernal  Diaz. 


36 


PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


de  Lugo.  Sandoval,  Grado,  Briones,  Bernal  Diaz, 
and  others,  also  took  up  either  residence  or  grant?=i 
here,  the  latter  extending  from  the  Zapotec  country 
to  the  sea,  and  from  the  southern  limits  of  Medellin 
district  into  Tabasco.^^ 

Hardly  had  the  repartition  been  made  before  San- 
doval was  called  away,  and  when  the  settlers  began 
to  levy  tribute,  nearly  all  the  districts  revolted,  sev- 
eral settlers  being  killed.  They  were  pacified  after 
considerable  trouble,  only  to  rise  again  at  intervals  in 
different  quarters.^^  More  settlers  came,  however, 
and  with  fertile  and  populous  grants  they  prospered 
so  well  that  the  towns  to  the  north  grew  jealous  and 
obtained  a  curtailment  of  the  district;  later  settle- 
ments in  Tabasco,  Chiapas,  and  Oajaca,  laid  claim  to 
other  portions,  and  Espiritu  Santo  soon  dwindled.^* 

At  the  time  that  Sandoval  set  forth  on  the  Groaza- 
coalco  campaign,  another  expedition  was  despatched 
against  Zapotecapan  and  Miztecapan,  a  region  alter- 
nating in  fertile  valleys  and  rugged  mountains,  and 
covering  the  modern  state  of  Oajaca;  the  former  lying 
to  the  east,  round  the  sources  of  Goazacoalco,  and 
stretching  to  Tehuantepec;  the  latter  divided  into 
upper  and  lower  Miztecapan,  covering  respectively 
the  lofty  Cohuaixtlahuacan  and  the  sea-bathed  Tutu- 
tepec.  Although  distinct  in  language  from  the  inhab- 
itants of  Andhuac,  the  people  possessed  the  culture 
of  the  Nahuas,  and  have  been  hastily  classed  as  an 

Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  165-7,  names  a  number  of  the  settlers,  sev- 
eral of  whom  did  not  remain  as  residents;  he  also  gives  the  native  names  of 
provinces,  as  Copilco,  Cimatan,  Tauasco,  Cachula,  Zoqueschas,  Tacheapac, 
Cinacantan,  Quilenes,  Papanachasta,  Citia,  Chontalpa,  Pinula,  Chinanta, 
Xaltepec,  Tepeca.  Cortes  names  Chimaclan,  Quizaltepec,  Cimaclan,  and 
others.  Cartas,  261. 

Bernal  Diaz  relates  his  narrow  escape  from  death  during  a  parley  with 
rebels.  Two  of  his  companions  were  killed  in  a  sudden  attack,  and  he  was 
wounded  in  the  throat.  After  hiding  a  while  he  was  aided  by  his  sole  sur- 
viving comrade  to  escape.  Bist.  Verdad.  y  177. 

At  the  present  day  the  district  has  revived,  the  population  centring  in 
Minatitlan,  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  river,  and  about  20  miles  from  the 
mouth.  Alvarado  sought  in  1535  to  have  the  port  annexed  to  Guatemala,  as  a 
base  for  supplies.  Cartas,  MS.,  xix.  35-6;  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi. 


ZAPOTECAPAN  AND  MIZTECAPAN. 


37 


offshoot  of  this  great  race,  descended  according  to 
one  tradition  from  the  mighty  Quetzalcoatl,  since  in 
Miztecapan,  the  ^region  of  clouds,'  lay  Tlalocan,  the 
terrestrial  paradise.  Another  account  traces  to  the 
Apoala  Mountains  the  source  of  Toltec  culture.  The 
more  favored  province  of  the  mystic  propliet  was 
Zapotecapan,  where  he  left  tokens  of  his  presence 
on  Mount  Cempoaltepec,  and  on  the  enchanted  island 
of  Monapostiac,  and  where  his  disciples  founded  the 
sacred  city  of  Mitla,  revered  even  now  in  its  grand 
ruins.  Miztecapan  claimed  a  founder  hardly  less  illus- 
trious in  the  person  of  a  dryad-sprung  youth,  who, 
challenging  the  sun,  compelled  him,  after  a  day's  hard 
combat,  to  retreat  in  confusion  beneath  the  western 
w^aters,  while  he  remained  triumphant  on  the  field 
of  clouds.  The  earlier  glimpses  reveal  two  hierarchic 
powers  in  the  provinces,  seated  respectively  at  Achi- 
uhtla  and  Mitla,  out  of  which  emerge  in  the  clearer 
history  of  the  fourteenth  century  three  kingdoms, 
one  centred  at  Teotzapotlan,  and  equalling  in  power 
and  extent  the  two  Mistec  monarchies  of  Tilantongo 
and  Tututepec.  Attracted  by  the  wealth  of  the 
latter,  which  stretched  for  sixty  leagues  along  the 
shores  of  the  southern  sea,  and  encouraged  by  jeal- 
ousies between  the  three  powers,  the  Aztecs  absorbed 
in  the  following  century  the  more  accessible  districts, 
and  entered  soon  after  into  sacred  Mitla  itself,  while 
in  1506  Montezuma's  armies  added  the  last  free  state 
of  Tilantongo  to  his  domains. 

Attracted  by  the  golden  sands  of  the  rivers,  Span- 
ish explorers  had  early  entered  the  province,  and  met 
with  a  friendly  reception,  Cohuaixtlahuacan  among 
others  sending  submissive  embassies  to  the  chief  of 

The  main  authorities  for  these  myths  and  events,  fully  given  in  Native 
Baces,  ii.  iii.  v.,  are  Burgoa,  Geor/.  Descrip.,  Oajaca,  pts.  i.  ii. ;  MotoUnia,  Hist. 
Jnd.;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  iii.  lib.  x.  etseq.;  Garcia,  OrUjen  delos  Ind.,  327- 
8;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  i.-iii.;  Torquemada,  and  others.    Laet,  1633, 
writes  Zapotecas;  Ogilby,  1671,  has  Zapotitlan  and  Zapoiecas,  on  page  and  i 
map  respectively;  Mercator  has  Zepotecas  east  of  Michoacan;  Jefferys,  Zapo-  I 
teca^s,  S.  Ildefonso  de  hs  Zapotecos;  Kiepert,  Lapotlaii.    Cartog.  Pac.  Coa^t,  \ 
MS.,  ii.  464. 


38  PREPARATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


the  strangers.  Subsequenu  reverses  at  Mexico,  how- 
ever, changed  their  minds:  the  old  love  for  liberty 
revived,  and  after  killing  isolated  parties,^^  the  hardy 
mountaineers  began  to  harass  even  the  provinces  re- 
conquered by  Spaniards.  The  sufferers  appealed  to 
Orozco,  the  lieutenant  at  Segura,  and  with  a  score  or 
two  of  soldiers  he  sought  to  repel  the  invaders.  His 
force  was  wholly  inadequate,  and  the  mountaineers 
grew  bolder.  The  fall  of  Mexico  accomplished,  Cor- 
tes was  able  to  give  attention  to  the  subject,  and  since 
the  conquest  of  the  region  was  a  needful  preliminary 
to  an  advance  southward,  he  reenforced  Orozco  with  a 
dozen  cavalry,  fourscore  infantry,  and  a  large  number 
of  experienced  allies.^^ 

Observing  the  strength  of  the  army,  the  Miztecs, 
against  whom  the  campaign  was  directed,  retired  from 
their  several  rocky  strongholds,  and  concentrated  at 
Itzquintepec,  the  strongest  of  them  all,  some  six 
leagues  from  the  present  Oajaca.  Protected  by  heavy 
stone  walls,  fully  two  miles  in  circumference,  they 
held  forth  defiantly  for  several  days,  repelling  every 
attack.  Water  began  to  fail,  however,  and  under 
promise  of  good  treatment  they  surrendered.^^  This, 
together  with  the  successful  operations  of  a  detach- 
ment under  Juan  Nunez  de  Mercado,**  completed  the 
subjugation  of  the  province.  The  lieutenant  sent  so 
glowing  a  report  of  the  fertility  and  the  products,  in- 

*^  A  number  were  driven  into  a  yard  and  prodded  to  death  with  long 
poles.  Herrera,  dec.  ill.  lib.  ill.  cap.  xi. 

^'^CorUs,  Cartas,  261.  Herrera  increases  the  cavalry  to  30,  and  assumes 
that  Alvarado  took  command,  as  does  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  150-1. 
The  force  left  in  October  1521,  in  company  with  Sandoval,  who  turned  south- 
eastward at  Tepeaca,  or  Segura. 

After  8  days  it  seems.  Herrera  assumes  that  Mexican  garrisons  were 
the  main  cause  of  the  resistance,  and  that  they  yielded  only  after  receiving 
an  answer  from  Cortes  to  their  demands.  Duran  confounds  the  operations 
with  those  of  Cort6s  during  his  march  to  Quauhnahuac  in  the  previous  spring. 
Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  518-19.  Ixtlilxochitl  alludes  to  three  hard  battles. 
Hor.  Crueldades,  57;  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  84. 

Involving  the  capture  of  Tecomovaca,  says  Herrera.  So  much  promi- 
nence has  been  given  to  Mercado's  operations  as  to  lead  several  writers  to 
attribute  to  him  the  subjugation  of  Oajaca.  Medina,  Ghrdn.  S.  Diego,  245; 
Villa  Senor,  Theatro,  ii.  112;  Alcedo,  Dice;  and  Ternaux-Compana,  Voy.t 
8er.  1.  torn.  x.  287. 


COCIYOPU  OF  OAJACA. 


39 


eluding  gold,  that  Cortes  was  induced  to  reserve  for 
himself  quite  a  large  tract,  while  a  number  of  con- 
querors sought  minor  encomiendas,*^  and  took  up  their 
residence  in  Antequera,  a  town  founded  not  long 
after,  close  to  Oajaca/^ 

To  Oajaca,  as  part  of  the  Zapotec  possessions,  be- 
longed the  coast  city  of  Tehuantepec,  for  a  period  the 
seat  of  its  kings,  and  at  this  time  the  capital  of  a 
branch  kingdom,  recently  bestowed  upon  Cociyopu, 
the  son  of  the  valiant  Cociyoeza  and  the  Aztec  prin- 
cess Pelaxilla/^  Singular  omens  attended  his  birth, 
wherein  soothsayers  could  see  naught  but  disaster. 
On  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  these  omens  were 
connected  with  the  ancient  prophecies  of  conquest  by 
a  white  race,  and  when  the  fall  of  Mexico  brought 
confirmation  of  the  wide-spread  fear,  Cociyopu  be- 
sought the  oracles  for  guidance,  and  was  directed  to 

*^  Tetellan  and  Hue3rapan  being  given  to  a  woman  who  accompanied  the 
expedition,  and  fought  bravely,  says  Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  519-20. 
Orozco  remained  in  charge  till  the  spring  of  1522,  when  he  was  recalled  to 
Segura,  his  command  being  surrendered  to  Aivarado.  Cortes,  Cartas,  267; 
Ovledo,  iii.  426-7,  433-4. 

Mercator,  1574,  has  Guaxaca,  too  far  north-west;  Ogilby,  1671,  has 
Guaxaca  near  Antequera  city,  also  Nixapa;  Laet,  1633,  is  similar,  Nixapa 
being  south-west  of  the  former;  Jefferys,  Guaxaca  or  Antiquera.  Gold- 
schmidVs  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  ii.  360.  'De  la  lengua  Mexicana,  y  puesto 
por  vn  Arbol  crecido  de  vna  f ruta  de  mal  olor,  llamado  Guaxe. '  Burgoa,  Geog. 
Descrip.,  i.  5.  The  fruit  grows  freely  on  the  Chapultepec  range  above  the 
town.  Founded  by  Nunez  del  Mercedo,  Sedeno,  Badajoz,  and  others.  Alcedo, 
i.  110;  3Iedina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  245.  In  Carta  del  Ayunt.  de  Antequera,  1531, 
in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  CoL  Doc.,  xiii.  182,  Sedeno  signs  as  if  he  were 
alcalde.  The  founding  appears  to  have  been  a  measure  effected  in  1528  by 
the  hostile  oidores,  to  encroach  on  Cortes'  estates.  Id.,  xii.  545.  Salmeron 
recommended  its  removal  in  1531.  Id.,  xiii.  203.  During  the  conquest  of 
Tututepec  in  1521-2,  the  town  of  Segura  there  founded  by  Aivarado  was 
removed  to  Oajaca  by  Badajoz  and  other  tumultuous  settlers,  thuR  reorganizing 
a  settlement  already  formed  at  Oajaca,  though  not  approved  by  Cortes,  be- 
cause he  desired  this  district  for  himself.  This  second  settlement  appears 
also  to  have  been  disallowed  by  Cortes.  See  Cortes,  Residencia,  ii.  157,  256; 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  219. 

*^  For  a  history  of  the  kingdom,  its  inhabitants,  and  its  vicissitudes,  see 
Native  Races,  v.  425,  430-7,  534-5.  In  the  Munich  Atlas,  vi.,  1532-40,  is 
written  la  comisco  and  Tequante  paque ;  Ramusio,  1565,  Tecoantepech ;  Mer- 
cator,  1574,  Tecoantepec,  as  province,  town,  and  gulf;  Ogilby,  1671,  has  R. 
Quizatlan  and  R.  Cotalte,  in  this  locality;  Dampier,  1699,  Tecoantepec;  La«t, 
1633,  Tecoantepeque ;  Jeflferys,  Bay  of  Tecoantepec,  Bar  of  Tecoatepec,  Te- 
coautepec  province.  GoldschmidVs  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  ii.  340-1. 


40  PEEPARATION  FOE,  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


conciliate  the  mighty  strangers  with  voluntary  sub- 
mission and  rich  presents.*^ 

The  ready  submission  of  Tehuantepec  was  not  a 
little  aggravating  to  Tututepec,  a  rich  province  which 
extended  beyond  it,  northward  for  some  sixty  leagues 
along  the  Pacific/^  The  two  had  frequently  been  at 
variance,  and  the  least  pretext  sufficed  to  kindle  anew 
the  strife.  The  lord  of  Tututepec  had  no  desire  to 
surrender  his  wealth  to  rapacious  invaders,  and  since 
spoliation  was  the  order,  he  resolved  to  seek  at  leayt 
a  share  of  his  neighbor's  choice  belongings  before 
Spaniards  came  to  seize  them  all.  The  adjoining 
mountaineers  of  the  Oajaca  ranges  were  readily  in- 
duced to  join  in  so  tempting  an  adventure,  and  to- 
gether they  pounced  upon  their  neighbor,  who  slowly 
fell  back  to  protect  his  capital  until  an  appeal  to 
Cortes  should  bring  him  aid.  The  appeal  came  most 
opportunely,  and  early  in  1522^°  Alvarado  hastened 
to  the  coast  with  two  hundred  infantry,  two  score  cav- 
alry, and  a  large  force  of  auxiliaries.^^ 

The  intermediate  districts  vv^ere  quickly  overawed, 
and  within  a  few  weeks  he  stood  before  Tututepeu,^^ 
after  having  subdued  some  towns  on  his  way.  This 
prompt  and  irresistible  progress  disconcerted  every 
plan  of  the  pugnacious  lord,  and  with  great  humility 
lie  led  his  nobles  forth  to  welcome  the  Spaniards, 
conducting  them  amid  protestations  of  friendship  to 

*^ '  Casi  al  fin  deste  mismo  ano.'  Eemesal,  Hist.  Chyapa^  2,  meaning  1522, 
which  should  read  1521.  Cortes,  Cartas,  262;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Vei-dad., 
159,  167.  One  version  assumes  that  the  king's  father,  who  ruled  Zapote- 
capan,  advised  the  submission.  Cociyopu  afterwards  accepted  baptism  as  Juau 
Cortes  de  Montezuma  and  proved  a  generous  patron. 

Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  ii.  pt.  i.  181.  On  Munich  Atlas,  vi.,  1532-40, 
Tutalipeg;  Ogilby,  1671,  Tututepec;  Laet,  1633,  Tututepeque;  Jefferys,  Tute- 
pec;  Kiepert,  Tututepec,  near  R.  Atoyac. 

&®Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  219,  followed  by  Galvano  and  others,  says  1523; 
but  he  is  confused.    Cortes  states  that  he  left  Mexico  in  January. 

From  Mexico  he  took  120  foot  and  30  horse,  which  were  reenforced  by  a 
part  of  the  Oajaca  expedition.  Cort6s,  Cartas,  267.  Bernal  Diaz  places  the 
force  at  200,  including  35  horse;  Gomara  increases  it  to  200  foot  and  40  horse, 
with  2  guns. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  ruler  of  Tehuantepec  was  on  this  occasion  bap- 
tized, but  this  seems  to  rest  on  the  mere  statement  of  Bernal  Diaz.,  Hist.  Ver- 
dad.,  167,  that  Olmedo  accompanied  the  expedition.  Both  circumstancea 
belong  to  the  later  movement  against  Guatemala. 


TEHUANTEPEC  AND  TUTUTEPEC. 


41 


the  fine  buildings  round  the  central  square.  The  space 
here  afforded  for  movements  was  rather  narrow,  and 
the  roofs  were  heavily  covered  with  inflammable  leaves, 
altogether  dangerous  in  case  of  a  concerted  attack 
from  the  densely  inhabited  houses  around.  It  was 
also  hinted  that  the  lord  had  formed  a  plot  to  surprise 
them  with  torch  and  sword/^  On  the  plea  that  the 
horses  required  different  accommodation,  the  army 
thereupon  moved  to  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  accom- 
panied by  the  lord  and  his  son,  who  were  detained 
as  prisoners  to  answer  the  charge  of  plotting  the 
destruction  of  his  visitors.  After  vainly  protesting 
against  the  accusation  as  invented  by  enemies,  they 
sought  to  appease  their  captor  with  rich  presents. 
The  sight  of  gold  only  inflamed  the  appetite  of  Alva- 
rado,  and  he  began  to  press  his  prisoners  for  more, 
demanding  among  other  things  a  pair  of  stirrups  to 
be  made  of  pure  gold.  This  extortion,  together  with 
the  terrors  of  his  unjust  imprisonment,  so  preyed  upon 
the  lord  that  he  died  soon  after. 

Much  of  the  gold  was  in  dust  and  grains,  giving 
evidence  of  rich  mines;  and  informed  of  this,  Cortes 
ordered  a  settlement  to  be  formed,  or  rather  the  re- 
moval there,  with  a  part  of  its  settlers,  of  Segura  de 
la  Frontera,  established  during  the  opening  campaign 
against  Mexico  to  secure  the  Tepeaca  frontier,  but  no 
longer  needed,  since  Mexico  was  henceforth  to  form  the 
dominating  stronghold  of  the  country. The  apparent 
wealth  of  the  country  caused  a  ready  enlistment  of  ad- 
ditional settlers,  among  whom  the  country  was  divided 
in  repartimientos  as  usual,  Alvarado  being  appointed 
chief  encomendero  and  lieutenant  for  his  chief.  The 

^2  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Olmedo  prevailed  on  Alvarado  to  leave  so  dan- 
gerous a  quarter.    Afterward  the  natives  of  Tehuantepec  revealed  the  plot. 

*  Dixeron  que  por  sacalle  mucho  oro,  e  sin  justicia,  murio  en  las  prisiones.' 
Alvarado  obtained  30,000  pesos  from  him.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  168. 
Cortes  admits  the  gift  of  25,000  castellanos.  Cartas,  208. 

Cortes  intimates  that  all  settlers  of  Segura  were  removed  with  it.  Id., 
216-1.  Remesal  applies  the  name  anew  with  the  reasons  given  for  the  origi- 
nal settlement.  Hi-it.  Chyapa,  2. 

By  a  grant  dated  August  24:,  1522,  Alvarado  received  in  repartimiento 


42  PREPAKATION  FOR  FURTHER  CONQUEST. 


appointment,  issued  at  his  own  request,  under  the  al- 
luring influence  of  the  mines,  was  obtained  at  Mexico, 
whither  he  hastened  with  all  the  treasures  so  far 
extorted,  leaving  to  the  clamoring  soldiers  the  flimsy 
excuse  that  Cortes  had  written  for  the  gold  to  send 
as  a  present  to  the  emperor.  This  was  the  more  ex- 
asperating since  the  repartimientos  proved  far  from 
equal  to  the  expectations  formed,  while  the  climate  was 
hot  and  most  unhealthy.  So  strong  became  the  feel- 
ing that  even  before  Alvarado's  departure  to  Mexico 
a  conspiracy  was  formed  to  kill  him.  Olmedo  learned 
the  particulars,  and  the  plotters  were  arrested,  two  of 
them  being  hanged.  After  Alvarado  had  gone,  the 
settlers  elected  alcaldes  and  other  officers  of  their  own, 
and  thereupon  removed  the  town  to  Oajaca,  regardless 
of  the  protestations  of  the  captain  in  charge.  Informed 
of  the  proceeding,  Cortes  sent  Alcalde  Mayor  Diego 
de  Ocampo  to  arraign  the  oflenders,  who  thereupon 
took  to  flight.  The  principal  men  were  arrested,  how- 
ever, notably  Badajoz  and  Juan  Nunez  de  Sedeno,  and 
sentenced  to  death,  a  penalty  commuted  by  Cortes  to 
banishment. 

In  addition  to  this  trouble,  the  natives  took  advan- 
tage of  the  removal  of  the  town  to  revolt  against  their 
extortionate  masters,  and  Alvarado  had  to  lead  another 
expedition  against  them.  They  were  readily  subdued, 
however, and  severely  chastised  for  the  murders  com- 
mitted, whereupon  the  son  of  the  deceased  lord  was 
installed  as  ruler.  Although  the  repartimientos  were 
confirmed,  Segura  was  not  reestablished;  nor  did  it 
prove  necessary,  for  the  natives  never  attempted 
another  uprising. 

Tutu  tepee,  with  six  towns  subject  to  it,  besides  Jalapa.  See  document  in 
Ramirez,  Proceso,  Yll. 

Even  this  appears  to  have  been  set  aside  by  the  emperor.  See  testimony 
of  Ocampo  and  others  in  Cortes,  Residencia,  ii.  256,  etc.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.y 
2l9;  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xvii.  Ocampo  was  the  first  to  open  the 
sea  route  to  Peru.  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.  JV.  Esp. 

^^A  number  being  blown  from  the  mouth  of  cannon.  JRamireZf  Proceso,  15. 


CHAPTER  III. 


KAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 
1521-1524. 

King  Zwanga's  Warning — First  Entry  into  Michoacan — Montano's 
Visit  to  the  Court  of  Tangaxoan — A  Narrow  Escape — ^Tarascan 
Envoys — Olid  Invades  Michoacan— Outrages  at  Tangimaroa  and 
Tzintzuntzan — Colonization  Attempted — Visions  of  the  South  Sea 
— Ship-building  at  Zacatula — The  Route  to  the  Spice  Islands — 
^Clvarez'  Mishap  in  Colima — Olid  Avenges  Him — Chimalhuacan 
Region — Isle  of  the  Amazons — Cortes  Hastens  to  Appropriate  a 
Rich  Field — The  Queen  of  Jalisco — Tradition  of  a  Shipwrecked 
Cross. 

It  has  already  been  told  how  the  Aztecs  in  their 
sore  distress  appealed  for  aid  to  King  Zwanga  of 
Michoacan,  representing  to  him  the  danger  of  letting 
ruthless  strangers  obtain  a  foothold  in  the  country. 
Brief  as  had  been  their  stay,  they  had  revealed  their 
avowed  intentions  by  rapacious  extortion  and  enslave- 
ment, by  overthrowing  the  cherished  religion  of  their 
forefathers,  and  by  slaughtering  those  who  attempted 
to  defend  their  homes  and  institutions,  going  even  so 
far  as  to  shackle  the  sacred  person  of  the  emperor, 
and  finally  to  murder  him.  Zwanga  was  naturally 
roused,  especially  at  the  probable  fate  awaiting  him- 
self, and  he  hastened  to  send  envoys  to  Mexico  to  gain 
further  information  and  advice  before  he  should  trust 
himself  to  a  people  who  had  ever  been  hostile  to  his 
race,  or  should  venture  to  face  the  wrath  of  the  chil- 
dren of  the  sun.  He  resolved,  nevertheless,  to  arm 
for  any  emergency,  and  quickly  a  hundred  thousand 
men  stood  prepared,  to  join,  perhaps,  in  an  overwhelm- 
ing avalanche  that  should  sweep  the  Spaniards  from 

(43) 


44 


RAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


the  face  of  Anahuac.  At  this  juncture  the  spirit  of 
his  dead  sister  is  said  to  have  appeared  and  warned 
him  against  resisting  the  God-sent  strangers,  pointing 
in  support  of  her  words  to  a  bright  figure  in  the  sky, 
representing  a  young  Castihan  soldier  with  drawn 
sword.  Several  other  omens  were  observed,  suffi- 
ciently portentous  to  prevail  on  the  council  to  join 
the  king  in  rejecting  the  Aztec  alliance.^ 

Whether  this  persuasion  availed  or  not,  certain  it 
is  that  another  was  at  hand  which  could  hardly  have 
been  disregarded.  When  Zwanga's  envoys  reached 
Mexico  they  found  it  stricken  desolate  under  the  rav- 
ages of  the  small-pox,  which  had  carried  off  the  em- 
peror himself.  Unable  to  achieve  anything,  they 
hastened  back  in  fear,  only  to  bring  with  them  the 
germ  of  the  terrible  scourge  from  which  they  were 
flying;  and  desolation  found  another  field.  Among 
the  vast  number  of  dead  was  Zwanga.  The  sceptre 
was  seized  by  his  eldest  son  Tangaxoan  II.,  whose 
vacillating  character  was  wholly  unfit  to  cope  with  the 
exigencies  of  so  critical  a  period.  His  first  act,  the 
assassination  of  his  brothers  on  a  flimsy  charge  of 
conspiracy,  in  order  to  secure  the  throne,  served  but 
to  bring  odium  upon  himself  and  defeat  the  proposed 
object  by  sowing  the  seeds  of  disloyalty.^  Again 
came  envoys  from  Mexico  to  urge  alliance,  but  before 
the  king  could  recover  from  the  pressure  of  other 
affairs,  or  bring  his  mind  to  a  determination,  the  crush- 
ing intelligence  of  the  fall  of  Mexico  solved  all  doubt. 

Among  the  men  sent  forth  by  Cortes  to  gather 
information  about  the  countries  adjoining  his  con- 
quest, and  to  open  the  path  for  invasion,  was  a  soldier 
named  Parrillas,  a  good  talker,  and  full  of  fun,  who 
had  become  a  favorite  among  the  natives,  and  was 
rapidly  acquiring  their  language.  Accompanied  by 
some  of  them,  for  the  purpose  of  foraging,  he  had 

1  Ixtlilxochitl  assumes  that  Zwanga  had  before  this  decided  on  avoiding 
the  Aztecs.  See  Native  Races,  v.  525-6. 

2 Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  132-3,  believes  that  the  youngest  brother  was 
spared.  La  i?ea,  Crdnica,  MS. 


MICHOACAN. 


45 


entered  Matlaltzinco,  a  province  lying  north-west  of 
the  lakes.  He  was  induced  to  go  farther,  however, 
and  reached  the  border  of  Michoacan,  where  the 
natives  gathered  in  crowds  to  gaze  upon  the  pale-faced 
hero  who  had  achieved  such  wonders  in  Mexico.^  His 
stories,  magnified  by  the  interpreters,  increased  their 
astonishment,  and  on  his  return  two  Tarascans  ac- 
companied him  to  feast  their  eyes  on  Spanish  great- 
ness, and  to  substantiate  the  accounts  of  the  wealth 
of  Michoacan  with  specimens  of  precious  metal. 
Cortes  was  delighted,  and  sought  to  impress  them 
with  parades  and  sham  fights,  wherein  horse  and 
cannon  played  an  imposing  role,  and  with  other  evi- 
dences of  his  irresistible  power. 

Cortes  wished  to  know  more  about  their  country, 
and  on  going  they  were  followed  by  Montano,  the 
volcano  explorer,  with  three  comrades,  a  number  of 
Mexican  and  Tlascaltec  nobles,  and  interpreters.  He 
carried  a  number  of  gewgaws  for  presents,  and  was 
instructed  to  make  his  way  to  the  presence  of  the 
king,  and  carefully  observe  the  political  and  economi- 
cal features.  Impressed  by  the  report  of  the  two 
Tarascans,  the  governor  of  the  frontier  fortress  of 
Tangimaroa  came  forth  with  a  large  retinue  to  wel- 
come the  embassy,^  on  its  way  to  Tzintzuntzan,  the 
capital.  All  along  the  route  natives  thronged  to 
behold  the  strangers,  who  were  everywhere  treated 
with  distinction.  On  approaching  the  capital  they 
were  met  by  an  immense  procession,  headed  by  several 
hundred  leading  nobles,  and  by  them  conducted,  after 
the  usual  tender  of  flowers  and  speeches,  to  large  and 

2  Herrera  relates  that  a  soldier  named  Villadiego  had  already  penetrated 
to  this  kingdom  shortly  before,  by  order  of  Cortes,  but  was  never  heard  of 
again.  His  guides  were  supposed  to  have  killed  him  •  for  his  trinkets,  dec. 
iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  iii.  Mercator,  1569,  Meckoacan;  Laet,  1633,  Mechoacan, 
province  and  city,  with  GuayangareOy  Maltepeque,  Taximaroa;  West-Ind. 
Spkf/hel,  1624,  Mechoacha;  Jefferys,  Mechoacan,  state  and  city,  with  Zurzonza, 
etc.    Goldschmidt's  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  ii.  476. 

*  The  governor  even  offered  his  sulDmission,  according  to  Herrera,  *  y  que 
crehia  q  aquel  gran  senor  (his  king)  embiaria  presto  sus  embaxadores  a  Cortes, 
of reciendole  su  persona,  casa  y  Reyno. '  Id.  He  leaves  the  intimation  that 
Montano  went  after  the  Tarascans  had  left;  others  make  him  join  their  party. 


46 


RAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


strangely  built  quarters,  where  a  banquet  was  served 
amid  great  clash  of  instruments.  The  king,  who  had 
looked  on  for  a  moment,  came  soon  after,  and,  waving 


Expedition  of  Montano. 


them  back,  demanded  with  a  stern  voice  who  they 
were,  and  what  they  sought.^    Though  startled  at 

^  •  Perchance  your  own  land  yields  not  enough  subsistence,  and  so  you  coma 


ADVENTURES  OF  MONTANO. 


47 


first  by  this  change  of  tone,  Montano  recovered  him- 
self, and  proceeded  to  dilate  on  the  peaceful  mission  of 
his  countrymen,  their  power,  and  the  advantages  to 
accrue  to  Michoacan  from  intercourse  with  them. 
The  Mexicans  were  destroyed  because  of  their  treach- 
ery. None  could  withstand  the  Spaniards,  aided  as 
they  were  by  their  God.  To  this  the  Mexican  nobles 
with  him  could  bear  witness.  The  king  seemed  im- 
pressed, no  less  by  the  words  than  by  the  fearless 
attitude  which  the  Spaniards  had  made  an  effort  to 
maintain,  and  he  retired  with  softened  mien. 

The  envoys  found  themselves  closely  watched,  and 
restricted  by  the  guard  to  certain  narrow  limits  within 
the  quarter.  For  eighteen  days  no  notice  appeared  to 
be  taken  of  them  by  the  king  or  courtiers,  who  were 
all  this  time  occupied  in  celebrating  a  religious  fes- 
tival. Keferring  to  their  own  customs,  the  Mexicans 
expressed  the  fear  that  at  the  close  of  it  all  the  party 
would  be  sacrificed  to  the  idols,  and  this  was  con- 
firmed by  more  than  one  hint.  On  the  last  day  four 
of  the  Mexican  nobles  were  summoned  to  the  pres- 
ence of  the  king,  and  suspecting  that  he  was  in  doubt 
about  the  course  to  pursue,  and  wished  to  sound  these 
men,  Montano  sent  the  most  intelligent,  and  im- 
pressed upon  them  the  necessity,  for  their  own  safety, 
to  dwell  on  the  invincible  prowess  of  the  Spaniards; 
their  generosity  to  friends,  and  the  terrible  retaliation 
that  would  be  exacted  if  any  harm  came  to  the  en- 
voys, though  even  the  four  soldiers  of  their  party 
sufficed  to  brave  a  whole  army,  controlling  as  they 
did  the  lightning  itself  So  well  did  the  nobles  act 
their  part  that  the  court  was  thoroughly  awed,  and 
after  being  entertained  with  the  honor  due  their  rank, 
they  returned  and  reassured  their  comrades.  The 
leader  of  the  council^  had  not  failed  to  represent  it  a 

to  seek  it  here.  What  did  the  Mexicans  that  you  should  destroy  them  ? 
Think  you  perhaps  to  do  so  with  me  ?  But  know  that  my  arms  were  never 
conquered  !'  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  16. 

*^  Pirowan-Quencandari,  as  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  assumes  him  to  be.  Hist, 
Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  521- 


48 


KAIBS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


dishonor  to  kill  an  envoy  who  had  come  on  a  peaceful 
mission,  and  it  certainly  might  prove  most  dangerous. 
The  consequence  was  that  the  king  appeared  soon 
after  before  the  Spaniards  with  a  large  retinue,  all 
adorned  with  flowers,  yet  armed  and  gesticulating  as 
if  about  to  charge  the  envoy.  A  large  quantity  of 
game  food  was  brought,  and  thereupon  the  monarch 
addressed  the  Spaniards.  He  apologized  for  detain- 
ing them  so  long,  and  pleaded  the  exigencies  of  the 
festival.  Since  it  would  be  unsafe  for  them  to  ad- 
vance farther  into  the  interior,  they  should  return  to 
their  leader  with  the  offer  of  his  allegiance,  which  he 
would  soon  present  in  person. 

The  following  day  twenty  carriers  appeared  with 
parting  gifts  of  curiously  wrought  stools,  embroidered 
fabrics  and  robes,  and  gold  and  silver  ware.  The  latter, 
valued  at  a  hundred  thousand  castellanos,^  was  placed 
in  the  middle  of  the  room,  and  declared  to  be  for  Cor- 
ti^s;  the  other  presents  piled  in  four  lots,  in  the  different 
corners  of  the  room,  were  for  the  four  envoys.  The 
king  extended  a  farewell,  and  recommended  to  Mon- 
tano's  care  eight  prominent  nobles  whom  he  wished  to 
accompany  him.  Soon  afterward  he  sent  to  demand 
from  the  Spaniards  the  greyhound  owned  by  Pena- 
losa,  for  it  had  taken  the  royal  fancy.  None  wished 
to  lose  the  faithful  animal,  but  it  was  thought  prudent 
to  yield,  without  accepting  the  compensation  offered. 
Fearing  that  the  royal  fancy  might  seek  wider  in- 
dulgence, the  envoys  hastened  to  depart,  attended  by 
several  hundred  carriers  to  convey  their  presents  and 
provisions.  Two  days  later  they  learned  that  the 
hound  had  been  sacrificed  amid  solemn  festivities,  as 
one  possessed  of  human  intelligence,  thus  to  appease 
the  wrath  of  the  idols,  whose  appetite  for  Christian 
blood  had  evidently  been  whetted. 

Cortes  gave  the  party  a  demonstrative  welcome,^ 


'  For  a  description  of  the  presents  see  Ihrrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  vi. 
^  Among  others  the  interpreter  was  rewarded  with  the  caciqueship  of 
Xocotitlan. 


CORT^:S  AND  THE  TARASCAN  NOBLES. 


49 


and  in  order  to  duly  impress  the  Tarascan  nobles  he 
received  them  in  full  state,  richly  dressed  and  seated 
in  an  arm-chair,  with  his  officers  standing  on  either 
side.  They  delivered  the  message  of  their  king,  who 
would  soon  personally  place  himself  and  his  kingdom 
at  the  disposal  of  the  white  chief  Cortes  assured 
them  that  it  was  Avell,  for  he  would  war  upon  all  who 
failed  to  submit.^  After  entertaining  them  for  a  few 
days  with  sham  fights  and  similar  impressive  scenes, 
he  distributed  some  presents  and  sent  them  home, 
accompanied  by  two  Spaniards,  who  were  instructed 
to  penetrate  to  the  shores  of  the  great  sea  that  was 
said  to  extend  beyond  Michoacan. 

So  alluring  seemed  the  report  of  the  nobles  to  their 
sovereign  that  he  felt  inclined  to  hasten  and  behold 
for  himself  the  wonderful  stranger;  but  his  fears 
being  roused  by  the  council,  with  allusions  to  the  fate 
of  killed  or  captive  princes  of  Mexico,  he  was  induced 
to  send  instead  his  surviving  brother  Huiziltzin,^^ 
well  provided  with  presents,  and  attended  by  a  large 
retinue,  including  more  than  a  thousand  servants.^* 
Cortes  received  him  with  great  pomp,  and  seated  him 
by  his  side,  although  but  half  content  with  the  assur- 
ance of  the  king's  early  visit  nor  were  the  presents 
equal  to  those  tendered  before. This  induced  him 

^Cartas,  258.  He  as  well  as  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  217,  write.i  as  if  this 
were  the  first  notice  of  Michoacan. 

^°Herrera  says  Vchichilzi.  According  to  the  Relacion  de  lo3  Eitos,  MS., 
the  Tarascan  form  of  this  Mexican  name  was  Cuini-Aguangari.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  assumes  that  his  cousin  Aguiga  was  sent,  but  his  account  varies  so 
much  from  the  explicit  statements  of  Cortes,  and  from  other  sources,  that  his 
entire  version  becomes  doubtful.  In  another  place  he  calls  Aguiga  the  brother. 
He  is  too  ready  to  give  credit  to  obscure  manuscripts,  rather  than  to  Spanish 
standard  authorities.  Prescott,  Mex.,  iii.  236;  Cavo,  Tres  uiglos,  i.  11;  and 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  66-8,  71-2,  are  all  loose  or  confussd  with  regard  to 
the  different  embassies  to  and  from  Michoacan.  Ixtlilxochitl  alludes  only  to 
one,  and  assumes  a  share  in  the  offers  for  his  namesake.  Hor.  Crueldades,  55. 
'  Y  muchos  caballeros  que  llevaron  otras  tantas.'  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich. 

iii.  40. 

^2  Brasseur,  who  allows  Olid  to  invade  Michoacan  before  this,  causes  the 
prince  to  invent  a  story  of  the  king's  death,  and  procures  from  Cortes  a 
promise  of  the  appointment  of  another  brother  as  successor.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ. , 

iv.  533. 

^2  Of  alloyed  gold,  5,000  pesos  de  oro;  alloyed  silver,  1,000  marks,  all  in 
jewelry  and  plate;  and  fabrics,  feathers,  etc.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  4 


50 


RAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


probably  to  make  the  display  of  Spanish  strength 
more  impressive  than  usual,  and  during  the  cannonad- 
ing a  tower  was  demolished  to  prove  the  efficiency  of 
the  lightning-boxes,  although  the  ruins  of  the  capital 
spoke  volumes  in  themselves,  impregnable  as  the  city 
had  ever  been  regarded.  The  prince,  indeed,  shed 
tears  of  compassion  as  he  beheld  the  desolate  capital. 

On  hearing  from  his  brother  what  he  had  seen,  and 
how  well  he  had  been  treated,  the  king  concluded  to 
redeem  his  promise  and  visit  Cortes  as  had  been  de- 
sired. To  this  end  he  prepared  a  large  amount  of 
presents,  for  Huiziltzin  had  been  made  to  understand 
that  by  these  would  be  measured  the  attentions  he 
might  receive,  and  the  concessions  for  his  kingdom, 
now  menaced  by  an  expedition  already  preparing  at 
Mexico.  The  latter,  indeed,  proved  the  main  impulse 
for  the  visit,  by  which  the  conqueror  was  to  be  con- 
ciliated. His  retinue  and  march  befitted  those  of  a 
king,  and  couriers  were  sent  daily  to  report  at  Mex- 
ico his  advance.  Cortes  came  forth  with  a  brilliant 
escort,  and  as  they  met,  the  clash  of  music  celebrated 
the  meeting,  wherein  Tangaxoan  offered  himself  as 
vassal  to  the  Spanish  sovereign,  and  won  admiration 
by  the  brilliancy  of  his  gifts.  While  his  suite  ap- 
peared in  rich  attire,  he  himself  was  clad  in  humble 
garments,  in  token  of  submission.^*  He  was  lodged 
in  the  palace  at  Coyuhuacan,  and  feasted  with  Spanish 
dishes,  the  wine  greatly  delighting  him.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  usual  military  spectacles,  a  brigantine  was 
launched  in  his  presence,  followed  by  an  excursion  on 
the  lake,  no  less  novel  to  him  than  it  had  been  to 
Montezuma.  Before  leaving,  he  promised  to  open  his 
kingdom  to  any  colonists  who  might  wish  to  settle, 
and  to  extend  his  protection  to  them. 

viii.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  217,  allows  Olid  afterward  to  receive  these  or 
similar  presents. 

'  De  dode  los  Mexicanos. .  .le  llamaroii  Cazonzin,  que  significa  alpargate 
viego.'  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  viii.  But  this  name  was  a  title,  as 
fully  explained  in  Native  Races,  v.  516,  525;  Alcrjre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  91; 
Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  78. 


OLID'S  MISSION. 


51 


Cortes  would  before  this  have  sent  troops  to  secure 
possession  of  so  promising  a  country,  but  pressing 
affairs  intervened,  such  as  the  arrival  of  Tapia,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  middle  of  1522^^  that  he  despatched 
Olid  with  seventy  cavalry,  two  hundred  infantry,  and 
a  number  of  allies,  who  also  assisted  in  conveying  the 
artillery.^^  If  the  country  proved  as  desirable  as  rep- 
resented, he  was  to  form  a  settlement  at  Tzintzun- 
tzan,^^  and  investigate  the  resources. 

On  arriving  at  Tangimaroa,  the  troops  found  the 
people  occupied  with  a  religious  celebration,  arrayed 
in  their  finest  dresses  and  adornments.  The  display 
proved  too  tempting  for  the  greedy  soldiers,  and  jew- 
elry and  other  valuables  were  extorted  and  stolen,  in 
addition  to  other  outrages,  wherein  the  allies  took  a 
prominent  part.  The  people  actually  rose  to  hostile 
demonstrations,  but  a  volle}^  from  the  arquebusiers, 
followed  by  a  charge  from  the  no  less  dreaded  horses, 
put  them  to  flight,  the  leaders  being  captured.^^ 
These  were  reassured  by  Olid,  who  pretended  to  de- 
plore the  outrage,  and  now  sent  them  to  the  king 
with  peaceful  protestations.  Tangaxoan  was  not  a 
little  startled  by  the  reports,  and  with  the  vision  of 
the  smoking  ruins  of  Mexico  before  his  eyes,  dark 
forebodings  crept  upon  him.  His  council  was  equally 
perplexed.  Some  of  the  members,  headed  by  Timage, 
the  king's  uncle,  urged  resistance  to  the  last  rather 

^^No  account  is  given  of  an  expedition  in  the  letter  of  May  1522,  only 
of  the  visit  of  the  king's  brother;  but  in  the  relation  of  October  1524  he 
Bpefcka  of  it,  and  so  early  therein  as  to  indicate  that  it  was  sent  not  long  after 
the  despatch  of  the  previous  letter.  Cartas^  275.  'Algunos  meses  despues  de 
vuelto  el  Hey,'  says  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  49;  but  it  is  probable  that 
the  king  did  not  come  until  the  expedition  had  entered  Michoacan.  Alegre 
assuLcss  that  it  accompanied  the  king's  brother,  but  this  is  too  early,  itist, 
Comp.  Jesus,  i.  92,  although  according  well  with  Bemal  Diaz'  loose  intima- 
tion. Hist.  Verdod.,  159. 

i^Goroara  reduces  the  force  to  40  horse  and  100  foot.  Hist.  Mex,^  2?. 7,  and 
Ixtlilxochitl  adds  5,000  Tezcucans.  Hor.  Crueldades,  55. 

It  ii  frequently  referred  to  by  the  Mexican  name  of  Huitzitzitla,  and  its 
corrupt  forms  of  Chincicila,  etc. 

^^Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  places  thic  cccnrrence  wrongly  before  the  king's 
brother  is  sent  to  Mexico,  and  assumes  that  as  scon  aa  news  arrives  of  their 
approach  a  regular  army  is  sent  by  the  king  to  repel  the  invaders.  Hist.  Nat, 
Civ.,  iv.  526. 


EAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


than  to  yield  their  liberty  to  the  destroyers  of  Tenoch- 
titlan ;  others  counselled  a  retreat  to  some  stronghold 
till  circumstances  should  indicate  the  proper  course, 
for  after  the  submission  tendered,  and  the  peaceful 
assurances  of  the  invaders,  resistance  might  stir  these 
demons  to  desolate  the  whole  country.  Concerned 
chiefly  for  his  own  safety,  the  irresolute  Tangaxoan 
hastened  with  a  portion  of  his  family  to  seek  refuge 
at  Uruapan,  instructing  his  confidants  to  spread  the 
rumor  that  he  had  been  drowned. 

Meanwhile  Olid  advanced  on  the  capital,  and  al- 
though Timage  had  sought  to  rouse  the  people  to 
defence  by  bloody  sacrifices  to  the  idols,  and  other 
measures,  yet  their  hearts  failed,  and  a  delegation  was 
sent  to  welcome  the  army,  and  conduct  it  to  the  palace. 
Encouraged  by  the  success  at  Tangimaroa,  the  soldiers 
and  allies  were  not  slow  to  again  follow  their  rapacious 
bent,  and,  a  good  pretext  being  found  in  the  idolatrous 
practices  to  be  seen  on  every  side,  they  began  with  a 
raid  on  the  temples;  a  number  of  these  edifices  were 
fired,  while  in  others  a  destruction  of  idols  completed 
the  pillage.  These  excesses  were  promoted  by  the 
flight  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  inhabitants,  particu- 
larly the  women  and  children,  after  looking  in  vain  for 
any  manifestations  of  the  divine  wrath  which  such 
desecration  seemed  to  challenge.  Private  dwellings 
were  now  broken  into,  and  while  some  of  the  burglars 
turned  into  ghouls,  to  increase  their  spoils  with  pres- 
ents consecrated  to  the  dead,  others  spread  over  the 
neisjhborhood  to  continue  the  raid  in  fresh  fields. 

While  not  unwilling  to  permit  a  certain  amount  c?f 

^'In  the  Relacion  de  los  Ritos,  MS.,  the  spoils  of  gold  and  silver  and  orna- 
ments are  estimated  at  forty  cofierfuls  in  one  place,  at  twenty  in  another, 
etc.  As  for  Cortes,  he  mentions  merely  a  gift  of  3,000  marks  in  niiver,  and 
5,000  pesos  de  oro.  Cartas^  275.  The  army  naturally  kept  the  larger  part, 
-  and  the  leaders  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  expose  the  excesses  of  their 
men,  even  Cortes  being  content  to  share  with  them  and  keep  quiet.  Gomara 
lowers  even  Cort6s'  estimate  of  the  treasure  received.  Hist.  Mex.,  217.  Her- 
rera  and  Beaumont  abstain  from  mentioning  any  figures.  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg,  IlisL  Nat.  Civ.,  It.  532,  assumes  that  the  king's  brother,  or  cousin, 
as  he  at  times  calls  him,  ia  sent  with  a  portion  of  the  spoils  to  Mexico,  on  the 
first  visit,  which  Cort6s  dates  long  before  Olid  ia  despatched  to  that  region. 


OLID  AT  ZACATULA. 


53 


pillage,  wherein  he  might  share,  Olid  thought  it  both 
dangerous  and  impolitic  to  go  too  far,  and  accordingly 
took  strict  measures  to  check  the  disorder.  The  sol- 
diers considered  this  rather  an  unwarrantable  inter- 
ference, and  rose  in  open  mutiny.  This  was  quelled, 
and  the  ringleaders  received  due  punishment;  but 
harmony  could  not  be  restored,  and  the  majority 
loudly  protested  against  remaining  in  garrison  duty 
supported  only  by  repartimientos,  while  their  com- 
rades at  Mexico  were  preparing  to  invade  the  rich 
rep:ions  to  the  south.  Their  minds  were  still  too 
much  occupied  with  the  acquisition  of  treasures  to 
rest  content  with  the  quiet  life  of  encomenderos,  and 
since  the  gold  and  silver  in  the  Tzintzuntzan  district 
had  been  well-nigh  exhausted,  the  country  possessed 
no  further  attraction.  So  energetic  were  the  protests 
that  Cortes  gave  orders  to  abandon  the  colony,  those 
desiring  to  return  to  Mexico  being  permitted  to  do 
so ;  the  rest  were  ordered  to  Zacatula.^^  It  was  not 
his  intention,  however,  to  abandon  so  promising  a 
region,  or  to  lose  control  of  a  powerful  monarch,  and 
some  time  later  he  sent  Olid  again  to  reestablish  the 
settlement,  though  not  to  remain  in  charge,  since 
more  trouble  might  arise  with  the  colonists.  The 
control  was  assigned  to  Andres  de  Tapia,  assisted  by 
a  municipality  appointed  by  Cortes  himself,  and  while 
Olid  passed  on  to  install  a  similar  body  at  Zacatula, 
that  officer  proceeded  to  reconcile  the  Tarascans  to 
the  return  of  the  white  men,  promising  that  no  out- 
rages should  again  mar  their  intercourse.  The  promises 
brought  from  Cortes  reassured  Tangaxoan,  and  under 

2"  CorUs,  Cartas,  276.  *  Pacificamete  se  fue  entreteniedo  por  algu  tiepo, ' 
says  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.,  adding  that  Olid  sought  to  introduce 
intercourse  and  culture.  This  vagueness  assists  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  to 
assume  that  the  colony  remained,  Hist  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  538,  contrary  to  Cor- 
tes' positive  statement,  supported  also  by  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii,  49, 
though  the  latter  adds,  *  sin  tener  lugar  de  poblar. '  Cortes  would  never  ac- 
knowledge the  abandonment  of  the  only  colony  in  a  rich  kingdom,  unless 
obliged  by  truth  to  do  so.  Zamacois  goes  so  far  as  to  appoint  a  municipality 
which  remains  in  the  country.  Hint.  Mej.,  iv.  74;  but  he  anticipates,  as  will 
be  seen.  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  Olid  was  anxious  to  return  to  his  newly 
wedded  wife  at  Mexico.  Hist.  Verdad.,  161,  164. 


54 


RAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


his  protection  the  colonists  began  actively  to  engage 
in  mining.  With  Cortes'  departure  for  Honduras, 
and  the  consequent  disorders  at  Mexico,  the  king 
again  took  alarm,  and  sought  to  restrict  the  coming 
of  the  settlers,  though  no  serious  difficulties  occurred. 

One  of  the  most  alluring  pieces  of  information 
brought  by  the  many  embassies  which  tendered  hom- 
age at  the  feet  of  the  victor  was  the  existence  of  a 
great  sea  to  the  south-west.  The  report  thereof 
roused  in  Cortes  a  series  of  tumultuous  feelings, 
intensified  by  the  dazzling  result  of  Vasco  Nunez' 
famous  discovery.  Visions  arose  of  pearl  and  spice 
islands,  of  long  extended  shores  cut  by  Pactolean 
streams,  of  the  veiled  Indies,  of  a  strait  to  the  south 
or  north  through  which  the  fleets  of  Spain  should 
bear  away  the  prize  of  Oriental  trade,  and  enrich  her 
people — this  and  more  dreamt  the  great  conqueror 
as  he  figured  himself  the  laurel-crowned  hero  of  the 
age.^^ 

The  first  attempt  to  gather  information  about  the 
sea  appears  to  have  been  through  the  two  Spaniards 
who  accompanied  the  Michoacan  envoys  to  their  coun- 
try. Immediately  after,  two  small  parties  were  de- 
spatched to  the  south  and  south-west,  one  of  them 
reaching  the  sea  of  Tehuan tepee,  each  taking  possession 
for  the  king  and  church,  planting  there  the  cross.  The 
rumor  had  preceded  them  of  the  achievements  of 
white  men  in  overthrowing  the  feared  Aztecs,  and 
everywhere  the  explorers  received  marked  attention, 
proof  of  the  same  being  brought  to  Mexico  in  costly 
presents  of  gold  and  pearls,  and  in  specimens  of  choice 

2^  Alluding  to  these  objections,  Contador  Albornoz  urges  the  arrest  of  the 
king  and  his  supporters.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii. 
71-2;  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  502-3.  This  restriction  is  probably  at  the 
bottom  of  the  statement  in  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  89,  that  all  traces  of 
a  rich  mine  discovered  in  1525  were  soon  after  lost.  This  may  be  identical 
with  the  *  sierra  de  plata '  of  the  royal  c^dula  in  Puga,  Cedulario,  24.  *  Y 
siempre  quedaron  amigos,'  is  Herrera's  concluding  allusion  to  Tangaxofja. 
dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xvii. 

*  Y  estaba  muy  ufano,  porque  me  parecia  que  en  la  descubrir  se  hacia  d 
V.  M.  muy  grande  y  senalado  servicio.'  CorUs,  Cartas,  259. 


SHIP-BUILDING  AT  ZACATULA. 


55 


products  from  the  provinces  through  which  they 
passed. To  Cortes  these  valuables  served  to  stimu- 
late the  desire  for  exploration  by  which  a  strait  might 
be  disclosed,  and  a  route  found  to  the  Orient,  and  with 
this  object  he  sent  another  party  to  examine  the  coast 
for  a  suitable  harbor  with  timber  for  ship-building  con- 
venient. This  was  found  at  the  mouth  of  Rio  Zacatula, 
in  the  province  of  Zacatollan,^^  and  Villafuerte  was 
tliereupon  sent  with  fully  forty  Spaniards,  chiefly 
shipwrights,  carpenters,  sawyers,  blacksmiths,  and  sail- 
ors, to  form  a  settlement,  and  build  two  caravels  and 
two  brigantines,  the  former  for  sea  expeditions,  the 
others  for  coast  exploration.  A  large  number  of  allies 
joined,  especially  such  as  had  been  trained  in  work  con- 
nected with  the  building  of  the  first  fleet. Some  were 
employed  in  carrying  spikes,  cordage,  sails,  and  other 
material  from  Vera  Cruz  and  Mexico.  The  colony 
was  reenforced  from  the  abandoned  settlement  at 
Tzintzuntzan,  and  became  now  the  headquarters  for 

2^  In  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  ii. ,  Juan  del  Valle  is  mentioned  as  the 
discoverer  of  Tehuantepec,  for  which  he  obtained  a  coat  of  arms.  In  dec.  iii. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  xvii.,  a  discovery  expedition  to  Tehuantepec  under  Guillen  de  la 
Loa,  Castillo,  Alferez  Roman  Lopez,  and  two  others,  is  spoken  of  as  if  sub- 
sequent to  the  above,  their  route  being  through  Zapotecapan,  along  Chiapas, 
and  through  Soconusco,  a  distance  of  400  leagues.  Chico  and  three  others  are 
said  to  have  explored  the  coast  from  Tehuantepec  to  Zacatula,  but  this  is 
doubtful,  since  the  intermediate  Tutupec  was  hostile.  Others  sent  through 
Jalisco  never  returned.  Cortes  states  that  his  two  parties  numbered  two 
Sjjaniards  each,  but  they  may  have  been  leaders,  and  were  certainly  accom- 
panied by  Indians.  They  appear  to  have  returned  before  the  end  of  October. 
Cartas,  259,  262.  In  Cortes,  Besidencia,  ii.  118-19,  Juan  de  Umbrla  is  said 
to  have  been  leader  of  one  party.  On  his  return  he  was  imprisoned  for  two 
years  on  the  charge  of  having  omitted  Cortes'  name  in  taking  possession  of 
the  sea.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  219,  assumes  that  two  parties  went  through 
Michoacan,  and  Prescott  hastily  amplifies  the  achievements  of  one  party, 
although  the  jjchroniclers  never  mention  even  what  became  of  it.  3Iex.,  iii. 
237. 

2*  According  to  Herrera  this  should  have  been  the  Chico  party,  but  it  is 
doubtful. 

'^^ Native  Races,  ii.  109.  Mercator,  1574,  has  Cacatula;  Munich  Atlas, 
vi.,  Cacatola,  same  name  a  little  farther  north;  Ogilby,  1671,  Zacatula;  Laet, 
1G33,  R.  Zacatula  and  Zacatula  city;  Jefiferys,  1776;  Zacatela,  province  and 
city;  Kiepert,  Sacatula.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  ii.  384. 

■•^^  Evidently  Juan  Rodriguez,  the  leading  brigantine  captain,  vol.  i.  615, 
though  Bernal  Diaz  alludes  to  him  as  if  he  were  a  different  man.  Panes,  in 
Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  59. 

"  Chiefly  Tezcucans,  says  Ixtlilxochitl,  Rel,  429.  Zurita  speaks  of  oppres- 
sion and  hardships  to  which  these  allies  were  subjected.  Pacheco  and  Carde- 
nas, Col.  Doc.f  xiv.  414. 


§6 


RAIDS  ALONG-  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


Spanish  forces  in  the  south-west.  Additional  men 
were  brought  by  Ohd  in  connection  v/ith  his  second 
expedition  to  Michoacan,^^  including  the  municipal 
officers  appointed  by  Cortes,  and  the  town  was  now 
formally  established  on  the  site  already  chosen,  a  league 
and  a  half  from  the  sea,^^  and  named  Zacatula,  after 
the  river.  One  reason  for  Olid's  coming  was  to  aid  in 
reducing  to  obedience  the  Indians  who  had  been  ap- 
propriated in  repartimientos,  but  who  had  refused 
to  pay  tribute,  and  even  killed  several  collectors. 

The  emperor  had  expressed  great  interest  in  the 
projects  opened  by  the  discovery  of  the  South  Sea 
beyond  new  Spain,  and  by  cedula  of  June  1523  he 
enjoined  Cortes  to  hasten  the  search  for  a  strait. 
The  latter  needed  no  prompting,  but  the  building  of 
the  vessels  progressed  slowly,  owing  to  the  difficulty 
and  delay  attending  the  furnishing  of  certain  material. 
Finally,  when  this  was  obtained,  a  fire  reduced  nearly 
everything  to  ashes.  Without  being  in  the  least  dis- 
couraged, Cortes  hastened  to  repair  the  loss,  and  toward 
the  end  of  1524  such  progress  had  been  made  that  he 
expressed  the  hope  of  despatching  the  vessels  in  the 
middle  of  the  following  year.  "With  tliem,  God 
willing,  I  shall  make  your  Majesty  lord  of  more 
kingdoms  and  seignories  than  are  as  yet  known  to  our 
nation.  "^'^  The  search  for  the  strait  should  receive  the 
first  attention,  however,  since  the  sovereign  so  de- 
sired it,  for  by  it  the  route  to  the  Spice  Islands  would 

28  *  Mas  de  cie  Espaiioles,  y  quarenta  de  cauallo,  y  Mechuacaneses. '  Go- 
mara,  Hist.  Mex.,  220.  Bernal  l)iaz  j-educes  the  force  to  45  men.  Hist.  Ver- 
dad. ,  167.  On  the  way  he  was  attacked  and  suffered  a  loss  of  two  killed  and  15 
wounded.  Herrera  makes  the  force  larger  than  Gomara,  and  allows  Villa- 
fuerte  to  come  at  the  same  time.  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xvii. 

2^  Herrera,  Id.,  cap.  xviii.,  associates  Simon  de  Cuenca  with  Villafuerte  as 
a  leading  man. 

2" In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxiii.  366-7. 

'  Me  cuestan  hoy  los  navios,  sin  haberlos  echado  al  agua,  mas  de  echo 
mil  pesos  de  oro,  sin  otras  cosas  extraordinarias,'  says  Cortes  in  his  letter  of 
October  1524.  Cartas,  308,  Testimony  in  Cortes,  Besidencia,  i.  27,  etc., 
assumes  that  the  delays  were  on  purpose,  since  Cortes  had  built  the  ships  as 
a  means  to  escape  from  the  country  with  his  embezzled  millions. 

^'■^  *  No  le  quedara  a  V.  Excels,  mas  que  hacer  para  ser  monarca  del  mundo.* 
Cartas,  308. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  COLIMA. 


57 


be  greatly  shortened.^^  While  hopeful  that  it  would 
be  found,  he  suggested  that  the  trade  might  in  any 
case  be  secured  by  this  western  route,  if  New  Spain 
were  made  the  entrepot,  goods  being  readily  conveyed 
overland  by  the  aid  of  the  natives.^*  The  departure 
of  Cortes  for  Honduras,  in  pursuit  both  of  Olid  and 
the  strait,  delayed  the  proposed  expeditions  by  sea, 
although  the  smallest  vessel  was  sent  by  one  of  the 
officials  on  a  short  vain  search  for  certain  islands 
which  aboriginal  tradition  placed  to  the  south.^^  It 
was  but  the  delay  of  bitter  disappointment. 

On  the  disbandment  of  the  first  colonists  in  Micho- 
acan,  those  destined  for  Zacatula  set  forth  in  that 
direction  under  Alvarez  Chico,^^  to  the  number  of  a 
hundred  foot  and  forty  horse,  and  a  force  of  Mexican 
and  Tarascan  auxiliaries.  On  the  way  they  received 
confirmatory  accounts  of  the  wealth  of  Colima,  a 
province  extending  along  the  South  Sea  to  the  north 
of  Zacatula,  and  of  which  glowing  rumors  had  reached 
them  at  Tzintzuntzan.  They  were  in  search  of  treas- 
ures, not  of  garrison  life  at  Zacatula,  and  so  without 
permission  they  turned  aside  to  enter  the  coveted 
province. A  dispute  arising,  a  portion  of  the  forces 

The  interesting  speculations  concerning  the  strait,  its  position  and  value, 
and  the  expeditions  to  which  the  search  gave  rise,  are  fully  treated  in  Hist. 
North  Mex.  States.    See  also  Hkt.  JVortJavest  Coast,  this  series. 

'•^^  Cortes,  Cartas,  315.  The  means  and  desirability  are  more  fully  entered 
into  by  Albornoz,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  62-3,  and 
Oviedo,  iii.  466.  The  route  would  present  less  difficulties  than  that  used  by 
the  Venetians. 

Albornoz,  ubi  sup,,  intimates  that  had  he  been  given  the  power  to  send 
the  vessels  forth,  the  route  to  the  Spice  Islands,  and  perhaps  richer  lands, 
would  by  this  time  have  been  discovered.  Besides  the  brigantine,  two  larger 
vessels  lay  prepared  before  the  close  of  1525. 

2^  A  man  who  figured  prominently  on  the  first  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  at 
Villa  Rica.  See  vol  i.  chap.  ix.  So  Bernal  Diaz  calls  him  in  one  place,  while 
in  another  he  applies  the  name  Juan  Velazquez  Chico.  Hist.  Verdad.,  159-60, 
166-7,  which  Panes  transforms  into  el  Chico.  Monumentos  Doniin.  Esp.,  MS., 
59.  Beaumont  adopts  the  Velazquez  form.  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  502;  andGd,  in 
Soc.  Mex.  Geo(j.  Boletin,  viii.  475-6,  attempts  to  show  that  no  Alvarez 
Chico  exists,  though  Mota  Padilla  adopts  the  name.  Hist.  N.  Gal,  69.  See 
also  Hernandez,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geofj.  Boletin,  2daep.  ii.  478;  iii.  187. 

Mota  Padilla  assumes  that  Alvarez  was  specially  commissioned  by  Cortes 
to  undertake  the  conquest.  Several  follow  him,  though  they  place  the  date 
earlier  than  his  1526.    But  Cortes  clearly  indicates  tne  version  of  my  text, 


68 


RAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


separated  from  the  main  body,  and,  proceeding  by  a 
different  route  under  Avalos,  they  obtained  the  coop- 
eration of  several  caciques,^^  who  were  dissatisfied 
with  the  king  of  Colima,  and  extended  their  raid 
over  a  large  tract,  notably  the  northern  j^t^g'on  which 
in  honor  of  the  leader  obtained  the  name  of  Avalos' 
province.^^  Alvarez  had  meanwhile,  with  more  ambi- 
tious views,  advanced  by  a  southern  route  on  the 
capital,  only  to  be  waylaid  in  a  ravine  by  the  allied 
forces  under  Zoma  and  Capaya,  caciques  of  Jicotlan 
and  Autlan,  and  to  be  driven  back  with  considerable 
Icss;*^  whereupon  he  hurried  crestfallen  upon  his 
original  mission  to  Zacatula/^ 

Informed  of  the  disaster,  as  well  as  of  the  hostility 
of  Impilcingo,  a  province  between  Zacatula  and  Co- 
lima, which  had  probably  been  stirred  by  the  Spanisli 
defeat,  Cortes  sent  the  able  Olid  with  twenty-five 
horsemen  and  about  eighty  foot-soldiers,^^  to  chas- 
tise this  province,  restore  order  in  Zacatula,  and, 
reenforced  by  a  part  of  its  troops,  to  subjugate 
Colima.  The  rugged  nature  of  the  country,  which 
made  cavalry  useless,  and  the  warlike  spirit  of  the 

•without  naming  tlic  officer.  Cartas,  276.  Bemal  Diaz  gives  the  name,  and 
agrees  upon  the  time.  The  main  cause  for  the  general  confusion  of  writers 
is  Herrera.  An  analysis  of  the  main  historians  reveals  his  errors,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.  xvii. ;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  29-31.  Mercator,  1569,  Colima; 
Munich  Atlas,  xii.,  1571,  OoZZma,  repeated  northward;  Ogilby,  10  1,  Colima; 
Dampier,  1679,  V.  Colima;  Laet,  1633,  Colima;  same  in  West-Ind.  SpiegJiel, 
Colom,  Jefferys;  Kiepert  writes  volcano  and  city.  Cariog.  Pac.  Coasts  MS., 
ii.  472. 

^'^  Such  as  those  of  Zapotlan  and  Sayula. 
Mota  Padilla,  loc.  cit. ;  Gil,  ubi  sup.    Jacotepec,  Zacoalco,  an>?  Axj^n.c, 
appear  among  the  subjected  districts.    The  chief  inducement  for  joining  the 
Spaniards  was  to  escape  the  heavy  tribute  to  the  king,  one  third  of  all  produce. 

Three  Spaniards  and  many  allies.  Cort4s,  Cartas,  276.  Gomara,  followed 
by  Herrera  and  Beaumont,  throw  on  Olid  the  blame  for  this  operation. 
*Peleo  muchos  dias.  Al  cabo  quedo  vecido,'  etc.  Hist.  Mex.,  220.  Tello 
names  the  allies  who  supported  the  king,  all  of  which  Mota  PadiVia  rewo- 
duces.  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  69.  Beaumont  differs  somewhat  in  rego^d  t/j  the  JilMes. 
Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  502.  Owing  to  their  confusion  about  early  ev'cnts  littic  reli- 
ance can  be  placed  on  the  names  connected  with  the  Invasion. 

*^  Not  to  Mexico  as  the  above  writers  assume.  '  Sabido  per  mi,  inand6 
traer  preso  al  capitan,  y  le  castigu(5.'  Cort^^,  Cartas,  276.  Success  would 
have  obtained  reward  for  the  disobedience.  Avalosis  said  to  have  held  cut  in 
his  district,  but  this  is  uncertain. 

*2  Herrera,  followed  by  Beaumont  and  others,  gives  the  same  force  as 
Cortes,  but  places  it  under  Sandoval,  d  .c.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xvii. 


NUEVA  GALICIA. 


59 


mountaineers,  prevented  success  in  Impilcingo,*^  and 
he  passed  on  to  Zacatula.  Increasing  his  force  to 
about  twice  its  original  strength,  he  thereupon  marched 
on  Colima.  After  a  hotly  contested  battle  at  Alima, 
he  compelled  the  king  and  his  allies  to  retire  to  the 
mountains,^*  wdth  heavy  loss.  The  rest  of  the  country 
hastened  to  submit,^^  and  to  assure  possession  he  founded 
a  town  named  Coliman  after  the  country,  for  which 
Cortes  appointed  a  municipality.  Olid  thereupon 
returned  with  a  rich  booty,  including  some  pearls, 
A.valos  being  left  in  charge  of  the  colony,  numbering 
a.bout  one  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards,  and  a  force  of 
allies.*^  As  in  Michoacan,  the  settlers  speedily  grew 
discontented  at  the  rapid  dwindling  of  the  much 
lauded  wealth  of  the  country,  and  many  deserted. 
This  encouraged  the  still  hostile  royalists  in  the  moun- 
tains, and  when  the  remaining  colonists  demanded 
their  tribute  from  the  repartimientos  they  found  most 
of  the  natives  united  in  a  general  revolt.*''  An  ap- 
peal  for  aid  was  made  to  Cortes,  and  this  time  he 
despatched  Sandoval,  who  so  effectually  suppressed 
the  revolt  that  none  was  ever  again  attempted.*^ 

This  conquest  opened  the  gate  to  the  fertile  regions 
northward,  since  known  as  Nueva  Galicia,  extending 
from  the  east  in  a  succession  of  green  plains  and  smiling 

'  Le  mataron  dos  soldados,  y  le  hirieron  quinze,  e  todauia  les  vencid, '  says 
Bemal  Diaz.  Hist.  Verdad.,  167,  ^contrary  to  Cortes,  Cartas,  287. 

*^  Bernal  Diaz  believes  that  Alvarez  perished  during  the  campaign,  per- 
haps in  the  battle,  and  Beaumont  assumes  heavy  losses  for  the  Spaniards. 
Cron.  Mich.,  iii.  158.  Cortes  acknowledges  only  wounded.  Minotlacoya,  lord 
of  Zapotlan,  appears  to  have  fallen  while  aiding  the  Spaniards. 

Including  Aliman,  Colimonte,  Ceguatan,  says  Cortes.  Herrera  gives 
varied  spelling,  and  adds  Impilcingo. 

Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xvii. 

*  Y  los  pocos  soldados  que  estaban. . ,  tomaron  remgiarse  en  las  provincias 
de  iCvalos,'  adds  Mota  Padilla.  Hst.  N.  Gal,  69. 

Bernal  Diaz  places  this  expedition  in  the  autumn  of  1522,  and  boasts 
that  Sandoval  took  with  him  a  mere  handful  of  veterans.  Hist.  Verdad.,  167; 
Aler/re,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  93.  Salazar,  Hist.  Conq.,  95,  swells  the  number 
a  little.  Herrera 's  final  episode  under  Olid  and  Villafuerte  is  entirely  out  of 
place,  and  has  helped  to  increase  the  general  confusion  among  later  writers. 
Villafuerte  does  not  appear  to  have  aj^proached  Colima.  Plis  knowledge  of 
ships  and  ship-building  caused  him  to  be  sent  in  command  of  the  first  colony 
to  Zacatula,  some  time  before  the  disbanded  colony  from  Michoacan  made  the 
lirst  entry  into  Colima. 


60 


RAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


valleys,  watered  by  numerous  streams  which  expand 
at  intervals  into  a  series  of  the  finest  lakes  in  all  these 
parallels.  On  the  west  the  Sierra  Madre  rises  in  pic- 
turesque outlines  to  form  a  sheltering  barrier,  and 
beyond  it  the  more  rugged  region  of  Chimalhuacan 
descends  to  meet  the  southern  sea.  Avalos  was  grad- 
ually extending  his  limits  into  this  country,  allured  by 
its  natural  beauty  and  resources,  and  when  Olid  re- 
turned to  Mexico  from  his  campaign  he  brought  a 
most  glowing  report,  confirmed  by  a  glittering  display 
of  pearls.  A  little  beyond  Colima,  he  said,  were  sev- 
eral rich  provinces,  and  ten  days' journey  to  the  north- 
west an  island  rich  in  gold  and  pearls,  inhabited  solely 
by  women,  who  permitted  only  occasional  visits  from 
men,  and  ruthlessly  cast  forth  all  male  children  born 
among  them.^^  He  also  reported  that  there  was  a 
fine .  port  in  this  region,  doubtless  the  later  Navidad. 
Tales  so  interesting  must  be  investigated,  and  in  the 
middle  of  1524,^^  when  he  found  his  hands  some- 
what free,  Cortes  resolved  to  seize  so  promising  a 
region,  and  to  this  end  commissioned  a  kinsmen, 
Francisco  Cortes  as  one  trustworthy,  to  overrun  and 
subdue  it.  In  view  of  the  importance  of  the  expe- 
dition, minute  instructions  were  issued.  No  attack 
was  to  be  made,  save  in  extreme  cases,  peaceful  sub- 
mission having  to  be  sought  with  promises  and  gifts ; 
a  general  disregard  for  pearls  and  gold  should  be 
afiected,  so  as  the  more  readily  to  acquire  information 
about  the  condition  and  riches  of  the  country,^"  and 

*  Relacion  de  los  senores  de  la  provincia  de  Ceguatan, '  adds  Cortes  to 
excuse  his  evident  belief  in  the  Amazon  story.  Cartas,  288.  Gomara  suggests 
that  it  may  have  originated  from  the  name  of  a  district  there,  Cihuatlan, 
meaning  place  of  women.  Hist.  Mex.,  220-1;  Oviedo,  iii.  447-8. 

^"Mota  Padilla,  Hist.  JV.  Gal,  70,  followed  by  Gil  and  Hernandez,  in  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.  Boletin,  viii.  476,  2da  ep.  ii.  479,  give  the  date  1526-7,  but  the 
instructions  of  Cortes  are  dated  1524,  and  he  alludes  to  such  an  expedition 
two  months  before  his  departure  for  Honduras.  Cartas,  491;  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  149-53.  Francisco  Cortes  figured  besides  during 
1525-6  as  representative  for  this  north-west  region,  as  will  be  seen  later. 

*De  San  Buenaventura.'  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  480.  Some  sort  of 
cousin,  no  doubt,  though  Gil  hastily  calls  him  nephew. 

*  Porque  no  lo  escondieren  creyendo  que  lo  terneis  en  poco.*  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  157. 


EXI^EDITION  OF  FRANCISCO  CORTES. 


61 


finally,  when  the  mask  was  thrown  aside,  the  treas- 
ures disclosed  by  this  artifice  should  be  secured.^^  In- 
vested with  the  power  and  rank  of  alcalde  mayor  of 
Colima,  and  of  governor's  lieutenant,  Francisco  Cortes 
set  out  with  alDOut  eighty  men,  twenty-five  having 
horses/*  and,  after  passing  through  Colima  and  Autlan, 
he  crossed  the  Sierra  Madre  range  to  Ameca  and 
Etzatlan,  after  defeating  the  natives  in  one  or  two 
encounters,  and  intimidating  the  rest  into  submis- 
sion.^^ 

The  main  object  being  exploration,  Francisco  ad- 
vanced north-westward  through  Istlan  and  Ahuaca- 
tlan.^^  A  little  further  at  Tetitlan  a  numerous  army  was 
met  under  Hujicar  and  easily  vanquished,  though  with 
the  loss  of  one  Spaniard.  This  had  a  salutary  effect  on 
the  districts  beyond,  notably  JaUsco,  well  known  for 
its  opulence  and  beauty,  which  was  ruled  at  the  time 
by  a  queen,  during  the  minority  of  her  son.  She  has- 
tened to  send  an  invitation  to  the  powerful  strangers, 
and  came  forth  herself  in  state  to  welcome  them  at  an 
arbor  embellished  with  flowers,  half  a  league  from  the 
town.  Her  warriors  here  formed  a  circle,  and  game 
being  driven  in  from  the  neighborhood,  they  exhibited 
their  skill  in  bringing  it  down,  and  tendered  the  result 
to  the  guests.    This  performance  was  followed  by 

^The  instructions  are  given  in  full  in  Pacheco,  ubi  sup.,  and  Cortes,  Escri- 
t08  Sueltos. 

^*  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  loc.  cit.  Mota  Padilla  makes  it  a  round  100,  and 
allows  friars  Padilla  and  Boloua  and  Br.  Villadiego  to  join.  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  70. 
But  they  had  not  yet  arrived  in  New  Spain. 

°^  '  Hobo  ciertos  recuentros,  y  apacigu6  muchos  dellos,  *  says  Cortes  briefly. 
Cartas,  492.  One  version,  followed  by  Navarrete,  Bist.  Jal. ,  24,  assumes  that 
Capaya  was  defeated  at  Autlan,  but  Mota  Padilla  writes  that  ruggedness  of 
country  offered  the  sole  obstacle.  Etzatlan,  he  adds,  was  given  in  encomienda  to 
Juan  de  Escarcena,  the  second  in  command,  it  seems.  A  report  of  1579 
ascribes  the  conquest  of  Amecan,  or  more  probably  the  encomiendaship,  to 
Juan  de  Anesta,  who  is  said  to  have  arrived  about  1528,  and  lived  four  or  five 
years  at  Colima,  enjoying  there  his  tributes  from  Amecan.  Hernandez,  in  Soc. 
Mex.  Geoq.,  2da  dp.,  ii.  465-6.  Among  those  who  submitted  is  named  Gua- 
xicar,  cacique  of  Xochitepec,  later  Magdalena. 

'  Donde  qued6  por  encomendero  Alonso  Lopez,'  says  Mota  Padilla;  but 
this  lca.v;ng  of  isolated  men  in  semi-hostile  countries  is  doubtful.  He  also 
assumes  Dint  Cortes  committed  so  hazardous  an  act  as  to  divide  his  forces  the 
better  to  explore  the  country,  and  adds  Mexpa  and  Zoatlan  to  the  places  vis- 
ited. Gil  assumes  a  detour  back  to  Amecan  before  Istlan  was  reached,  but  thia 
is  scarcely  possible. 


62 


RAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA, 


religious  ceremonies  at  the  temple  in  the  town,  a 
pyramidal  structure  some  sixty  steps  high,  dedicated  to 
Piltzinteolli,  the  *  child  god,'  to  whom  sacrifice  Avas 
offered  in  simple  fruit  and  flowers.^'  The  army  was 
lodged  in  the  palace  and  its  gardens,  and  welcomed 
by  as  many  women  as  there  were  Spaniards.  This 
thoughtful  consideration  on  the  part  of  the  queen 
was  not  appreciated,  for  Francisco,  after  beholding 
the  women,  sent  them  back,  and  enjoined  his  men  to 
observe  good  conduct.  Assisted  by  a  young  neophyte 
from  Father  Gante's  school,  he  thereupon  sought 
to  convert  the  queen,  who  professed  great  interest. 
Whether  she  was  actually  converted  is  not  clear,  but 
she  certainly  tendered  an  ofler  of  allegiance. 

Francisco  Cortes  did  not  fimd  so  much  gold  as  he 
had  expected,  and  although  the  provinces  of  Centiz- 
pac  and  Acaponeta,  to  the  north  of  Tololotlan  River, 
were  reported  rich,  he  resolved  to  return  along  the 
coast.  After  two  days'  march  southward,  he  came 
upon  an  army  of  some  twenty  thousand  warriors 
drawn  up  in  battle-array,  their  bows  adorned  with 
little  flags  of  cotton  of  different  colors,  though  chiefly 
purple,  a  dye  obtained  from  a  shell-fish  left  by  the 
retiring  tide  on  the  rocks.  This  appearance  caused  the 
Spaniards  to  name  the  locality  Valle  de  Banderas.^^ 

A  description  of  this  curious  temple,  and  the  subject  sacrifices,  are  given 
in  Native  Races,  iii.  447-8. 

^^Rio  Tololotlan,  Santiago,  or  St  Jago.  Ogilby  writes,  1671,  Ji.  Baranica; 
Dampier,  1699,  B.  St  Jago,  near  its  mouth  St  Pecaque;  Laet,  1633,  *S'.  lago; 
Jefferys,  B.  Barania,  or  St  Jago,  near  by  Sintiquipaque,  Guaxacatlan;  Kie- 
pert,  1852,  Bio  St  Jago  Tololotlan.  It  is  also  known  as  Bio  Grande,  and  de 
Lerma.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  ii.  532. 

Cortes  had  ordered  him  to  proceed  up  the  coast  150  to  200  leagues,  but 
he  went  only  130,  owing  to  insufficiency  of  force  and  grass.  Ten  days'  jour- 
ney beyond  flowed  a  large  river,  probably  a  strait,  of  which  curious  things 
were  said.  Ports  also  existed.  Cartas,  492.  This  distance  covered  no  doubt 
the  turnings  of  the  route,  and  a  stretch  of  imagination,  and  gives  no  idea  of  the 
point  attained.  Beaumont  assumes  that  the  army  did  go  as  far  as  Acaponeta, 
where  Cacique  Xonacatl  peacefully  submitted,  convinced  by  oracles  of  the 
heavenly  mission  of  the  strangers.  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  480-1.  Mota  Padilla 
allows  Cortes  to  turn  back,  but  he  leaves  at  Jalisco  the  neophyte  Juan  Fran- 
cisco, to  carry  on  the  conversion  till  friars  should  be  sent.  Juan  Aznar,  of 
the  party,  offered  to  return  with  friars  if  the  place  were  granted  him  in  en- 
comienda.    This  was  done,  but  Aznar  failed  to  come  back.  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  72. 

Munich  Atlas,  1532-40,  Banderas;  Dampier,  1699,  Valderas;  Jefferys, 
1776,  Banderas  Bay,  Valle  de  Banderas;  Kiepert,  1852,  B.  Ameca. 


FRANCISCO  CORTES  AT  COLIMA. 


G3 


As  they  prepared  for  the  encounter,  with  no  httle 
misgiving,  in  view  of  the  number  before  them,  bright 
Hglits  are  said  to  have  emanated  from  the  cross  and 
the  virgin  image  on  the  standard,  whereupon  the 
astonished  natives  became  instantly  quiet,  and  even 
followed  the  example  of  the  soldiers,  who  knelt  to 
render  thanks  for  the  miracle. 

At  Tuito,  to  the  south,  they  were  met  by  a  pro- 
cession of  natives  bearing  crosses  in  their  hands.  At 
their  head  marched  the  chief,  dressed  like  a  Domini- 
can, while  his  followers  wore  a  kind  of  scapulary,  and 
had  the  hair  cut  like  that  of  friars.  As  he  approached, 
the  chief  kissed  his  cross,  and  thus  reassured  the 
soldiers,  who  at  first  held  back  on  seeing  that  the 
Indians  carried  bows.  All  thereupon  kissed  the  cross 
and  fraternized;  and  questioned  about  the  Christian- 
like ceremonies,  the  chief  related  that  according  to 
a  tradition  of  their  forefathers  a  water-house  from 
across  the  sea  had  stranded  on  their  shore.  Fifty 
men  landed  from  the  wreck,  and  were  hospitably  re- 
ceived, introducing  in  return  the  dress  and  ceremonies 
observed.  Finally  their  authoritative  manner  became 
unbearable,  and  one  night  all  were  surprised  and 
slaughtered  by  the  oppressed  natives.  Nevertheless 
the  worship  of  the  cross  had  proved  so  comforting  and 
effective  in  time  of  trouble  as  to  be  retained.  After 
a  brief  stay,  Francisco  continued  his  march  to  Colima, 
there  to  maintain  possession  as  lieutenant  during  the 
absence  of  his  chief  in  Honduras.  On  the  return  of 
the  latter,  preparations  were  made  to  resume  the  ex- 
ploration, but  obstacles  interfered  with  the  project,^* 

Mota  Padilla,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  73.  Another  version  substitutes  musketry, 
fire,  and  smoke  for  lights  with  which  to  startle  the  Indians  into  obedience. 

A  rusted  anchor,  some  nails,  and  a  wooden  cross  were  pointed  out  in 
proof  of  the  story.  Id.,  73-4.  This  authority  believes  the  shipwrecked  crew 
to  have  been  Englishmen.  Navarrete,  Hist.  Jal.,  27,  gives  the  preference  to 
Iberians.    The  reader  may  choose  to  regard  the  whole  as  a  pious  hoax. 

He  attended  the  session  of  deputies  at  Mexico  in  1525,  as  will  be  shown, 
during  which  time  Avalos,  or  perhaps  Chavez,  as  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich., 
M8.,  245,  asserts,  held  control.  See  also  Tello,  Fragmentos,  in  Icazhalceta, 
Col.  Doc,  ii.  359-60.  Francisco  was  stillin  charge  in  1527.  CorUs^  Escritos 
Sueltos,  149-50. 

^Letter  of  Cortes,  September  1526.  Cartaa,  492.  / 


64 


EAIDS  ALONG  THE  SOUTH  SEA. 


and  nothing  more  is  heard  of  this  region  for  several 
years.®^ 

Supplementary  list  of  authorities  containing  additional  matter  of  more 
or  less  value  relating  to  preceding  chapters:  Puga,  Cedulario,  8,  20,  24,  43, 
86;  Oviedo,  iii.  424-39,  44G-8,  461-7;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii. 
62,  passim;  xxvi.  149-59;  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  23-6,  42-51,  149-50; 
Archlvo  Mex.,  Docs.,  i.  53,  157-8,  236-7,  417;  ii.  118-19,  255-6;  Icazkalcetay 
Col.  Doc,  i.  464-9;  Ramirez,  Proceso,  15;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i. 
tom.  ix.  287-8;  sdrie  ii.  torn.  v.  187;  iii.  182;  Squier's  MS.,  xix.  35-6;  Chi- 
malpain.  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  78-107;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apolog.,  MS.,  30-2; 
Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  518-21 ;  Ixtlilxochitl,  lielaciones,  in  KingsborougJi'i 
Mex.  Antiq.,  ix.  427-9;  Monardes,  Hist.  Medic  Occid.,  23  et  seq.;  Moreno, 
Fragmentos,  27-30;  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  330-6,  347-50,  373-4,  382-5;  Gon- 
zalez Dcivila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  4-6;  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  1,  2;  Prescott's 
Mex.,  ii.  48-9;  iii.  237-9,  270-2;  also  notes  in  Mex.  editions;  Humboldt, 
Essai  Pol.,  ii.  673-4,  691 ;  Helps'  Cortes,  ii.  154-7;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp., 
MS.,  59;  Vetancvrt,  Menologia,  105;  Salazar  y  Olarte,  Conq.  Mex.,  43-101; 
Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  161-3,  191-3,  app.  148-54;  ^ivem.  Gob.  Mex.,  16,  17; 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg ,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  380-5,  516-72;  Kerr's  Col.  Voy.y 
78-101;  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Theatre,  ii.  112;  Barcia,  Hist.  Prim.,  i. 
171-3;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  80-1;  Jalisco,  Mem.  Hist.,  20-3,  168;  Medina, 
Chrdn.  de  San  Diego  deMex.,  245-6;  Rivero,  Mex.  in  18J{.2,  7-11;  Russell's 
Hist.  Am.,  i.  251 ;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  11-15;  Voyages,  Selection  of  Curious, 
31-2;  West-IndischeSpieghel,2Q^13,3\^\Q;  Galvano's  Discov. ,  151-2;  Santos, 
Chronologia  Hospitalaria,  ii.  489-90;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  468,  478-9; 
iv.  640-2;  vi.  197-204;  vii.  160-1,  187-8;  viii.  475,477,  532;  30th  Cong.,  2d 
Sess.,  H.  Com.  Rept.  145,  pp.  128-32;  Nic  Municip.  Independ.,  8;  Orozco  y 
Berra,  Geog.,  276;  Stevens'  Notes,  45;  Overland  Monthly,  xiii.  365-7;  Emd- 
lay's  Directory,  i.  259-60;  ii.  132-3;  Cortesii,  von  dem  Neuen  Hispanien,  ii. 
46-5;  Aa,  Naaukeurige  Versameling,  x.  253-83;  Spaggiari,  Libel  Bimest, 
xxxix.-xlviii.;  Dice.  Univ.,  viii.  702-4;  Eurney's  Hist.  Voy.,  i.  119;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mej.,  ii.  733-5;  iv.  65-90,  177-8,  ;>07-8,  383-5,  507;  Carriedo,  Estudios 
Hist. ,  92 ;  Greenhow's  Or.  and  Cal. ,  49 ;  March  y  Ldbores,  Marina  Espanola^ 
ii.  195;  Harris,  Cel.  Voy.,  i.  272-3;  Giordan,  L'Isthme  Tehuan.,  12  U;  Bus- 
aierre,  L'Emp.  Hex.,  331-49. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


TAPIA'S  DISCOMFITURE. 
1521-1522. 

Velazquez  still  Longing  for  Mexico — A  Goveunok  Sent  from  Spain— In- 
trigues OF  Tapia — Counter-intrigues — Conference  of  Cempoa.la — 
The  Claimant  Ousted — Bono  de  Quejo's  Mission — Revolt  of  the  Az- 
tecs— A  Terrible  Lesson — Conspiracies  against  Cortes — Nabv^iez 
AT  his  Feet. 

In  the  midst  of  these  operations,  tending  to  the 
increase  of  Spanish  dominion,  and  as  Cortes  was 
about  to  despatch  a  force  to  take  possession  of  that 
bone  of  contention,  Panuco,^  in  the  beginning  of 
December  1521,  startling  information  arrived  from 
Villa  Rica  which  caused  the  postponement  of  the 
expedition,  and  any  other  movements  involving  a 
diminution  of  available  forces.  Velazquez  had  never 
for  an  instant  relaxed  his  efforts  to  overthrow  the 
ambitious  lieutenant  who  had  robbed  him  of  the  gain 
and  glory  connected  with  the  conquest  of  New  Spain, 
and  as  reports  grew  eloquent  on  its  immense  extent 
and  resources,  his  efforts  increased,  as  did  the  num- 
ber and  zeal  of  his  party,  stimulated  by  shares  in  all 
these  riches.  It  is  even  said  that  he  projected  a  de- 
scent in  person  on  New  Spain,  with  a  fleet  of  seven 
or  eight  vessels.  He  must  have  been  encouraged  by 
the  assurances  of  malcontents  who  had  been  allowed 
to  return  to  Cuba,  after  the  Tepeaca  campaign,  and 
who  affirmed  that  the  presence  of  the  governor  of 
Cuba,  supported  by  profuse  promises  of  favors  and 


*  For  this,  25  horsemen  and  150  foot-soldiers  stood  prepared.  GorUSy  Gar- 
tas,  264. 

EzsT.  Mbz.,  Vol.  II.  0  (65) 


66 


TAPIA'S  DISCOMFITURE. 


grants,  would  be  sufficient  to  win  back  to  his  standard 
the  troops  of  Narvaez,  which  formed  the  majority  of 
the  army  of  Cortes.  These  would  swell  his  forces  to 
irresistible  proportions,  and  taught  by  the  mistakes 
of  Narvaez,  he  would  have  no  difficulty  in  defeating 
Cortes,  and  reaping  the  results  of  his  intrigues  and 
campaigns.  While  all  this  was  alluring,  the  governor 
had  too  great  a  regard  for  his  portly  form  to  will- 
ingly expose  it  to  the  skill  of  Cortes,  and  yet  it 
would  be  useless  to  intrust  a  lieutenant  with  the 
expedition.  Whether  this  prudent  consideration  was 
sufficient  to  cause  the  abandonment  of  the  project  is 
not  clear,  but  it  certainly  was  abandoned.^ 

The  friends  of  Cortes  had  not  failed  to  point  out  to 
the  emperor  the  necessity  of  sustaining  so  energetic 
and  able  a  captain  in  his  effi)rts  to  extend  the  domains 
and  revenue  of  the  crown,  and  since  the  argument 
was  supported  by  the  eloquent  plea  of  golden  treas- 
ures, his  Majesty  felt  induced  to  take  a  lenient  view 
of  the  offence  committed.  While  not  exactly  approv- 
ing it,  he  left  the  case  in  the  hands  of  his  council,  to 
be  decided  by  future  circumstances.^  Occupied  with 
the  affairs  of  his  German  empire,  he  gave  compara- 
tively little  attention  to  discoveries  in  the  remote 
west,  and  the  India  Council  managed  these  interests 
according  to  its  pleasure.  While  this  body  was  con- 
trolled by  the  regency.  Cardinal  Adrian  was  too  much 
distracted  by  nuncial  affairs,  particularly  the  comu- 
nidad  troubles,  to  exercise  fully  his  authority.  Dur- 
ing the  varying  course  of  Cortes'  suit,  therefore, 
Fonseca,  as  president  of  the  council,  managed  to 
direct  the  inflowing  testimony  to  his  own  advantage, 
identical  with  that  of  his  protege,  and  prevailed  on 
his  associates  not  to  let  the  unscrupulous  Cortes  pro- 

^Oviedo,  iii.  540,  states  that  the  expedition  did  start,  but  on  coming  in 
sight  of  Yucatan  the  timid  counsels  of  Licentiate  Parada  so  alarmed  Velaz- 
quez that  he  turned  back,  *  con  infamia  suya  y  con  mucho  gasto  y  p^rdida. ' 
Herrera  also  intimates  that  the  fleet  sailed,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xviii.  But 
the  affair  is  nevertheless  involved  in  doubt. 

^See  Hist.  Mex.,  i,  173,  this  series. 


APPOINTMENT  AS  GOVERNOR. 


67 


ceed  wholly  unchecked  in  a  career  which,  so  dis- 
honestly begun,  might  lead  to  disloyal  acts.  The 
previous  efforts  of  the  president  to  obtain  the  ap- 
pointment of  an  agent  to  assume  at  least  partial  con- 
trol of  the  new  region,  and  investigate  the  question, 
had  failed  on  the  ground  that  such  interference  might 
endanger  the  progress  of  conquest,  or  even  drive 
the  leader  to  desperate  measures  prejudicial  to  the 
crown.  Now  the  emperor  was  absent,  however,  and 
Ponseca  carried  his  point  by  issuing  a  commission  to 
his  adherent,  Cristobal  de  Tapia,  inspector  of  smelting 
works  in  Espanola,*  to  proceed  at  once  to  New  Spain, 
and  take  charge  of  the  government  of  the  countries 
granted  to  Adelantado  Velazquez,  without  prejudice 
to  his  claims;  and  further,  to  investigate  the  conduct 
of  Cortes  toward  Velazquez  and  Narvaez,  and  his 
usurpation  of  office  as  governor  and  captain-general. 
To  this  end  he  was  empowered  to  arrest  him  and 
any  accomplices,  and  attach  their  property,  refraining, 
however,  from  passing  sentence,  which  would  be  pro- 
nounced by  the  crown  in  accordance  with  the  evi- 
dence sent  in.^  He  was  also  provided  with  letters  for 
Cortes  and  leading  officers,  wherein  the  president  of 
the  council  urged  them  to  aid  Tapia  in  his  duties  as 
governor  and  judge,  promising  favors  and  intercession 
with  the  sovereign  if  faithful,  otherwise  the  royal  dis- 
pleasure should  fall  heavily  upon  them.    A  large 

*  'En  Santo  Domingo.'   Some  say  he  was  commandant  of  the  fort  there. 

Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  159. 

^This  document,  dated  April  11,  1521,  was  signed  by  Cardinal  Adrian, 
who  ruled  for  the  absent  emperor,  and  countersigned  by  the  bishop  of  Biif gos. 
It  begins  by  relating  how  Cortes  had  assumed  for  himself  the  fleet  with  which 
Velazquez  had  sent  him  to  trade  and  settle  in  the  countries  discovered  by  this 
governor,  and  alludes  also  to  Narvaez'  maltreatment  of  Oidor  Aillon  which 
must  be  investigated.  Cortes,  Velazquez,  and  other  captains  are  instructed 
to  aid  Tapia  in  his  duty,  under  penalty  of  1,000  ducats  for  each  neglect.  Pro- 
vicion  de  Tapia,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  36-42.  Although 
this  was  not  signed  by  the  emperor,  later  c6dulas  confirmed  Tapia  indirectly 
as  governor  of  the  lands  discovered  by  Velazquez.  See  for  instance  that 
issued  to  Garay  in  the  same  year,  wherein  he  is  informed  that  Tapia  had  been 
instructed  to  settle  the  boundaries  of  the  respective  grants  of  Velazquez, 
Ponce  de  Leon,  and  his  own.  Navarrete,  Col.  de  Viages,  iii.  148.  This  order 
to  Tapia  must  have  followed  him  to  New  Spain,  though  Herrera>  dec.  iii.  lib. 
lii.  cap.  xvi.,  includes  it  in  the  other  instructions. 


68 


TxiPIA'S  DISCOMFITURE. 


number  of  similar  letters,  unaddressed,  were  issued  to 
enable  Tapia  to  select  useful  adherents. 

Elated  by  the  possession  of  these  dignities,  Tapia 
hastened  on  his  mission,  in  one  small  vessel,  and  almost 
unattended,  regardless  of  the  warnings  imparted  by 
the  audiencia  of  Espanola,  which  had  declared  that  the 
sovereign  should  be  informed  of  what  had  happened  in 
New  Spain  since  last  advices,  before  a  step  was  taken 
that  might  create  an  uprising,  and  injure  the  royal  in- 
terests.^ On  arriving  at  Villa  Rica,  Tapia  exhibited  his 
credentials  to  Gonzalo  de  Alvarado,  who  had  replaced 
Kangel  as  lieutenant,''  and  demanded  recognition. 
Gonzalo  appears  to  have  been  somewhat  intimidated 
by  the  documents,  and  accorded  no  little  deference  to 
their  possessor.^  He  would  undoubtedly  be  obeyed, 
but  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  address  himself 
to  Cortes.  Tapia  sought  with  promises  and  threats 
to  draw  the  officials  and  settlers  on  the  coast  to  his 
side,  but,  warned  by  former  occurrences,  the  general 
had  taken  the  precaution  to  intrust  the  guardianship 
of  the  coast  to  loyal  persons,  and,  although  a  few 
malcontents  appeared,  yet  bribery  failed  with  the  con- 
trolling majority.*  Under  these  circumstances  the 
commissioner  deemed  it  unsafe  to  penetrate  the  inte- 
rior, whose  occupants  were  still  more  devoted  to  his 
rival,  and  thus  place  himself  entirely  at  his  mercy. 
Narvaez,  still  a  prisoner  at  Villa  Rica,  appears  to 
have  increased  his  fears  by  pointing  out  that  if  he, 
a  general  of  repute  with  a  strong  army,  had  been 

*  *Le  quisiero  qui  tar  el  oficio  la  audiencia  ygovemador,  porquefuera  a  reb- 
oluer  la  nueva  Espana,  auiedo  le  madado  que  no  fuesse  so  gravissimas  penas.' 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  221.  Till  the  sovereign  should  have  been  informed  of 
what  had  occurred  in  New  Spain.  CorUs,  Cartas,  267.  It  is  not  likely  that 
this  body  ventured  to  do  more  than  warn  him.  Bernal  Diaz  writes  that  he 
came  with  two  vessels. 

'  Rangel,  the  former  alcalde  mayor,  having  been  removed  through  some 
disagreement,  says  Bernal  Diaz. 

^  So  much  so  that  his  brothers  accused  him  of  willingness  to  comply  with 
Tapia's  demand,  and  Cort($s  dismissed  him  from  office.  Cortes,  Besidencid,  1, 
252>  326,  ii.  15,  56-7. 

■  By  the  time  of  the  residencia  in  1529  different  grievances  had  increased 
the  malcontents,  who  then  pretended,  perhaps  for  prudential  reasons,  that 
they  had  been  compelled  to  ignore  Tapia. 


THE  AETFUL  ESTEEMADURAN. 


69 


ignored  and  attacked,  the  unattended  agent  could  ex- 
pect little  consideration.^^  Tapia  accordingly  con- 
tented himself  with  writing  a  carefully  worded  letter 
to  Cortes,  informing  him  of  his  mission  and  leaving  it 
to  his  decision  whether  their  meeting  for  the  exhibi- 
tion of  credentials  should  take  place  at  Mexico  or  on 
the  coast. 

Already  informed  of  the  arrival,  the  general  had 
instructed  the  authorities  at  Villa  Rica  to  entertain 
the  claimant  till  he  should  meet  him,  always  courte- 
ously and  peaceably,  so  that  the  royal  service  should 
not  suffer.  He  now  wrote  to  Tapia,  w^hose  polite  letter 
was  wholly  eclipsed  by  the  neatly  turned  sentences 
and  flattering  assurances  of  the  king-maker  at  Tenoch- 
titlan.  Nothing  could  exceed  his  joy  in  welcoming  go 
esteemed  a  friend;  and  there  was  none  whom  he  would 
rather  see  installed  as  governor.  Unable  for  the 
moment  to  leave  the  capital,  he  had  commissioned  the 
bearer  of  the  letter,  Friar  Melgarejo,  the  highly  re- 
spectable comisario  de  la  cruzada,  to  inform  him  of 
the  condition  of  affairs,  and  confer  with  him  on  the 
necessary  measures  for  carrying  out  the  royal  wishes. 
For  greater  efiect,  Cortes  impressed  the  friar,  in  pres- 
ence of  the  royal  treasurer,  who  was  regarded  as  an 
unfriendly  spy,  with  the  most  loyal  commendations 
for  the  entertainment  of  Tapia. 

This  preliminary  farce  arranged,  Cortes  prepared 
to  take  more  eflicient  measures  for  the  management 
of  an  aiTair  too  delicate  and  important  to  be  intrusted 
to  any  but  the  most  skilful  hands.  It  is  scarcely  nec- 
essary to  say  that  he  had  no  intention  to  surrender 
the  results  of  his  achievements,  the  aim  and  hope  of 
his  life,  at  the  first  bidding  of  this  interloper.  Nor 

The  liberty  accorded  Tapia  freely  to  commune  w  ith  such  men  as  Narvaez, 
and  to  exert  his  persuasion,  must  have  been  the  main  cause  for  dissatisfaction 
with  Gonzalo  do  Alvarado.  The  desire  to  obtain  his  release  must  have  strug- 
gled in  iNarvaez'  breast  with  jealousy  of  success  on  the  part  of  an  inferior 
man  like  Tapia. 

"  To  whatever  place  he  ir.ight  go  appropriate  treatment  should  be  accorded; 
'fuesse  tratado  como  cOuenia,'  is  Herrera's  significant  expression,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  xvi. 


70 


TAPIA'S  DISCOMFITURE. 


were  his  many  adherents  willing  to  leave  to  the  friends 
of  Velazquez  the  distribution  of  rewards,  now  swell- 
ing to  vast  proportions  under  inflowing  tributes,  and 
rumors  of  rich  developments  in  different  quarters. 
Indeed,  they  would  probably  be  deprived  even  of 
what  they  had  acquired,  as  abettors  of  a  usurper. 
Cortes  took  occasion  to  increase  this  feeling,  and  to 
dispel  the  fears  and  doubts  of  less  determined  persons, 
by  letting  it  be  known  that  the  commissions  of  Tapia 
were  not  signed  by  the  king,  but  by  Fonseca,  the 
patron  of  Velazquez,  and  consequently  issued  without 
due  authority.  This  revelation  made  his  plan  the 
more  simple.  At  first  he  thought  it  better  to  meet 
the  commissioner  himself,  but  finally  he  concluded  that 
it  was  not  advisable  to  let  him  display  his  imposing 
credentials  at  Mexico,  where  so  many  malcontents 
would  muster  in  his  favor  under  the  leadership  of 
Treasurer  Alderete.  He  would  direct  operations 
against  the  claimant  at  a  distance,  where  his  own 
hand  would  be  less  apparent.  Who  could  question  his 
loyalty  if  he  left  the  disposal  of  Tapia  to  a  council  of 
delegates  representing  apparently  the  whole  country! 

The  first  step  was  to  announce  his  intention  to  go 
and  receive  Tapia,  and  to  cause  a  number  of  delegates 
to  formally  protest  against  his  departure.  The  un- 
consolidated government  would  be  imperilled  by  his 
absence  and  encouragement  given  to  the  scarcely 
subdued  natives  to  create  trouble. Deceived  by  the 
manoeuvre,  Alderete  joined  in  the  protest  and  the 
recommendation  that  deputies  be  selected  to  confer 
with  the  new  governor.  Cortes  yielded,  and  appointed 
Diego  de  Soto  and  Diego  de  Valdenebro  to  act  for 
him  in  unison  with  a  council  of  delegates  from  the 

This  reqiierimiento,  made  in  the  name  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  alcalde  of 
Tenochtitlan,  Bernardo  Vazquez  de  Tapia,  regidor  of  Villa  Hica,  and  soon  after 
the  enemy  of  Cort6s,  and  Cristobal  Corral,  regidor  of  Segura,  was  dated  De- 
cember 12,  1521,  before  the  notary  at  Coyuhuacan.  Pacheco  and  CdrdenaSy 
CoL  D'jC,  Xxvi.  SO-5.  Cortes  magnifies  the  danger  o*  a  native  revolt  in  ex- 
plaining the  motive  to  the  emperor.  Cartas,  265.  Herrera  does  not  perceive 
the  trick  of  Cortes,  but  assumes  that  he  really  wished  to  treat  personally  with 
Tapia,  rather  than  trust  the  affair  to  others. 


MEETING  WITH  SANDOVAL. 


71 


different  Spanish  settlements.  Sandoval,  then  paci- 
fying and  settling  the  Goazaeoalco  region,  was  told  to 
attend  the  conference  to  be  held  at  Villa  Rica  in  his 
character  of  alguacil  mayor.  He  was  also  secretly 
instructed  to  take  a  respectable  force,  and  further,  to 
immediately  install  a  municipality  at  Medellin,  so  as 
to  increase  the  number  of  trustworthy  delegates  and 
render  the  issue  more  sure.^^ 

Accompanied  by  Andres  de  Tapia  and  a  consider- 
able force,  Sandoval  met  the  commissioner  and  Father 
Melgarejo  at  Jalapa,  on  the  way  to  Mexico,  whither 
the  prospect  of  a  strong  support  from  Alderete  and 
his  party  seems  to  have  called  him.  The  latter 
spared  no  argument  or  threat  to  induce  Sandoval 
to  join  him ;  but  the  loyal  lieutenant  replied  bluntly 
that  he  would  never  stoop  to  treason  against  his 
leader,^*  who  for  that  matter  did  not  oppose  his  claims, 
but  had  summoned  the  different  local  authorities  to 
examine  them  and  accord  due  obedience.  From  what 
he  had  heard  of  Cortes'  summary  way  of  treating 
opponents,  Tapia  was  pleased  with  having  to  deal  only 
with  his  representatives.  In  any  case  there  was  too 
much  persuasion  in  Sandoval's  tone,  with  bristling 
accompaniment,  for  Tapia  to  do  aught  but  return  to 
Villa  Rica.  The  lieutenant's  first  step  was  to  appease 
with  appropriate  favors  those  of  the  settlers  who  ap- 
peared to  have  greeted  the  new-comer  with  too  much 
cordiality.  Further,  in  order  to  withdraw  the  council 
from  all  pernicious  influence,  he  caused  it  to  assemble 
at  Cempoala.^^  The  members  consisted  of  Francisco 
Alvarez  Chico,  alcalde  of  Villa  Rica;  Jorge  de  Al- 
varado,  and  Simon  de  Cuenca,  regidores;  Bernardo 

^2  While  mentioning' this,  Herrera  assumes  that  Cortes  instructed  Andres 
de  Tapia  to  leave  Villa  Rica  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  the  town.  Mejia 
agrees  with  Bernal  Diaz  that  Sandoval  founded  it,  though  he  states  that  it 
was  done  now,  to  give  authority  to  the  alcaldes  and  regidores  appointed  by- 
Cortes.  Cortes,  Remlenaa,  i.  83-4. 

'  Que  los  Gouernadores  de  Castilla,  que  lo  auian  embiado  estauan  mal 
inf ormados ...  y  no  tomauan  el  camino  necessario. '  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii. 
cap.  xvi.    But  Sandoval  was  too  prudent  to  make  so  meddlesome  a  reply. 

^^Some  believe  it  to  have  been  held  at  Villa  Rica;  others,  like  Oviedo,  iii. 
517,  at  Jalapa;  but  its  lately  published  records  mention  Cempoala. 


72 


TAPIA'S  DISCOMFITURE. 


Vazquez  de  Tapia,  factor ;  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  alcalde 
and  delegate  for  Tenochtitlan ;  Cristobal  Corral,  regi- 
dor  and  delegate  for  Segura  de  la  Frontera;  Andres 
de  Monjaraz,  alcalde  and  delegate  for  Medellin;  Soto 
and  Valdenebro,  agents  for  Cortes,  and  Sandoval.^^ 

On  the  12th  of  December  Tapia  presented  before 
this  assembly  his  credentials  and  orders,  which  were 
received  with  the  customary  respect,  but  he  was  noti- 
fied that  they  would  have  to  be  examined  and  discussed 
before  the  nature  and  manner  of  the  compliance  could 
be  determined.  Four  days  later  he  was  informed  that 
petitions  had  been  sent  to  Spain  by  the  representa- 
tives of  the  country  concerning  the  very  governorship 
claimed  by  Tapia,  and  pending  the  reply,  which  would 
settle  several  other  important  questions,  the  interests 
of  the  sovereign  demanded  that  the  credentials  be  left 
in  abeyance.  This  was  the  more  imperative  since  the 
documents  were  not  signed  by  his  Majesty,  or  his  sec- 
retary, a  defect  which  implied  that  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  had  not  acted  in  accord  with  their  royal  master, 
whom  it  was  their  duty  as  loyal  subjects  to  obey 
above  all.  There  were  besides  certain  misstatements 
in  the  documents  which  made  it  evident  that  they  had 
been  issued  under  false  representations.  This  mode  of 
avoiding  compliance  with  royal  orders  may  be  regarded 
as  flimsy  when  it  is  considered  that  Cardinal  Adrian, 
who  signed  them,  was  the  appointed  representative 
of  the  king  of  Spain;  yet  a  plausible  reason  existed 
in  the  fact  that  representations  afiecting  the  ques- 
tion at  issue  had  been  addressed  directly  to  the  king, 
and  this  made  it  undesirable  to  act  on  the  orders  of 
his  agent  before  the  answer  came.  The  present  non- 
compliance was  far  less  flagrant  than  many  other  in- 
stances of  disobedience  to  royal  decrees,  so  frequent  in 
the  Indies,  owing  to  the  distance  from  Spain,  and  to 

^^Cuenca  is  called  Ramon  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Gol.  Doc,  xicvi.  36-7, 
a  misprint  evidently  for  Simon.  See  Icazhalceta^  Col.  Doc. ,  i.  452.  Some  of 
the  first-named  members  were  probably  a  little  doubtful  in  their  adhesion,  so 
that  the  appointment  of  a  delegate  for  Medellin  became  rather  a  necessity  for 
■welling  the  majority  of  Cortes. 


OUTWITTED  AND  DRIVEN  FORTH. 


73 


the  neglect  or  difficulty  of  punishing  the  culprits. 
The  delegates  no  doubt  felt  greatly  sustained  by  the 
report  that  the  audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo  had 
objected  to  the  decree.^^ 

Tapia  lodged  a  formal  protest  against  the  decision, 
which  made  them  liable  to  the  heavy  penalty  named 
in  his  commission.^^   The  delegates  replied  by  repeat- 
ing their  objections,  which  they  would  submit  to  the 
sovereign,  together  with  a  petition.   His  reasons  were 
invalid,  and  they  did  not  recognize  his  power  to  impose 
any  penalty. They  further  declared  his  presence 
dangerous  to  the  tranquillity  of  the  country,  and 
ordered  him  peremptorily  to  depart.    The  latter  mes- 
sage was  delivered  by  Sandoval,  with  the  blunt  inti- 
mation that  if  he  did  not,  he  would  be  mounted  on 
an  ass  and  made  to  leave.   He  still  lingered,  however, 
breathing  defiance,  and  giving  rise  to  no  little  anxiety 
among  the  friends  of  Cortes,  who  feared  that  a  delay 
might  enable  a  faction  to  take  up  his  cause  and  create 
trouble.  Some,  indeed,  counselled  that  a  bribe  be  given 
him,  but  this  would  have  been  a  needless  expenditure 
of  treasure;  still,  it  was  thought  expedient  to  offer  a 
liberal  price  for  the  horses,  negroes,  and  some  other 
effects,^^  so  that  no  reasons  should  exist  for  further 
delay.  This  succeeded,  and  with  a  sigh  of  relief  his  ves- 
sel was  seen  to  disappear,  burdened,  however,  with  a 
growing  array  of  complaints  to  be  used  in  retaliation.^^ 

'  Que  las  prouisiones  eran  fauorables  y  falsas:  y  el  incapaz  e  indigno  de 
tan  grande  gouernacion,'  says  Gomara  curtly.  Hist.  Mex.,  221. 

^^He  mentioned  among  other  reasons  that  the  royal  seal  coniinned  its 
va-lidity.    The  omission  of  the  secretary's  signature  was  an  accident. 

^^The  records  of  these  proceedings,  which  lasted  till  January  6,  1522,  are 
give?2  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xxvi.  30-58. 

2°  Bemal  Diaz  declares  that  a  gold  bribe  was  actually  given,  and  one  of  the 
Tesaels  bought,  Bist.  Verdad.,  160,  but  this  statement  rests  no  doubt  on  the 
purchase  alone,  which  in  a  sense  was  bribery.  '  Se  boluio  por  donde  fue  con 
grande  afrenta,  no  se  si  cod  moneda,'  says  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  221.  Narvaez 
is  said  to  have  advised  him  to  convert  available  effects  into  money  and 
hasten  to  Spain,  where  the  very  insult  offered  the  supreme  authorities  in  his 
person  v/ould  raise  a  strong  movement  in  his  favor.  Cavo  has  a  confused 
etory  that  Tapia  was  incli^ced  to  settle  at  Medellin,  where  a  fortune  could 
speedily  be  made.  Internal  troubles  r/iising,  he  sought  to  avail  himself 
thereof  to  advance  his  pretensions ;  whereupon  Cortes  caused  him  to  embark. 
Tres  Sir/los,  i.  20. 

^^Most  authorities  intimate  a  voluntary  embarkation,  but  testimony  in 


74 


TAPIA'S  DISCOMFITURE. 


The  indirect  bestowal  of  a  bribe  to  hasten  the  fleet 
of  Tapia  was  by  no  means  misplaced,  as  it  happened. 
Not  long  after  he  had  left  Villa  Rica  the  good  people 
at  Medellin  were  startled  by  the  appearance  of  a  sail  at 
San  Juan.^^  Surely  the  commissioner  was  not  re- 
turning to  stir  anew  the  quarrel  in  this  locality.  The 
anxiety  was  not  lessened  by  a  summons  for  the  au- 
thorities to  meet  Juan  Bono  de  Quejo,  the  bearer  of 
important  despatches  for  Governor  Tapia,  with  greet- 
ings from  Adelantado  Velazquez.  The  mere  pres- 
ence of  Quejo  boded  no  good,  for  he  was  a  hard- 
headed  Biscayan,^^  who,  after  sharing  the  first  mishaps 
of  Narvaez  on  this  coast,  as  one  of  his  officers,  had 
left  to  plead  his  cause.  Several  cedulas  having  arrived 
from  the  king  himself,  after  Tapia's  departure,  con- 
taining not  only  additional  instructions  but  confirma- 
tion of  his  powers,  it  was  deemed  necessary  that  they 
should  reach  him  as  soon  as  possible,  for  even  the  au- 
thorities in  Spain  could  not  fail  to  recognize  that 
objections  might  be  raised  to  their  signatures  among 
the  cavilling  officials  in  the  Indies.  When  the  de- 
spatches reached  the  Islands,  Velazquez  placed  a  small 
vessel  at  Quejo's  disposal. 

These  confirmatory  documents,  signed  by  the  king, 
were  not  a  little  perplexing,  and  the  coast  officials 
could  only  refer  him  to  Cortes.  The  latter  expressed 
regrets  at  the  departure  of  Tapia,  which  made  it  im- 
possible to  obey  the  mandates,  and  by  a  combination 
of  suave  language  and  glittering  jewels  he  completely 
won  the  heart  of  the  messenger,  who  quietly  placed  in 

Cortes,  Residencia,  ii.  14,  15,  144,  states  that  he  was  *  conducted'  on  board, 
by  the  orders  of  Alcalde  Alvarez.  Corral  is  said  to  have  taken  the  leading  part 
in  tlie  previous  altercation.  According  to  Cortes  and  others,  Tapia  received 
a  severe  reprimand  in  Espanola  for  his  attempt  to  create  troubles  in  New 
Spain.  If  he  failed  to  enjoy  the  oflSce,  he  certainly  received  his  salary  as 
governor.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  iii. 

■''■■^At  Medellin,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  167,  whither  he  sum- 
moned the  authorities  from  Goazacoalco.  The  municipality  of  Medellin  had 
X)rol)al)ly  not  yet  taken  up  their  abode  there.  San  Juan  de  Chalchiuhcuecan, 
or  de  Ulua,  served  as  port  for  Medellin.  This  summons  may  account  for 
Cortes'  statement  that  he  arrived  at  Espiritu  Santo.  Cartas,  279. 

^•^  Master  of  one  of  his  vessels.  Cortes,  Cartas,  279. 


THE  DELEGATES  RESPONSIBLE. 


75 


his  pocket  the  cedulas  and  accompanying  packet  of 
unaddressed  letters  with  which  fresh  adherents  were 
to  be  allured,  and  abandoned  himself  to  the  amenities 
of  his  situation.  A  little  later  he  proceeded  with 
well  filled  pockets  to  report  in  Spain  the  futility  of 
his  mission.^* 

In  explaining  to  the  emperor  the  treatment  accorded 
to  his  governor,  Cortes  prudently  throws  the  respon- 
sibility on  the  popular  representatives,  w^ho  decided 
in  the  case  as  they  considered  best  for  the  crown  ;  but 
he  seeks  to  defend  their  course  by  relating  that  the 
apprehended  danger  from  this  attempt  of  a  stranger 
to  assume  the  administration  did  actually  come  to 
pass.  The  mere  report  of  an  impending  change 
engendered  conspiracy  among  the  Indians,  which,  if 
successful,  would  have  been  more  serious  than  any  pre- 
ceding revolt.  It  extended  through  the  districts  of 
Mexico  and  Coyuhuacan,  and  broke  out  also  in  Tutu- 
tepec  and  Meztitlan,  to  the  north-west. 

The  main  obstacle  at  Mexico  was  the  presence  of 
the  terrible  Cortes,  and  with  a  view  to  remove  this, 
and  to  enable  the  warriors  to  assemble,  it  was  arranged 
to  induce  the  general,  by  means  of  a  false  report  that 
twenty  vessels  had  appeared  off  the  coast,  to  depart 
for  Villa  Rica,  and  permit  them  to  join  his  banner 
with  a  large  force.^^  Informed  of  the  movement  by 
spies,  he  seized  the  accused  ringleaders,  and  since  the 
safety  and  interests  of  the  Spaniards  demanded  a 
severe  example  to  similar  malcontents,  punishments 

Cortes  le  ayud6  para  la  costa,'  is  Bemal  Diaz'  significant  allusion 
to  the  departure.  Hist.  Verdad.,  167.  Had  Tapia  still  been  in  Mexico, 
observes  Gomara,  there  would  have  been  great  trouble,  in  view  of  the  impos- 
ing letters  and  cddulas  brought.  Hist.  Mex.,  221.  One  Hernandez  declared 
that  Quejo  become  so  intimate  with  Cortes  that  he  proposed  new  marriage 
relations  for  him  with  Fonseca's  niece.  Cortes,  Besidencia^  ii.  358,  372.  This 
declaration  would  indicate  that  the  messenger  was  still  in  Mexico  in  the 
middle  of  1522. 

^  This  Tututepec  is  called  del  norte  to  distinguish  it  from  that  on  the 
South  Sea.  'Se  rebelaron  los  Cuixtecas,  y  los  de  Coa9acoalco  y  Tauasco,  y 
otros  que  les  costo  caro,'  is  Gomara's  account  of  it.  Hist.  Mex.,  222  ;  Cortes, 
Cartas,  278. 

26  Li  support  of  the  story  they  brought  him  a  painting  of  the  fleet.  Co7t6s, 
Cartas,  266. 


76 


TAPIA'S  DISCOMFITURE. 


were  inflicted  which  were  long  remembered  in  New 
Spain.  Some  of  the  minor  culprits  were  suspended 
by  the  noose  among  the  ruins  left  by  the  invaders, 
while  the  leaders,  according  to  the  native  historian,  Ix- 
tlilxochitl,  were  exposed  in  an  amphitheatre,  like  bulls, 
to  the  attacks  of  infuriated  blood-hounds,  which  tore 
them  in  pieces,  and  even  devoured  their  flesh. 

At  Tututepec  and  Meztitlan  the  uprising  was  soon 
smothered  by  a  large  force  of  Spaniards  and  allies. 
A  few  encounters  brought  the  inhabitants  to  their 
knees,  and  Cortes  was  even  induced  to  pardon  the 
captured  caciques.^^  The  revolt  appears  to  have  been 
long  planned  by  the  Quauhtemotzin  party,  probably 
since  his  torture,  and  had  in  view  his  restoration  and 
the  quick  disposal  of  the  Spanish  leaders,  so  as  to 
make  the  soldiers  a  readier  prey.  Nevertheless  it 
could  not  have  been  of  great  extent,  though  Cortes 
seeks  to  make  the  most  of  it,  and  to  connect  it  with 
the  presence  of  Tapia,  a  man  wholly  unfit  and  inex- 
perienced to  cope  with  such  movements,  as  he  point- 
edly observes.  While  influenced  by  purely  selfish 
motives,  there  is  no  doubt  that  his  procedure  served 
the  best  interests  of  the  crown,  for  at  this  early 
period  a  man  of  his  sagacity,  influence,  and  skill  as 
ruler  and  leader,  was  needed  to  maintain  and  advance 
the  conquest  of  the  country.  The  toleration  of  fac- 
tions would  have  been  dangerous.  Of  this  Velaz- 
quez and  his  patron  and  adherents  were  fully  aware ; 
but  envy  and  ambition  blinded  them  to  their  own  in- 
efficiency, and  to  prudence. 

The  revolt  was  not  the  only  danger  to  Cortes 
ascribed  to  the  Tapia  episode,  if  we  may  credit  Iler- 
rera.  Disgusted  with  the  disposal  of  the  commissary, 
and  encouraged  by  the  evident  wishes  of  the  sov- 

2^  Hor.  Crueldades,  61-2.  This  writer,  whose  statements  cannot  always  be 
relied  upon,  adds  that  King  Ixtlilxochitl  saved  his  brother  Cohuanacoch,  one 
of  the  accused,  from  the  dogs,  regardless  of  the  soldiers.  The  Spanish  writers 
naturally  allude  to  no  cruelties.  Gomara  refers  to  the  revolt  on  two  occasions, 
with  evident  confusion.  Hist.  Mex.,  222,  235. 

^^Tlie  campaign  cost  the  lives  of  two  Spaniards  and  a  few  allies.  Ccrt6s, 
Cartas,  278-9. 


CORTES  AND  NARVAEZ  MEET  AGAIN. 


77 


ereign  manifested  in  the  cedulas  of  Quejo,  Alderete, 
the  royal  treasurer,  is  said  to  have  promoted  two 
plots  against  the  general's  life,  one  being  to  assas- 
sinate him  while  kneeling  at  mass,  the  other  to  blow 
him  up  at  his  quarters.  Informed  of  the  plan,  Cortes 
summoned  the  official  to  his  presence  and  revealed  it. 
Alderete  was  thoroughly  crushed  by  the  disclosure, 
and  could  only  throw  himself  upon  his  mercy.  Mag- 
nanimity had  proved  a  politic  virtue  before  this,  and 
it  was  again  exercised,  both  to  avoid  dangerous  com- 
plications, and  to  neutralize  the  opposition  of  a  strong 
party. 

Among  the  orders  brought  by  Tapia  was  one 
wherein  the  Council  of  the  Indies  forbade  the  audi- 
encia  of  Santo  Domingo  to  deal  wdth  the  outrage  of 
Narvaez  on  Oidor  Aillon,  and  signified  its  desire  that 
he  should  no  longer  be  kept  in  durance.  Cortes 
accordingly  instructed  Rodrigo  Rangel,  who  had  re- 
placed the  vacillating  Gonzalo  de  Alvarado  as  lieu- 
tenant at  Villa  Rica,^^  to  send  him  to  Coyuhuacan. 
The  long  confinement  at  the  coast  fortress,  exposed 
to  the  jeers  of  every  passer-by,  had  tended  not  a 
little  to  humble  the  arrogant  leader,  so  much  so,  in- 
deed, that  when  Cortes  came  forth  to  meet  him  he 
knelt  to  kiss  the  hand  of  his  former  despised  rival. 
The  latter  had  good  reason  for  remonstrating  against 
this  self-abasement,  as  he  had  for  coming  forth  to 
meet  a  man  whose  reascending  star  appeared  so  sig- 
nificantly in  the  cedulas  concerning  him.  He  not  only 
raised  him  from  the  ground,  but  offered  with  fraternal 
embrace  a  seat  by  his  side,  and  showed  the  most  marked 
attention.  Narvaez,  on  his  side,  spoke  with  humble 
feeling  of  the  glowing  achievements  which  had  effected 

29  Such  at  least  must  be  the  conclusion  if  we  accept  the  story.  Alderete 
died  not  long  after.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  188.  '  Vn  Clerigo  llamado 
Leon,  assi  mismo  descubrid,  que  con  barriles  de  poluora,  querian  bolarle  en  el 
aposento/  Iferrera,  dec.  iii.  lilx  iii.  cap.  xvi.  The  phrasing  would  indicate 
that  Alderete  was  not  supposed  to  have  managed  both  the  plots. 

''''With  Pedro  de  Ircio  as  aid.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  159. 


78 


TAPIA'S  DISCOMFITURE. 


the  conquest  of  so  vast  and  rich  a  country,  with  such 
numerous  and  strong  cities.  His  own  defeat  had, 
indeed,  been  a  trifling  matter  in  comparison.  Magnifi- 
cent rewards  must  surely  flow  from  the  sovereign,  and 
to  this  end  he  would  devote  his  own  efibrts  in  the 
behalf  of  Cortds.  With  such  words  did  he  mask  the 
burning  hatred  that  awaited  only  opportunity.^^  The 
opportunity  came  when  toward  the  close  of  1523  he 
was  permitted,  partly  through  the  influence  of  Garay's 
pleadings,  to  leave  New  Spain.^^  Thereupon  he  hast- 
ened to  court  to  stir  up  afresh  the  enemies  of  Cortes, 

The  gcssips  circulated  a  story  that  Cortes  gave  Narvaez  50,000  ducats 
wherewith  to  compensate  Velazquez  for  his  losses  through  the  expedition  to 
Mexico,  but  this  deserves  little  credit,  says  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xv. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  160-1.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  Cortes  would  have 
given  the  monoy  to  Narvaez,  who  would  have  kept  it  for  his  own  claims. 

^2  His  obsequious  flattery  of  Cortes  had  no  doubt  assisted  at  the  liberation, 
as  well  as  the  pleadings}  of  his  rich  wife  Maria  de  Valenzuela,  who  appears  to 
have  known  the  conqueror.  Narvaez  was  even  given  2,000  pesos  de  oro,  prob- 
ably in  payment  of  certain  effects  taken  from  him,  and  he  left  with  humble 
protestations.  Bernal  DiaZy  Hist.  Verdad.,  170.  Among  the  scores  to  be 
remembered  by  him  against  Cortes  was  the  execution  of  Diego  Diaz,  a  ship- 
master, who  sought  to  procure  his  escape  from  Villa  Rica  early  in  1521.  The 
record  of  the  trial  is  given  in  Facheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col,  Doc,  xxvi.  287-97. 


CHAPTER 


AFFAIRS  OF  CORTES  IN  SPAIi^. 
1522. 

Cortes  Finds  Favor  with  the  Audiencia — His  Third  Letter — Treasures 
FOR  the  Emperor — An  Ominous  Loss — Chased  by  Corsairs — What 
King  Francis  Said — The  Curse  of  Montezuma — Cardinal  Adrian 
Interferes — Cortes'  Case  before  the  Sovereign — His  Achievements 
Reviewed — Refutation  of  Charges — Velazquez  Crushed  and  Fon- 
SECA  Humbled — Cortes  Appointed  Governor  and  Captain-general. 

Any  fears  which  Cortes  may  have  entertained  with 
regard  to  his  treatment  of  Tapia  were  quieted  by  the 
arrival,  during  the  spring,  of  Alonso  de  Avila,  the 
commissioner  whom  he  had  sent  to  Santo  Domingo 
more  than  a  year  before,  to  obtain  concessions  from 
the  audiencia,  and  war  material  for  the  army.-^  The 
audiencia  gave  him  authority  to  conquer  the  whole 
of  New  Spain,  to  brand  slaves  in  accordance  with  pre- 
scribed rules,  and  to  distribute  encomiendas.  Although 
this  was  provisional,  subject  to  the  royal  decision,  it 
nevertheless  gave  authority  to  the  acts  of  Cortes, 
and  he  received  further  encouragement  in  the  fact  that 
the  audiencia  had  recommended  him  to  the  emperor 
in  a  manner  that  promised  to  be  more  effective  than 
any  representation  so  far  made.  One  great  advan- 
tage the  audiencia  had,  namely,  means  to  hide  their 
despatches  from  the  bishop  of  Burgos,  with  whom 
they  were  not  wholly  in  accord,  and  have  them  pre- 
sented direct  to  the  royal  person,  nor  could  their 
intimations  against  the  bishop's  policy  fail  to  have 
weight. 

^  Bemal  Diaz  places  the  return  after  the  P^lnuco  campaign,  which  is 
doubtful.  Hist.  Verdad.y  163. 

(79) 


80 


AFFAIRS  OF  CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 


In  return  for  his  success,  Avila  received  a  valuable 
encomienda,  together  with  presents  and  promises,  all 
of  which  bound  him  ever  closer  to  his  patron.^  So 
pleased  indeed  was  Cortes  with  his  ability  and  loyalty 
as  commissioner,  that  he  caused  him  to  be  appointed 
procurador  to  the  court  of  Spain,  jointly  with  Antonio 
de  Quinones,  his  captain  of  guards.^  They  were  to 
support  the  other  agents  in  obtaining  a  confirmation 
of  his  grant  of  lands,  natives,  and  offices,  and  other 
acts,  together  with  his  own  tenure  of  office,  as  partly 
advocated  in  letters  intrusted  to  them,  notably  the 
third  of  his  Relaciones.  This  is  dated  at  Coyuhuacan, 
May  15,  1522,  and  narrates  the  operations  since  Octo- 
ber 1520,  beginning  with  the  Tepeaca  campaign,  con- 
tinuing with  the  siege  and  fall  of  Mexico,  and  ending 
with  the  expeditions  to  formally  occupy  surrounding 
provinces.  The  latter  he  describes  in  a  manner  in- 
tended to  impress  the  value  of  his  achievements,  and 
the  wealth  and  extent  of  the  additions  thus  made  to 
the  royal  domains.  He  does  not  fail  to  allude  to  the 
prospects  opening  before  the  maritime  exploration  for 
which  he  is  preparing  a  fleet  on  the  South  Sea.  One 
of  the  main  objects  of  the  letter,  which  had  probably 
hastened  its  conclusion,  was  the  Tapia  affair.  While 
explaining  that  the  course  taken  had  been  to  save  the 
country  and  the  royal  interests,  as  proved  by  the 
attempted  revolt  of  the  natives,  he  points  out  the 
injustice  and  danger  of  such  interference,  particularly 
on  the  part  of  selfish  and  unscrupulous  persons  like 
Velazquez,  wholly  oblivious  of  their  duty  to  the  sov- 
ereign.*   In  an  accompanying  note  he  commends  the 

2  He  had  formerly  been  an  adherent  of  Velazquez,  and  this  sufficed  to 
rouse  Bernal  Diaz  against  him,  as  a  suspected  person,  who  might  hav?  been 
dangerous  had  he  been  present  when  Tapia  arrived.  The  encomienda  em- 
braced Quauhtitlan,  with  a  large  rental.  Id. 

3  Who  had  assisted  to  save  the  life  of  Cortes  during  the  siege. 

*  In  a  later  letter  he  goes  so  far  as  to  propose  to  arrest  the  Cuban  governor. 
*  Pienso  enviar  por  el  dicho  Diego  Velazquez  y  prenderle,  y  preso,  enyiarle  ii 
V.  M. .  .cortando  la  raiz  de  todos  males.'  Cartas,  318.  Bernal  Diaz  wrongly 
attributes  this  proposal  to  the  present  occasion.  It  may  certainly  be  called 
capping  the  climax  of  the  injuries  heaped  upon  the  unfortunate  governor, 
though  he  deserves  little  sympathy. 


AGEKTS  SENT. 


81 


agents  to  the  emperor,  and  points  out  the  painful 
anxiety  in  which  he  has  been  left  by  not  receiving  any 
reply  to  his  many  dutiful  applications. 

The  local  officials  also  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
emperor  in  the  name  of  the  army  and  settlers,  extol- 
ling the  deeds  and  loyalty  of  their  leader,  defending 
their  treatment  of  Tapia,  instigated  as  he  was  by  the 
hostile  Velazquez,  and  urging  the  prior  claims  of  con- 
querors to  grants  and  appointments.  Father  Olmedo 
supported  these  representations  in  a  special  letter, 
wiierein  he  reviewed  the  prospects  of  conversion  and 
requested  that  religious  teachers  be  sent  out.  To  add 
weight  to  the  petitions,  they  received  the  usual  accom- 
paniment of  treasure,  in  addition  to  the  regular  fifth. 
The  present  consisted  of  the  choicest  specimens  of 
fabrics,  feather-work,  curiosities,  and  jewels,  set  apart 
from  the  late  repartition,  and  increased  from  the  sub- 
sequent influx  of  tributes,  worth  fully  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  ducats.^  Its  notable  features  were 
a  number  of  pearls  and  an  immense  emerald,  as  it  was 
supposed  to  be,^  and  trinkets,  which  wholly  eclipsed 
the  already  familiar  specimens  of  native  goldsmiths' 
work,  in  the  form  of  fishes  with  scales  of  diflferent 
metals,  of  birds  and  other  animals  with  movable  heads 
and  tongues,  masks  with  mosaic  ornamentation,  and 
a  variety  of  pieces  after  European  models.  Several 
large  bones  were  also  sent,  uncovered  at  Coyuhuacan, 

^  'Aunque  otros  dizen  dos  tanto.'  Gomara,  Hist.  Conq.^  216.  The  jewels, 
fabrics,  etc.,  150,000  ducats,  the  gold  and  silver  as  much  more.  The  part  set 
aside  from  the  repartition  after  the  fall  of  Mexico  was  worth  more  than 
100,000  pesos  de  oro.  Oviedo,  iii.  468,  517.  A  list  of  the  valuables  sent  to 
Spain  is  given  in  Memoria  de  Piezas,  in  Paclieco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii. 
253-68,  345-9.    See  also  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  1. 

^  *A  fine  emerald  the  size  of  the  palm  of  a  hand,  of  pyramidal  shape.'  Id. 
*Perlas  tamafias  algunas  dellas  como  auellanas.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad., 
163.  This  author  alludes  to  a  number  of  chalchiuites,  *  like  emeralds,'  wliich 
can  hardly  include  the  stones  called  emeralds  by  others,  for  chalchiuites  were 
never  regarded  as  of  much  value  by  the  conquerors,  though  the  natives  prized 
them  above  any  other  stones.  The  emerald  referred  to  was  a  mere  jade  or 
serpentine,  for  Mexico  possessed  no  emeralds.  Alaman,  Divert.,  i.  159.  In 
Peru  thev  did  have  this  precious  stone,  but  the  test  to  which  the  early  adven- 
turers submitted  them — hammer  blows — caused  as  a  rule  the  rejection  of  the 
genuine  stones,  which  were  smashed  in  pieces,  while  the  false  ones  were  ac- 
cjepted. 

Hist.  Mez.,  Vol.  II.  6 


82 


AFFAIRS  OF  CORTfiS  IN  SPAIN. 


which  in  accordance  with  the  common  native  tradition 
and  the  declaration  a*:  the  doctors  were  pronounced 
to  be  the  remains  of  giants;  also  two  jaguars,  or  tigers 
as  they  were  called,  which  proved  an  unfortunate  ship- 
ment, for  one  escaped  from  the  cage  77hen  on  board, 
and  fiercely  attacked  a  number  of  the  crew,  where- 
upon it  was  lost  in  the  sea.  Two  of  the  bitten  men 
died  from  their  injuries,  and  to  obviate  another  disas- 
ter the  second  jaguar  was  killed/ 

As  special  agents  for  Cortes  went  his  secretary, 
Juan  de  Ribera,^  with  whom  was  associated  Friar 
Pedro  Melgarejo  de  Urrea,  both  to  act  in  concert  with 
his  father,  Martin  Cortes,  to  whom  was  sent  a  power 
of  attorney  to  act  in  all  affairs  for  the  son.^  This 
document  was  accompanied  by  a  few  thousand  ducats, 
which  the  malevolent  magnified  to  large  amounts,  a 
portion  of  the  vast  treasures  that  Cortes  was  said  to 
have  secreted.  One  story  current  was  that  he  him- 
self supervised  its  transmission  to  Tezcuco  in  several 
canoes.  When  fairly  out  in  the  lake  a  sudden  gale 
capsized  the  boats,  and  half  a  dozen  men  were  drowned ; 
the  rest,  including  Cortes,  narrowly  escaped  by  cling- 
ing to  the  wrecks.  Divers  were  afterward  sent  to 
search  for  the  treasure,  but  not  a  trace  could  be 
found.  The  same  agents  carried  a  portion  of  the 
remittances  sent  by  the  conquerors  to  friends  in  Spain, 
amounting  in  all  to  nearly  a  hundred  thousand  cas- 
tellanos,  and  showing  that  recent  expeditions  must 
have  greatly  increased  the  distribution  shares,  and  pro- 
moted contentment  among  the  lately  irate  soldiers. 

'  Gomara  mentions  *  three  tigers, '  but  accounts  only  for  the  fate  of  two. 
Bisf.  Mex.,  216. 

^  A  man  full  of  tricks  and  unfair  at  the  gaming-table,  says  Bernal  Diaz, 
Ilisi.  Verdad.,  190-1,  and  he  certainly  proved  unreliable. 

'Dated  May  8,  1522.  Poder  Otorgado,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc, 
xii.  458-70.  A  relative  named  Francisco  de  las  Casas  is  appointed  substitute 
in  caee  Martin  Cortes  fails  to  act.  This  Casas,  a  relative,  figures  ably  in  the 
conquestof  Honduras.  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  537  et  seq.,  this  series. 

^"  Peralta  applies  this  statement  to  the  treasures  intended  for  the  emperor. 
Not.  Hist.y  130-2,  but  it  appears  to  be  based  on  an  event  which  occurred  in 
connection  witli  Cortes'  own  departure  for  Spain  in  1528.  Gomara,  affirms  that 
the  sum  sent  to  thu  father  was  4,000  ducats.  Hist.  Mex.,  216. 

'Ochenta  y  ocho  mil  Castelianos  en  barras  de  oro.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist, 


CAPTURED  BY  THE  FRENCH. 


83 


The  commission  set  out  in  June^^  1522,  m  three 
vessels/^  which  safely  reached  Terceira,  of  the  Azores 
group.  Hardly  had  they  again  set  sail,  however, 
when  they  were  attacked  by  a  fleet  of  French  corsairs, 
six  ships  in  number,  hailing  from  La  Rochelle.^* 

Resistance  on  the  part  of  the  small  vessels  from 
New  Spain  was  deemed  useless,  but  they  nevertheless 
did  their  utmost  to  escape,  regardless  of  the  cannon- 
balls  that  whistled  around  them.  The  chase  became 
exciting,  the  more  so  when  splinters  began  to  fly  and 
blood  to  flow.  Finally  the  French  overtook  two  of 
the  vessels  having,  in  charge  of  Avila,  the  greater 
part  of  the  treasures,  which  were  conveyed  to  France. 
The  choicest  jewels  were  sent  as  a  present  to  Francis 
I.,  who  was  not  a  little  surprised  at  the  extent  and 
quality  of  the  wealth  flowing  in  on  Spain.  "The  gold 
from  his  western  possessions  alone  must  suflice  to  sun- 
tain  his  campaigns  against  us,"  he  observedo  "But  I 
should  like  to  see  the  last  testament  of  Father  Adam 
which  entitles  my  brothers  of  Castile  and  Portugal 
to  the  exclusive  ownership  of  those  regions,  or  which 
forbids  me  from  thus  helping  myself  to  a  share.  "^^ 

Avila  was  kept  behind  prison  bars  for  a  long  time 
in  the  vain  expectation  of  a  heavy  ransom,  correspond- 
ing to  the  estimate  formed  of  one  having  in  his  charge 
so  large  a  treasure.  He  managed,  however,  to  forward 
the  despatches,  which  greatly  promoted  the  cause  of 
his  chief.     Learning  from  him  or  his  companions  that 

Verdad.,  163.  Herrera  names  Diego  de  Ordaz,  of  volcano  fame,  as  one  of  the 
passengers,  while  others  say  that  he  had  gone  with  the  previous  mission  to 
Spain. 

^■^  December  20th,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  but  this  must  be  a  slip  f-ither 
of  memory  or  pen,  which  has  misled  several  writers.  A  receipt  for  some  of 
the  treasure  is  dated  at  Seville,  November  8,  1522.  Pacheco  and  CdrdenaSr 
Col.  Doc,  xii.  258-60. 

Caravels,  says  Herrera.  Bernal  Diaz  mentions  only>  2.  One  of  them  was 
the  Santa  Maria  de  laRdhida,  commanded  by  Juan  Baptista.  Id. ,  253, 258, 260. 
Under  command  of  Juan  Florin,  or  Florentin. 

^5 '  Que  mostrassen  el  testamento  de  nuestro  padre  Adan,  si  les  dex6  a  ellos 
solamente  por  herederos,  y  senores  de  aquellas  tierras  que  auian  tornado  entre 
ellos  dos  sin  dalle  a  el  ninguna  dellas,  e  que  por  esta  causa  era  licito  robar,  y 
tomar  todo  lo  que  pudiesse  por  la  mar,'  Biirnal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  164. 

'^The  neglect  to  secure  his  liberation  nettled  him  greatly,  and  he  is  said 
to  have  expressed  delight  at  the  loss  to  the  court  of  so  much  treasure.  On 


84 


AFFAIRS  OF  COP-T^IS  IN  SPAIN. 


the  third  vessel,  which  had  escaped  him,  contained 
additional  trer^Kure,  the  French  pirate  returned  with 
three  of  his  ships  to  watch  for  her.  This  time  fortune 
turned  against  him,  for  near  Cape  St  Vincent  he  en- 
countered a  Spanish  fleet  sent  in  search  of  him,  and 
after  a  brief  but  sharp  battle  he  was  captured  and 
conveyed  to  Spain,  'oh ore  to  be  condemned  to  the 
gallows. 

Ill-luck  seemed  to  attend  the  spoils  of  New  Spain, 
both  in  their  capture  and  afterward.  The  curses  of  the 
dying  Montezuma  and  the  agonized  Quauhtemotzin 
had  clung  to  them  ever  since  they  left  the  palace- 
vaults  of  Tenochtitlan.  Miserably  perished  during 
the  Noche  Triste  most  of  those  who  sought  to  convey 
it  forth,  while  the  Aztecs  who  recaptured  a  portion 
paid  the  bitter  penalty  during  the  horrors  of  the 
following  siege.  Strife  and  trouble  arose  at  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  remnant  after  the  fall  of  the  city;  a 
gale  swept  a  portion  into  the  lake,  together  with  sev- 
eral of  its  attendants.  Its  capture  by  the  French 
rivolved  the  imprisonment  of  Avila  and  the  death  of 
several  companions,  soon  tc  be  followed  by  the  igno- 
Eainious  end  of  the  pirates  and  the  capture  of  Francis 
himself.  As  for  the  escaped  vessel,  the  Santa  Maria 
de  la  Rdbida,  she  gained  Santa  Maria  Island  in  a 
somewhat  battered  condition,  with  several  wounded 
persons  on  board,  including  Quinones,  who  died  a  few 
days  later. Ribera  proceeded  thence  in  a  Portuguese 
caravel  to  Seville  to  ask  for  a  convoy,  and  with  this 

returning  to  Spain  he  received  for  compensation  the  permit  to  retain  his  en- 
comiendas  and  other  property,  and  the  appointment  of  contador  for  Yucatan. 
In  1565  the  municipality  of  Mexico  granted  his  brother's  family  a  lot  adjoin- 
ing their  house,  in  consideration  for  Alonso's  services;  but  in  the  following 
year  the  house  was  razed,  and  the  site  covered  with  salt,  after  the  execution 
of  his  nephews  for  complicity  in  the  conspiracy  of  Martin  Cortes.  Datos 
Bhg.,  in  Carta:}  de  Indias,  716-17;  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iv,  cap.  xx.,  lib. 
X.  cap.  vii. 

"  '  En  el  puerto  do  Pico. '  Id.  Sandoval  places  this  occurrence  in  Novem- 
ber 1522,  though  he  is  ncmewhat  confused  about  the  facts.  Hist.  Carlos  V.y 
i.  563. 

So  says  Herrera,  while  Bernal  Diaz  stateo  that  tho  death  of  the  gallant 
captain  was  due  to  dagger  thrusts,  which  he  received  at  I'ercera  during  a 
Lotharian  escapade,  ubi  sup. 


THE  VELAZQUEZ  INFLUENCE. 


85 


the  remnant  cf  Aztec  treasure  reached  its  destina- 
tion.^^ 

By  this  time  the  affairs  of  Cortes  in  Spain  had 
assumed  a  new  aspect.  His  friends,  including  Martin 
Cortes,  Puertocarrero,  Montijo,  Licentiate  Nunez, 
relator  of  the  India  Council,  Ordaz,  and  others,  had 
for  a  time  accomplished  nothing  more  than  to  check  the 
proceedings  of  the  Velazquez  party,  though  they  had 
been  unable  to  oppose  the  appointment  of  Tapia. 
Finally,  however,  they  obtained  proofs  of  Fonseca's 
machinations  in  favor  of  Velazquez,  from  whom  he 
had  accepted  heavy  bribes,  including  an  encomienda 
of  natives,  who  were  compelled  under  the  lash  to 
extract  gold  for  the  good  bishop  in  the  Cuban  mines. 
The  intimacy  between  these  two  officials  was  strength- 
ened by  the  engagement  of  the  governor  to  the  niece 
of  the  prelate,^*^  and  they  concerted  to  defame  Cortes 
as  a  traitor,  by  withholding  his  despatches,  keeping 
back  his  agents,  and  injuring  him  in  every  possible 
manner. It  was  further  shown  that  the  bishop  had 
appropriated  a  part  of  the  presents  sent  to  the  em- 
peror from  New  Spain.  This  was  wrong  on  the  part 
of  the  bishop,  and  yet,  as  we  well  know,  Velazquez 
had  far  more  of  justice  on  his  side  than  Cortes;  but  suc- 
cess defies  all.  The  great  achievements  of  Cortes  had 
by  this  time  spread  throughout  the  country,  fostering 
the  belief  that  he  had  not  been  fairly  treated.  Among 
the  notable  persons  who  warmly  expressed  themselves 
to  this  effect  were  the  duke  of  Bejar,  one  of  the 

1^  A  list  of  what  she  brought  is  given  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.y 
xii.  253-60.  Herrera  relates  two  somewhat  varied  and  confused  versions,  and 
says  that  the  vessel  with  all  its  effects  was  placed  under  embargo  by  Fonseca's 
order,  which  is  unlikely.  Dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  i.  iii.,  lib.  ix.  cap.  xx.  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex.,  216,  disposes  quite  briefly  of  the  voyage;  but  Bernal  Diaz  is  more 
complete  and  reliable.  In  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  Cort6s  expresses  regret  at 
the  loss,  chiefly  on  account  of  the  choice  nature  of  the  specimens,  which  would 
have  aided  in  demonstrating  his  services,  but  'yo  trabajar^  de  enviar  otras 
muy  mas  ricas  y  extranas,'  he  concludes  consolingly.  Cartas,  317. 

^"Petronila  de  Fonseca.  Gorr^  ira,  Eift.  Mex.,  238.  Bemal  Diaz  fancies 
also  that  she  may  have  been  engaged  to  Tapia.  Hist.  Verdad..  183. 

2^  The  bishop  had  hidden  his  reports,  'que  no  gs  veria  inientras  -viule.-se.' 
Herrera^  dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  iii. 


86 


AFFAIRS  OF  CORT^IS  IN  SPAIN. 


leading  grandees,  and  the  German  duke  of  Nassau,^^ 
whose  representations  assisted  in  convincing  Cardinal 
Adrian  of  the  injustice  done.  Fonseca  was  there- 
upon ordered  not  to  meddle  in  the  affairs  of  Cortes, 
and  the  evidence  of  his  conduct  was  forwarded  to 
the  monarch. 

Adrian  had  no  time  to  do  much  more,  for  he  was 
elected  successor  to  Leo  X.,  and  was  obliged  to  go  to 
Italy  in  the  spring  of  1522.^^  The  emperor  returned 
from  Germany  shortly  after,  however,  and  Tapia 
appearing  to  support  the  complaints  of  the  adherents 
of  Velazquez,  he  resolved  to  investigate  the  charges 
both  against  Fonseca  and  Cortes;  summoning  to  this 
effect  a  special  commission  which  included  such  men 
as  the  grand  chancellor.^^ 

The  plaintiff  opened  with  the  charge  that  Cortes 
had  appropriated  to  his  own  ends  a  fleet  fitted  out  at 
great  expense  by  Velazquez,  in  virtue  of  royal  author- 
ity, to  continue  the  exploration  of  the  countries 
already  discovered  by  him.  Velazquez  had  conse- 
quently been  obliged  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his 
fortune  in  efforts  to  recover  his  own,  notably  in  the 
equipment  of  a  second  large  fleet  under  Narvaez. 
Regardless  of  the  lives  of  his  Majesty's  subjects,  and 
of  his  sacred  decrees,  Cortes  had  attacked  the  expedi- 
tion, killed  a  number,  imprisoned  others,  and  bribed 
or  intimidated  the  rest  into  submission,  besides  tearing 

22  Bemal  Diaz  says  Monsieur  de  Lasoa,  sent  by  the  emperor  to  congratulate 
Adrian  on  his  election  to  the  papacy.  Nassau  certainly  proved  himself  a  great 
friend  to  Cort6s  afterward. 

^3  It  is  even  said  that  he  suspended  the  bishop  from  his  presidency  cf  the 
council;  but  this  was  probably  left  to  the  emperor. 
Mariana,  Hist.  Esp.,  vii.  310,  viii.  101. 

25Mercurio  de  Gatinara;  Hernando  deVega,  lord  of  Grijal  and  comendador 
mayor  of  Castile ;  Monsieur  de  la  Chaux,  great  chamberlain ;  Doctor  Lorenzo 
Galindez  de  Carbajal,  an  old  and  eminent  jurist;  Licentiate  Francisco  de 
Vargas,  general  treasurer  of  Castile;  and  Doctor  de  la  Roche,  a  Fleming. 
Such  are  the  names  given  in  Herrera,  Gomara,  Bernal  Diaz,  and  Cort6s,  Vida, 
in  Icazbalcata,  Col.  Doc.  i.  352-3.  Several  sessions  were  held.  Manuel  de 
Rojas  and  Andres  de  Duero,  representing  Velazquez,  appeared  with  Tapia  on 
one  side,  while  Licentiate  Cespedes  is  said  to  nave  been  among  those  who 
pleaded  for  Cortes.  Vetancurt,  'Teatro,  pt.  iii.  153,  assumes  wrongiy  that 
liiberu  and  Melf;or'.;;o  arrived  in  time  to  be  present  now,  and  Prescott  adda 
Narvaoz,  H^Lx.  iii.  246-7.  Both  confound  this  trial  with  subsequent  revivals 
of  charges  before  tribunals  and  council. 


BEFORE  THE  EMPEROR 


87 


by  force  from  the  commander  the  royal  despatches. 
He  had  further,  by  force  and  fraud,  caused  himself  to 
be  elected  leader,  ignoring  the  instructions  given  him 
from  the  audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo  through  his 
patron,  and  punishing  even  with  death  those  who 
ventured  to  oppose  him.  He  had  assumed  regal 
powers,  made  cruel  war  on  unoffending  natives  to  sat- 
isfy his  greed  and  ambition,  and  had  distributed  en- 
comiendas  and  slaves  for  the  benefit  of  his  adherents. 
To  this  end  he  had  encroached  on  the  royal  interests, 
besides  embezzling  moneys  ari  treasures  due  to  the 
crown,  assuming  also  for  himself  a  fifth  like  the  sov- 
ereign. Not  satisfied  with  this,  he  had  defrauded  the 
soldiers  of  their  shares,  tortured  native  kings  and 
nobles  to  obtain  more  gold,  and  had  tyrannically  im- 
pressed the  people  to  bring  material  and  build  houses 
for  him.  Finally  he  had  maltreated  and  expelled  from 
New  Spain  the  governor  appointed  by  the  crown,  with 
criminal  contempt  for  the  royal  commission,  thus  con- 
firming the  current  reports  that  he  intended  treason- 
ably to  ignore  the  sovereign  as  he  had  his  cedulas  and 
his  patron,  and  usurp  the  country  for  himself 

To  these  charges,  many  of  them  too  true,  the  agents 
of  Cortes  replied  that  the  honor  of  discovering  New 
Spain  pertained  to  Hernandez  de  Cordoba,  who,  dis- 
regarding the  iniquitous  and  criminal  commission  of 
Valazquez  to  kidnap  natives  from  the  islands,  had 
directed  his  energies  to  this  nobler  aim.  Grijalva's 
expedition,  succeeding  this,  was  purely  for  traffic,  as 
proved  by  the  instructions,  and  its  cost  had  been  de- 
frayed by  the  participants,  although  Velazquez  managed 
to  secure  most  of  the  profit,  which  he  shared  with  the 
bishop  of  Biirgos,  besides  bribing  him  to  the  preju- 
dice of  the  crown  with  large  allotments  of  slaves. 
The  fleet  of  Cortes  had  been  fitted  out  chiefly  at  the 
expense  of  himself  and  friends,  as  demonstrated  by 
the  vouchers  and  testimony  produced,^^  with  clearly 

^eprobanza  de  Lejalde,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i,  411-20;  Hist.  Mex., 
L  57-8,  this  series. 


88 


AFFAIRS  OF  CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 


written  instructions  to  explore,  not  to  colonize.  On 
beholding  the  vast  extent  and  resources  of  the  coun- 
try, in  products  and  inhabitants,  the  commandei'  felt 
that  his  duty  as  a  loyal  and  Christian  subject  demanded 
the  setting  aside  of  the  limited  and  mercenary  com- 
mission given  him,  in  order  to  acquire  for  his  sover- 
eign these  lands,  and  for  the  church  benighted  souls. 
This  being  recognized  also  by  the  members  of  the 
expedition,  they  had  insisted  upon  electing  him  lieu- 
tenant for  the  king,  and  voluntarily  so  since  this  pro- 
moted also  their  own  wishes  and  interests,  hitherto 
cramped  by  the  avaricious  and  jealous  governor  of 
Cuba.  Narvaez  expedition  had  been  sent  forth  in 
direct  disobedience  to  the  orders  of  the  audiencia  of 
Santo  Domingo,  a  step  which  merited  death,  followed 
as  it  was  by  the  additional  outrage  on  a  royal  oidor. 
Its  presence  in  New  Spain  was  so  evident  a  peril  to 
conquest  so  far  achieved,  and  to  the  conversion  begun, 
that  not  only  did  the  adherents  of  Cortes  unhesitat- 
ingly aid  him  in  overthrowing  the  intruder,  after  he 
had  rejected  every  overture,  but  many  of  the  followers 
of  Narvaez  openly  or  tacitly  refused  to  support  his 
cause,  so  detrimental  was  it  to  the  royal  interests. 
As  it  was,  the  great  revolt  at  Mexico,  followed  by  the 
terrible  Noche  Triste,  must  be  ascribed  to  his  pres- 
ence and  malicious  insinuations.  The  papers  taken 
from  the  fallen  leader  had  been  vouchers,  not  de- 
spatches. The  death  of  a  few  men  on  this  occasion, 
and  the  execution  of  others  at  different  times,  were 
deplored,  but  every  military  organization  demands  the 
maintenance  of  discipline,  and  is  subject  to  such  occur- 
rences, all  of  which  were  no  less  permissible  than  the 
warring  on  natives  who  obstinately  refused  to  submit 
to  the  sovereign  and  church.  Cortes  had  assumed 
no  royal  power,  but  had  made  distribution  of  enco- 
miendas  for  the  sake  of  assuring  the  obedience  of 
the  native  Americans  and  of  maintaining  possession 
of  the  domains  for  the  crown,  to  whose  superior  con- 
firmation the  grants  were  subject.    Treasure  had 


CHARGES  AND  COUNTER  CHARGES. 


89 


been  acquired  by  legitimate  methods,  and  the  royal 
fifth  not  only  duly  set  aside,  but  largely  increased 
by  contribution  of  the  finest  specimens.  If  they  had 
not  reached  the  sovereign,  the  bishop  of  Burgos 
must  be  held  answerable.  The  fifth  assigned  to 
the  commander  was  in  consideration  for  his  services 
and  heavy  expenses.  The  torture  of  the  princes  was 
an  act  of  the  army,  headed  by  the  royal  treasurer, 
and  the  employment  of  natives  to  rebuild  the  city  of 
Mexico  was  a  measure  demanded  by  the  public  in- 
terests. The  arrival  of  Tapia  tended  to  involve  the 
country  in  perils  similar  to  those  aroused  by  Nar- 
vaez,  so  much  so  that  the  delegates  of  the  colonists 
and  army  took  his  disposal  into  their  own  hands^  con- 
fident that  the  sovereign  would  confirm  an  act  dictated 
in  his  own  interest.  Indeed,  none  but  Cortes,  with 
skill  and  judgment  as  a  general  and  governor,  could 
have  undertaken  the  conquest  and  carried  it  to  a  suc- 
cessful end,  through  so  many  dangers,  unsupported 
by  any  one  save  his  own  followers  and  his  own 
resources  of  mind  and  means,  and  this  in  the  face  of 
the  bitter  opposition  of  Velazquez,  Fonseca,  and  their 
adherents,  who  kept  back  recruits  and  supplies,  seized 
remittances,  withheld  his  reports  and  agents,  promoted 
revolts,  and  misrepresented  his  every  motive  and  act. 
The  letters  from  himself,  the  army,  the  officials,  Friar 
Olmedo,  and  others,  were  filled  with  proofs  of  his 
ability  and  loyal  devotion,  while  immense  domains, 
larger  than  any  so  far  acquired  for  the  crown,  and 
teeming  with  wealth  and  vassals,  stood  as  eloquent 
witnesses  of  his  achievements,  ever  glorious  to  Span- 
ish fame.^'' 

What  could  be  more  grand  and  flattering  to  the 
Spanish  nation  than  the  quality  and  extent  of  this 

These  and  other  arguments  are  produced  in  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap. 
iii.;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  184-6;  Gomara,  Hist.  Jlex..,  238-9,  this 
latter,  strange  enough,  giving  the  charges  pretty  fully,  but  disposing  of  the 
defence  with  the  brief  remark:  'Los  descargos,  razon  y  justicia  que  tuuo 
Cortes. .  .la  historia  las  cuenta.'  From  thes-e  sources  later  writers  form  their 
account. 


90 


AFFAIRS  OF  CORT^IS  IN  SPAIN. 


success  I  It  had  already  raised  in  every  Spanish  heart 
a  strong  admiration  for  the  hero,  which  overlooked 
everything  but  his  greatness.  Nor  was  the  crown 
insensible  to  the  necessity  of  justifying  the  means  to 
such  an  end.  The  surpassing  fitness  of  the  man  for 
his  position  was  undeniable;  besides,  none  could  deny 
that  Velazquez  had  been  also  irregular  in  his  conduct, 
while  his  rival  had  suffered  enough  injury  and  oppo- 
sition to  justify  many  an  overt  act.  The  natural 
result  was  a  decision  in  favor  of  Cortes,  with  the 
recommendation  that  neither  Velazquez  nor  Fonseca 
should  be  allowed  to  interfere  further  in  his  affairs. 
The  claims  of  the  former  to  his  share  in  the  fleet,  and 
other  interests,  belonged  to  the  province  of  the  court 
of  law  just  established  for  suits  connected  with  the 
Indies.  The  emperor  rendered  his  decision  in  accord- 
ance, influenced  mainly,  it  seems,  by  the  charge  that 
the  Narvaez  expedition  had  been  the  real  cause  for 
the  great  uprising  which  ended  in  the  disastrous  ex- 
pulsion of  Spaniards  from  Mexico. 

The  blow  fell  with  unnecessary  humiliation  on  Ve- 
lazquez, being  heralded  on  his  own  island,  to  the  sound 
of  trumpet,  by  the  messengers  who  bore  tokens  of 
royal  favors  to  his  rival.  His  fortune  had  really 
been  wrecked  by  the  cost  of  expeditions  and  efforts 
against  Cortes,  which  proved  the  chief  means  for  his 
condemnation;  and  now  every  ambition  was  crushed, 
even  the  lingering  hope  of  vengeance.  The  offer  of 
regaining  a  small  portion  of  his  losses  by  appealing  to 
the  tribunals  seemed  irony.  In  sullen  mood  he  re- 
tired to  his  residence  stricken  by  grief  and  rage  which 
fast  consumed  him.  Once  more  he  resolved  to  make 
fresh  representations  to  the  sovereign,  and  in  1524  he 

2"  Cddula,  October  15,  1522,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  66. 
Gomara  states  that  both  Velazquez  and  Fonseca  were  removed  from  office, 
though  he  is  not  quite  clear  about  the  latter.  '  Mado  al  Obispo ...  q  no  enten- 
diesse  mas  en  negc-cios  de  Cortes,  ni  de  Indias,  a  lo  que  parecio.'  Hist.  Mex.^ 
237-8.  Bemal  Diaz  affirms  this  more  strongly.  Hist.  Verdad.,  183,  and  in 
Cortds,  Vida,  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  352,  tihe  bishop  is  allowed  to  retire 
voluntarily;  but  the  case  is  doubtful,  Eemeoal  declaring  that  his  successor, 
Loaisa,  did  not  assume  the  presidency  till  August  2,  1524.  Hist.  Chyapa,  9. 


DEATH  OF  VELAZQUEZ. 


91 


prepared  to  support  them  in  person,  but  death  inter- 
vened to  spare  him  from  further  disappointments.^^ 
Narvaez,  who  then  joined  Tapia  and  others  in  the  old 
charges  with  supplementary  complaints,  received  no 
satisfaction,  though  he  was  encouraged  by  the  varying 
course  of  his  rival's  fortune  to  maintain  the  suit  for 
some  time.^° 

The  ambitious  Fonscca  was  even  more  deeply 
affected  than  his  protege  by  the  rebuke  of  Charles, 
though  he  had  been  prepared  for  it  by  the  check  already 
administered  through  Adrian,  now  his  pontiff.  The 
presidency  of  the  India  Council  was  an  office  connected 
more  intimately  than  any  other  v;ith  the  growth  of 
the  new  world  colonies.  Its  possessor,  indeed,  might 
readily  have  obtained  immortal  renown  as  father  or 
patron  of  America  by  promoting  its  exploration,  set- 
tlement, and  administration,  with  the  zeal  worthy  of 
a  bishop,  and  the  judgment  resulting  from  thirty 
years'  management  of  affairs.  Instead  of  this,  ever 
since  the  time  of  Columbus,  he  had  proved  an  obsta- 
cle to  advancement  through  his  partisanship  and  nar- 
row-mindedness. Columbus,  Las  Casas,  Cortes,  and 
other  transatlantic  lights  incurred  successively  his 
pronounced  hostility,  and  he  condescended  to  acts 
wholly  unworthy  of  his  cloth,  as  if  jealous  of  fame 
th«t  w\^ouId  obscure  his  position.  He  never  regained 
the  favor  by  which  he  had  rapidly  advanced  from  a 
dean  of  Seville,  through  several  prelacies,  to  the  dig- 

2*  Oviedo,  i.  541.  *De  pesar  cay6  malo,  y  dende  a  pocos  meses  inuri5,'  says 
Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  187.  His  heirs  seem  to  have  made  no  resolute 
efforts  to  recover  their  claims  against  Cortes,  yet  in  1562  his  descendant^ 
Velazquez  de  Bazan,  demanded  the  fulfilment  of  the  contract  with  the  crowuj 
granting  him  and  his  heir  a  share  in  the  revenue  of  the  countries  he  should 
discover  and  conquer.  In  1584  he  offered  to  compromise  for  a  revenue  cf 
15,000  ducats,  and  a  habit  of  Santiago  for  his  son.  Velazquez,  Memorial,  in 
Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  iv.  232-8.  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  x.  80-6;  Panes, 
in  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp. ,  MS. ,  64. 

2°  He  was  ironically  told  to  bring  Avila  from  his  French  prison  to  prove 
the  charge  that  he  had  stolen  his  commission.  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad., 
186.  The  claim  against  Cortes  presented  by  his  agent  Ceballos  some  years 
later,  for  property  lost  by  him  and  his  followers  at  Ccnipoala,  amounted  to 
300,000  pesos  de  oro.  This  included  indemnity  for  his  long  imprisonment. 
Demanda  de  Ceballos,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  437-44;  Cortes,  Residencia, 
i.  87  et  seq. 


92 


AFFAIRS  OF  CORTES  IN  SPAIN". 


nity  of  bishop  of  Burgos,  with  still  higher  prospects 
before  him.^^ 

The  conduct  and  measures  of  Cortes  were  gener- 
ally approved,  at  least  in  all  the  main  features,^^  and 
the  conquerors  were  confirmed  in  the  possession  of 
the  encomiendas  granted  them,  with  the  privilege 
of  occupying  prominent  seats  in  churches  and  other 
public  places.  In  a  special  cedula  of  October  15, 1522, 
the  emperor  expressed  to  the  leader  his  appreciation 
of  the  services  rendered  in  the  conquest  of  so  great  a 
territory,  and  of  the  steps  he  had  taken  immediately 
on  returning  to  Spain  to  become  acquainted  there- 
with, through  his  reports  and  agents,  and  to  prevent 
his  enemies  from  creating  further  mischief  He  com- 
mends to  his  loyal  zeal  and  experience  the  good  admin- 
istration of  the  country  and  the  care  and  conversion 
of  the  natives.  The  better  to  enable  him  to  carry 
out  this  measure  and  in  recognition  of  his  services, 
he  is  granted  the  offices  of  governor  and  captain- 
general  of  New  Spain,  with  full  power  to  appoint  dep- 
uties and  sub-officials  throughout  its  provinces,^^  and 
with  permission  to  exclude  any  objectionable  person 
from  the  country.    Cortes  was  further  gratified  by 

He  fell  sick  with  disgust,  and  appears  to  have  died  during  the  following 
year.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xiv.;  though  Irving  says  November  4, 
1554.  Columbus,  iii.  550.  Bemal  Diaz  states  that  his  troubles  were  increased 
by  differences  with  his  nephew  about  the  archbishopric  of  Santiago.  Hist. 
Verdad.,  187.  Already  archbishop  of  Rosano,  and  comisario-general  de  la 
Cruzada,  he  might  readily  have  become  archbishop  of  Toledo.  Gomara,  Hist, 
2Sex.,  238.  Solis  will  not  believe  all  the  charges  against  'un  Varon  tan  vene 
rable  y  tan  graduado.'  Hist,  ifex.,  ii.  273.  See  also  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  168, 
this  series. 

22  Umbria  and  Cdrdenas,  who  had  suffered  amputation  of  the  feet  for  aid- 
ing in  a  Velazquezan  revolt,  were  given  encomiendas  *  que  renten  a  cada  vno 
mil  pesos  de  oro.'  Bernal  Diaz,  loc.  cit.  These  and  a  few  other  indirect  re- 
bakes  were  the  only  exceptions. 

2^  This  commission,  bearing  the  same  date  as  the  c6dula,  alludes  to  the 
new  country  as  'Aculuacan  and  San  Xoan  de  Olua,  llamada  la  Nueva  Espana,' 
a  name  conferred  in  accordance  irith  Cortes'  request.  He  is  to  be  'royal  judge, 
overnor,  justice,  and  captain-general,  without  predjudice  to  any  privilege 
eld  or  claimed  by  Adelantado  Velazquez. '  From  which  it  appears  that  the 
latter  still  possessed  the  right  to  discover  and  settle  lands,  or  more  probably 
islands,  adjoining  New  Spain,  for  instance  Yucatan,  which  is  not  included  in 
the  above  c6dula.  ^eePacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  59-70.  Gomara 
wrongly  adds  the  title  of  adelantado,  which  was  proposed  for  him  only  in 
1525.    Bemal  Diaz  misleads  several  in  giving  a  wrong  date.    The  salary 


FERDINAND  TO  CORT^IS. 


93 


a  letter  from  Ferdinand,  the  brother  of  Charles  and 
regent  of  Germany,  who  lauded  his  achievements 
and  assured  him  of  his  good-will.^'* 

assigned  amounted  to  a  little  over  300,000  maravedis,  while  the  royal  officials 
appointed  at  the  same  time  received  510.000.  Cortes  complained  of  this 
inequality,  and  by  cedula  of  November  4,  1525,  he  is  told  that  steps  will  be 
taken  to  satisfy  him.  Col.  Doc.  InM.,  i.  99-100,  102;  Pizarro  y  Orellana, 
Varones  Ilvstres,  102 ;  CorUs,  Cartas ^  338-9. 

This  was  in  answer  to  a  letter  accompanied  by  presents  from  Cortes. 
Bzrnal  Diaz,  Hist.  VerdarL,  186.  The  general  had  evidently  made  wide-spread 
efforts  to  curry  favor  with  the  court. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


CORTES  AND  GARAY  IN  PANUCO. 
1522-1523. 

Rivalry  for  PAnuco — Cortes  Hastens  to  Occupy  It — Battle  at  Ayotoch- 
TiTLAN — Operations  at  Chila — Native  Tactics — Founding  of  San 
EsTEVAN  del  Puerto — A  Shipwreck  Incident — Disappointing  Re- 
sults— Campaign  in  Tututepec  Mountains — Rejoicings  on  the  Ra- 
CEiPT  OF  Cortes'  Commission — Alluring  Projects  for  Southern 
Conquests — Startling  News — Garay  Prepares  to  Descend  on  Pi- 
Nuco — His  Lack  of  Ability  and  Firmness — March  from  Las  Pal- 
mas — Negotiations  with  Vallejo. 

North  of  Villa  Rica  extended  the  fertile  province 
of  Panuco,  so  called  after  the  ruling  chief,^  whose 
villages  bordered  the  deep-flowing  rivers  that  seek 
the  sea  at  the  present  Tampico.  It  was  skirted  on 
the  east  by  woody  ranges  from  which  a  number  of 
streams  ran  down  the  undulating  slopes  to  a  flat  and 
sandy  seaboard  broken  by  a  series  of  lagoons.  While 
the  shore-line  was  unhealthy  and  thinly  inhabited,  the 
interior  was  salubrious,  and  rumor  placed  there  rich 
mines  of  gold.  To  find  this  gold  had  been  the  chief 
inducement  for  the  expeditions  of  Garay,  and  the 
hostility  of  the  natives,  together  with  a  few  thou- 
sand pesos  obtained  by  barter,  had  only  served  to 
confirm  the  rumor. 

The  revelation  that  others  were  intent  on  establish- 
ing an  independent  government  so  close  to  his  own, 
had  been  a  source  of  anxiety  to  Cortds  ever  since  the 
encounter  with  Pineda  in  August  1519.^    He  ac- 

^  'Cuyo  rey  se  llamana  Panuco.'  Oomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  67.  The  province 
was  known  to  the  Mexicans  as  Pantlan  orPanotlan.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  iiL 
132. 

'See  Hist  Mex.,  i.  189,  this  series.  (M) 


OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


95 


cordingly  hastened  to  inform  the  king  that  the 
natives  of  Panuco  had  already  submitted  to  him ;  and 
he  intimated  afterward  that  it  would  be  not  only  dan- 
gerous for  a  strange  expedition  to  enter  the  country, 
but  injurious  to  the  royal  interest  there  and  in  the 
settled  districts  to  the  south.^  The  claim  of  submis- 
sion was  based  on  the  allegiance  tendered  by  some 
towns  near  Almeria,  which  by  way  of  diplomacy  he 
made  extend  indefinitely  beyond.  The  reverses  at 
Mexico,  and  the  subsequent  siege,  called  attention 
away  from  outlying  provinces,  but  after  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Andhuac  Cortes  took  up  the  matter,  although 
he  was  prevented  from  prosecuting  it  by  the  arrival  of 
Tapia.* 

Soon  after  came  news  from  the  Islands  that  a  fresh 
expedition,  promoted  to  some  extent  by  the  admiral 
CI  the  Indies,  was  preparing  to  occupy  Pd-nuco.  This 
was  confirmed  by  a  letter  from  Garay  himself,  who 
announced  that  the  sovereign  had  appointed  him  gov- 
ernor of  that  district,  and  that  he  would  at  once  enter 
into  possession.  Cortes  had  already  made  extensive 
preparations  to  anticipate  his  rival,  and  was  not  to  be 
held  back  from  a  prize  now  more  alluring  than  ever,  and 
that  by  the  mere  indication  of  cedulas  which  he  had  so 
well  learned  to  circumvent. 

The  question  here  involved  was  similar^  to  that 
of  Narvaez  and  Tapia.  The  doscent  of  an  Lrmed 
force  so  near  to  Mexico  would  encourage  the  natives 
to  fresh  revolts  which  might  involve  the  loss  of 
the  entire  country,  and  the  slaughter  of  every 
Spaniard.  His  duty  to  sovereign  and  comrades  de- 
manded that  he  should  prevent  such  disasters,  and  he 
was  also  bound  to  protect  from  other  invaders  a  prov- 
ince which  had  already  submitted  to  him.  Indeed, 

*  Cartas,  56,  263-4. 

*Bemal  Diaz  states  that  he  did  send  some  men  to  settle  near  Pdnuco  River 
so  as  to  prevent  Garay  from  taking  possession,  Hist.  Verdad.,  160,  but  this 
is  doubtful. 

^  The  c6dula  issued  in  1521  is  to  be  found  in  Navarrete,  Col.  de  Viages,  iii. 
147.  Instructions  connected  with  it,  such  as  the  settling  of  a  boundary,  appear 
to  have  been  brought  by  Bono  de  Quejo. 


COKTES  AND  GARAY  IN  pANUCO. 


the  natives  had  sent  to  implore  him  for  protection 
both  against  strangers  and  adjoining  hostile  tribes.® 
An  additional  reason  for  occupying  the  province  was 
the  necessity  for  New  Spain  proper  to  control  so  ex- 
cellent a  country/ 

The  importance  of  the  project  demanded  that  Cortes 
should  undertake  it  in  person,  the  more  so  since  his 
leading  captains  were  occupied  elsewhere.  He  accord- 
ingly left  Diego  de  Soto  in  charge  at  Mexico,  with 
instructions  for  continuing  the  rebuilding,  and  set  out 
with  one  hundred  and  twenty  horse,  three  hundred 
foot-soldiers,  a  few  field-pieces,  and  some  forty  thou- 
sand Indians  from  different  quarters.^  A  fair  propor- 
tion of  the  latter  were  chosen  Aztec  warriors,  whom 
he  thought  it  prudent  to  keep  under  his  own  im- 
mediate control,  rather  than  expose  the  capital  to 
the  danger  of  a  fresh  conspiracy.  The  quality  of  the 
allegiance  accorded  to  the  Huastecs,^  as  the  Panuco 

^  Bemal  Diaz  confirms  this,  and  adds  that  the  greater  part  of  the  province 
had  risen  and  killed  the  men  sent  by  Cortds.  Hist.  Verdad.,  161.  He  evi- 
dently confounds  the  time  and  men  with  previous  occurrences,  for  Cortes 
would  not  have  failed  to  use  a  slaughter  of  his  own  men  as  an  argument.  He 
states  that  the  people  of  Pdnuco  came  to  excuse  themselves  for  killing  Garay's 
men,  and  later  the  crew  of  a  vessel,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  not  his 
adherents.  Cartas,  281-2.  The  petition  came  probably  from  the  Almeria 
region,  which  he  chose  to  call  Pdnuco,  for  on  a  previous  page  he  writes  some- 
what contradictorily  that  the  Pdnuco  tribes  who  had  formerly  tendered  alle- 
giance were  now  warring  on  vassals  of  the  crown.  Id. ,  263. 

^  '  Mouia  le  tabien  desseo  de  vengar  los  Espauoles  de  Francisco  de  Garay 
q  alii  matara,'  adds  Gomara.  Hist.  Mex.,  222. 

'^Cartas,  282.  One  hundred  and  thirty  horse,  250  foot,  and  10,000  Indians. 
Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  161.  He  never  allows  more  than  a  limited  num- 
ber of  natives,  desirous  as  he  is  to  assume  as  much  credit  for  Spaniards  as  he 
possibly  can.  A  part  of  the  force  was  recruited  from  Aillon's  unfortunate 
expedition  to  Florida.  Herrera  reduces  the  horsemen  to  80,  but  Gomara 
increases  them  to  150;  and  Ixtlilxochitl  follows  him  as  usual,  though  he 
assumes  the  auxiliaries  to  be  composed  wholly  of  Acolhuas  and  Mexicans. 
There  must  have  been  a  large  number  of  Tlascaltecs,  Totonacs,  and  others. 
The  town  of  Xochimilco  claims  to  have  furnished  500  warriors  and  large  sup- 
plies. Those  who  survived  this  expedition  perished  under  Alvarado  in 
Guatemala.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xiii.  294.  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  104,  assumes  that  the  incorporation  of  so  large  a  force  of  Aztecs 
was  a  proof  of  growing  confidence  in  them,  but  the  truth  is  that  the  select 
warriors  were  taken  away  because  they  could  not  be  trusted,  especially  after 
the  recent  conspiracy.  Two  years  later  the  same  precaution  was  observed, 
even  so  far  as  to  take  away  on  a  long  journey  their  princes,  who  actually 
proved  a  burden  from  the  constant  watching  and  care  demanded  by  them. 

^  The  Huastecs  occupied  a  large  stretch  of  territory,  but  afterwards  their 
province  was  limited  on  the  north-east  by  Tampico.  See  Native  Races,  i.  647. 


WAR  ON^THE  HUASTECS. 


97 


people  were  properly  called,  was  demonstrated  imme- 
diately on  approaching  their  territory.  Demands  for 
peaceful  submission  were  met  by  jeers,  and  at  Ayot- 
ochtitlan  a  large  force  of  warriors  came  to  the  attack 
with  heedless  confidence.  Unfortunately  for  them  the 
ground  was  advantageous  for  the  cavalry,  which  fell 
upon  them  with  an  irresistible  sweep  that  scattered 
the  host  in  confusion.  Swamps  and  forests  enabled 
them  to  rally,  however,  and  warned  by  misfortune 
they  presented  themselves  again  in  better  order,  so 
much  so  that  the  allied  troops  found  it  no  easy  matter 
to  complete  the  rout.  Several  thousand  warriors  paid 
the  penalty  for  resisting  the  appeal  of  the  Christians, 
while  the  invaders  lost  three  soldiers,  several  horses, 
and  a  large  number  of  allies,  without  counting  the 
wounded. 

The  lesson  proved  most  effective,  since  the  demand 
for  submission  with  the  promise  of  pardon  and  good 
treatment,  extended  through  the  captive  caciques, 
was  now  promptly  responded  to,  though  the  accom- 
panying presents  were  so  insignificant  as  to  dampen 
the  ardor  of  the  gold-seekers.  After  a  halt  of  three 
or  four  days  the  army^^  proceeded  to  Chila,  a  large 
village  on  the  Pdnuco  River,  deserted  and  partly 
burned,  five  leagues  from  the  sea,  where  Garay's  force 
had  suffered  disaster.  The  usual  demand,  with  offers 
of  pardon  for  past  offences,  was  sent  to  adjoining  dis- 
tricts, but  confident  in  the  strength  of  their  position 
on  rivers  and  lagoons,  the  inhabitants  scorned  the 
appeal,  and  even  killed  the  messengers,  together  with 

^^The  present  Coscatlan,  says  Lorenzana,  25  leagues  from  Panuco  port. 
Cortes,  Hist.  JV.  Espana,  342. 

Bemal  Diaz  has  3  soldiers,  4  horses,  and  100  allies  killed,  with  30  Span- 
iards and  200  allies  wounded.  The  Huastecs  numbered  GO,  000.  He  calls  the 
encounter  two  battles.  Ixtlilxochitl  increases  the  allied  loss  to  5,000  and  the 
Huastec  to  15,000.  Herrera  mentions  only  50  Spaniards  and  several  horses 
wounded,  and  a  number  of  allies  killed;  and  Cortes  as  usual  refrains  from 
disagreeable  details. 

Accompanied  by  Father  Olmedo,  Marina,  and  Aguilar,  says  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hkt.  Verdad.,  161,  but  it  is  not  likely  that  persons  so  valuable  would  be 
sent  to  doubtful  foes.  Those  who  had  formerly  submitted,  by  sending  envoys 
to  Mexico,  now  confirmed  the  allegiance,  says  Cortes. 

Bernal  Diaz  states  that  only  half  the  army  advanced,  after  a  week's  rest. 

Hi&T.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  7 


98 


CORTES  AND  GARAY  IN  PANUCO. 


some  foragers.  During  the  fortnight  required  to 
obtain  boats,  build  rafts,  and  make  other  preparations 
for  a  semi-naval  attack,  peaceful  overtures  were  re- 
newed in  the  hope  that  the  gentle  treatment  so  far 
observed  might  win  the  natives. 

Everything  being  ready,  advantage  was  taken  of  a 
dark  night  to  cross  the  river.  One  hundred  and  fifty 
chosen  soldiers,  one  third  mounted,  had  already  effected 


the  manoeuvre  when  dawn  revealed  them  to  the  Ind- 
ians, who  had  all  this  time  been  massed  to  prevent 
the  passage.  They  immediately  attacked  the  invaders 
with  a  fierceness  heretofore  unsurpassed,  says  Cortes, 
killing  two  horses  at  the  first  onset,  and  inflicting 
other  damage.  The  soldiers  stood  their  ground,  how- 
ever, and,  reenforced  from  the  other  bank,  they  took 


FURTHER  FIGHTING, 


99 


the  offensive  and  quickly  routed  the  natives/^  pursu- 
ing them  with  great  slaughter.  Three  leagues  from 
camp  they  reached  a  deserted  village,  in  the  temple 
of  which  were  hung  in  ghastly  array  the  dressed 
skins  and  apparel  of  Garay's  slain  men.  Several 
could  still  be  recognized  by  soldiers  who  had  known 
them,  and  who  now  with  deep  emotion  consigned  the 
remains  to  sanctified  graves. 

The  following  day  the  party  followed  the  banks  of 
a  lagoon,  and  near  sunset  reached  a  beautiful  village, 
apparently  deserted.  On  entering  they  were  sud- 
denly set  upon  by  an  ambuscaded  force,  though  so  pre- 
maturely as  to  enable  them  to  form.  This  was  most 
fortunate,  since  the  natives  attacked  with  great  reso- 
lution, and  fell  back  in  good  order  after  the  repulse, 
throwing  themselves  into  a  compact  circle  bristling 
with  pikes.  When  the  soldiers  charged  in  their  turn, 
a  blinding  shower  of  arrows  and  darts  came  rattling 
against  them,  and  though  they  broke  the  ring,  the 
warriors  formed  anew,  the  front  line  kneeling.  This 
was  repeated  three  or  four  times.  "  And  but  for  the 
stout  armor  of  the  soldiers,  I  believe  that  none  of  us 
would  have  escaped,"  says  the  general.  Observing 
the  unflinching  resolution  of  the  soldiers  and  the 
havoc  repeatedly  inflicted,  the  rear  of  the  foe  began 
to  desert  by  swimming  across  a  river  which  entered 
the  lagoon  just  beyond  the  village.  Cortes  was  too 
delighted  to  attempt  interference,  and  sought  rather 
to  accelerate  the  movement  into  a  general  flight. 
The  warriors  gathered  on  the  opposite  bank,  while  the 
tired  Spaniards  retreated  within  the  village  and  en- 
camped under  strong  guard, feasting  on  the  slain 
horses^  for  they  had  scarcely  any  supplies. 

^*  The  casualties  according  to  Bernal  Diaz~were  2  soldiers,  3  horses,  and 
many  allies,  with  30  Spaniards  and  15  horses  wounded.  Chimalpain  is  much 
more  moderate,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  93,  while  Ixtlilxochitl  claims  10,000  wounded 
allies.  Cortes  involuntarily  admits  heavy  losses  so  far  by  saying,  '  con  hasta 
treinta  de  caballo  que  me  quedaron .  . .  segui  todavia  mi  camino. '  Cartas,  284. 

Bernal  Diaz,  who  assumes  that  the  retiring  foe  was  pursued,  gives  the 
loss  at  2  horses  and  3  men,  with  4  times  that  number  wounded,  Cortes  ad- 
mits the  wounding  of  nearly  20  horses. 


100 


CORTES  AND  GARAY  IN  PANUCO. 


Proceeding  on  their  way,  they  passed  through  sev- 
eral deserted  villages  devoid  even  of  food,  though 
wine  was  found  in  the  cellars  and  declared  to  be 
delicious.  After  three  days,  without  seeing  either 
natives  or  booty,  they  turned  back  to  Chila,  half 
starved. Instructed  by  certain  natives,  Cortes  now 
sent  a  strong  force  by  night  in  another  direction, 
both  by  land  and  water,  and  surprised  a  large  village, 
inflicting  a  terrific  lesson.  The  wholly  unexpected 
attack,  the  strength  of  the  place,  and  the  severity  of 
the  punishment,  all  combined  to  convince  the  natives 
that  resistance  was  useless,  and  with  almost  one 
accord  they  came  to  submit,  the  whole  province  ten- 
dering allegiance  within  three  weeks.  In  order  to 
assure  possession,  Cortes  founded  the  town  of  San 
Estevan  del  Puerto,  a  little  below  Chila,  on  a  lagoon 
connected  with  Pio  Pdnuco,  and  established  a  munici- 
pality, with  Pedro  de  Vallejo  as  his  lieutenant.  The 
force  volunteering  to  remain  consisted  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  men,  with  twenty-seven  horses,  and  a 
number  of  allies,^^  among  whom  the  province  was 
divided  in  repartimientos.^'^  Their  comfort  and  secu- 
rity were  further  insured  by  the  arrival  of  a  small 
craft  from  Villa  Pica  with  stores. 

When  the  expedition  set  out  from  Mexico  a  larger 
vessel  had  been  sent  in  advance  with  supplies;  but 
she  foundered  at  sea  during  a  storm,  and  only  three 
men  managed  to  reach  the  shore,  clinging  to  some 
spars.  They  found  their  place  of  refuge  a  sandy 
island,  containing  nothing  but  brackish  water  and  a 
kind  of  fig.  Fortunately  it  was  frequented  by  mana- 
tees, which  came  to  sleep  on  the  sand,  and  were  thus 

*  En  todo  este  tiempo  entre  todos  no  hubo  cincnenta  libras  de  pan. '  Cor- 
Us,  Cartas,  285.  Messengers  were  again  sent  forth  to  summon  the  caciques, 
who  replied  that  they  were  collecting  gold  and  other  presents  and  would 
bring  them  within  a  few  days;  but  none  came.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.y 
162. 

Including  a  part  of  the  Acolhua  warriors.  IxtUlxochitl,  Hor.  CrueldadeSy 

64. 

'^^  Some  of  these  grants  are  dated  at  San  Estevan  May  1,  1523.  Casas, 
Carta,  in  Pacheco  a,nd  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vii.  308, 


INFLUENCE  OF  CORTES  OVER  THE  NATIVES.  101 

easily  killed  for  food.  Fire  was  obtained  by  the 
primitive  method  of  rubbing  together  two  pieces  of 
wood.  Finding  no  vessel  at  Panuco,  Cortes  had  sent 
instructions  to  Villa  Rica  to  despatch  the  above  craft 
in  search  of  it,  and  so  the  three  sailors  were  rescued. 
The  vessel  and  a  small  boat  were  left  with  the  settlers 
to  maintain  communication.^^ 

The  expedition  was  most  disappointing,  for  hardly 
any  spoils  were  secured  to  satisfy  the  inordinate  hopes 
entertained,  while  the  expenses  amounted  to  quite  a 
large  sum,  nails  and  horseshoes  costing  their  weight 
in  gold.^^  Yet  the  outlay  was  not  in  vain,  so  far  as 
Spanish  interests  in  general  were  concerned,  for  a 
crew  wrecked  on  that  coast  not  long  after  escaped 
the  slaughter  to  which  they  would  undoubtedly  have 
been  exposed  had  the  province  not  been  subjugated, 
and  later  colonists  were  saved  the  cost  and  danger  of 
conquering. 

There  seems  to  have  been  good  reason  for  the  claim 
that  the  influence  of  Cortes  was  necessary  to  main- 
tain the  conquests  he  had  eflected,  and  that  his  simple 
presence  answered  better  than  armies  to  control  the 
natives.  Of  this  an  illustration  was  oflered  at  this 
time.  His  absence  in  Panuco  gave  rise  to  the  report 
in  some  quarters  that  he  had  departed  for  Spain,  and 

^3  *  Un  barco  y  un  chinchorro. '  CorUs,  Cartas,  286.  Bernal  Diaz  adds  that 
when  Cortes  was  about  to  leave,  a  conspiracy  was  revealed  among  the  three 
leading  villages,  to  lead  in  a  general  revolt  against  the  settlers  as  soon  as  the 
general  should  have  left.  The  villages  were  burned  as  a  warning.  Hist.  Ver- 
dad.,  162.  Gomara  insinuates  that  this  burning  occurred  during  the  cam- 
paign, it  seems,  in  punishment  for  the  attack  on  Garay's  men.  Hist.  Mex., 
222-3. 

'  Valian  los  clauos  a  peso  de  oro,  de  quinze  quilates,  y  cada  quatro  her- 
raduras,  y  cien  clauos,  costaua  cincuenta  y  quatro  Castellanos  de  buen  oro, ' 
and  the  horses  cost  1,500  to  2,000  castellanos.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap. 
xvii.  'The  cost  to  me  alone  was  30,000  pesos  de  oro,'  says  Cortes,  'and  as 
much  more  to  my  companions  for  outfits  and  supplies. '  Cartas,  286.  Bernal 
Diaz  raises  the  amount  to  70,000.  When  the  general  afterward  claimed  re- 
imbursement from  the  crown,  the  treasury  ofl&cials  objected  on  the  ground 
that  he  had  incurred  the  expense  merely  to  forestall  the  legally  appointed 
governor.  Hist.  Verdad.,  161,  163. 

21  This  applies  to  Garay's  expedition,  and  Cortds  himself  points  out  the 
gain  to  the  emperor. 


102 


CORTES  AND  GABAY  IN  PANUCO. 


the  troublesome  mountaineers  of  Tututepec,^^  a  district 
between  Cempoala  and  Pdnuco,  took  advantage  of  bis 
supposed  absence,  encouraged  also  by  false  infor- 
mation from  Huasteca.  Not  alone  did  they  rebel,  but 
they  made  a  raid  on  the  adjoining  peaceful  territory, 
burning  more  than  twenty  villages.  Cortes  was  on 
the  way  back  from  San  Estevan,  when  messengers 
from  the  ravaged  district  came  with  their  complaints. 
Both  time  and  proximity  favored  them,  and  the  gen- 
eral resolved  to  personally  inflict  a  lesson  that  should 
be  lasting.  It  was  no  easy  task,  however,  for  the 
march  led  mostly  across  rugged  mountains,  alternating 
with  narrow  defiles  and  dense  forests,  so  much  so  that 
a  number  of  horses  died  from  exhaustion.  The  line 
was  besides  exposed  to  constant  assaults  on  flank  and 
rear  by  the  unencumbered  and  agile  foe,  which  on  one 
occasion  inflicted  quite  a  serious  blow  on  the  carriers' 
train,  and  escaped  with  a  large  part  of  the  baggage. 
Nevertheless  the  persevering  Spaniards  achieved  their 
object,  and  captured  the  ruling  lord,  together  with  the 
general,  who  were  promptly  hanged  for  having  a  sec- 
ond time  broken  their  oaths  of  allegiance.  As  a  fur- 
ther warning  to  other  provinces,  the  captured  natives 
were  enslaved  and  sold  at  auction  to  cover  the  cost  of 
the  horses  lost  during  the  campaign,  or  rather,  a  por- 
tion of  the  cost,  for  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  were  com- 
paratively small. The  lord's  brother  Avas  installed  as 
ruler,  and  the  expedition  turned  homeward  by  way  of 
Villa  Rica. 

Costly  as  had  been  the  campaign,  however,  both 
men  and  leader  were  to  receive  a  reward  which  should 
forever  obliterate  their  late  severe  troubles.  This 
came  in  the  form  of  the  commission  appointing  Cortes 

22  Another  Tututepec  existed  near  the  coast,  west  of  Tehuantepec,  and 
the  name  has  also  been  applied  by  careless  chroniclers  to  Tochtepec,  or  Tux- 
tepec,  on  Papaloapan  River,  creating  much  confusion. 

2^  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xviii.,  assumes  that  only  200  slaves  were 
sold,  while  20  horses  perished.  Cortes  says  10  or  12  horses.  Cartas,  279. 
'  Era  compensacion  religiosa  y  cristiana,  hombres  por  caballos  ! '  observes 
Bustamante.  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Comi-,  ii.  95, 


CORTES  MADE  GOVERNOR. 


103 


governor  and  captain-general.^^  It  had  been  intrusted 
by  his  agents  in  Spain  to  Rodrigo  de  Paz  and  Fran- 
cisco de  las  Casas,  two  near  relatives  of  the  general, 
who  hastened  on  their  way  in  the  fastest  vessel  they 
could  secure.  Nor  did  they  fail  to  touch  at  Santiago 
de  Cuba,^^  and  there  flaunt  in  the  face  of  Velazquez, 
with  great  fanfaronade,  the  decrees  which  crushed 
forever  his  aspirations  and  rendered  powerless  his 
sting.  Their  arrival  was  greeted  throughout  New 
Spain  with  wild  demonstrations  of  joy,  with  proces- 
sions, salvos,  and  prolonged  festivities.  And  rightly 
so;  for  the  cedulas  implied  the  culmination  of  years 
of  deferred  hopes,  of  victory  achieved  after  long  and 
varied  struggle  for  all  that  w^as  worth  possessing.  The 
triumph  alone  was  soothing  to  these  adventurous 
spirits,  and  how  much  more  when  it  dispelled  the 
weighty  cloud  of  royal  displeasure,  removed  the  brand 
of  outlaws,  and  placed  them  before  the  world  as  ac- 
knowledged heroes,  assured  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
lands,  their  slaves  and  treasures,  and  looking  forward 
with  confident  exultation  to  fresh  conquests,  now 
more  resplendent  than  ever  with  prospective  gain  and 
glory. 

Their  anticipations  were  not  now  based  on  flimsy 
rumor,  but  on  one  of  the  richest  presents  laid  at  the 
feet  of  Cortes  since  the  fall  of  Mexico.  It  was  brought 
by  an  imposing  embassy  of  one  hundred  persons  from 
Utatlan  and  Guatemala,  the  result  of  Alvarado's  dem- 
onstrations along  the  southern  sea  the  year  before. 
Gold-ware,  pearls,  rare  plumes,  and  choice  fabrics 
were  oflered  in  token  of  the  friendship  tendered  by 

2*  Remesal  leaves  the  impression  that  this  had  called  Cortes  to  Villa  Rica, 
on  the  way  from  Tututepec  to  Mexico.  Hist.  Chyapa,  3. 
2^  In  May  1523,  says  Gomara. 

2^  The  usual  reward  to  bearers  of  good  tidings  was  this  time  distributed 
with  princely  liberality.  Paz  was  made  chief  mayordomo  of  his  great  kins- 
man; Casas  received  a  captaincy,  to  which  was  soon  added  the  large  enco- 
mienda  of  Anguitlan,  and  the  office  of  alcalde  mayor,  an  office  for  which  his 
al)ility  fitted  him.  Both  men  figure  quite  prominently  during  the  following 
years.  Their  voyage  companions  were  also  remembered,  and  the  captain  who 
had  brought  them  across,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  received  a  new  vessel,  so  that  he 
returned  quite  rich.  Hist.  Verdad.,  187. 


104 


CORTES  AND  GARAY  IN  PANUCO. 


the  distant  monarclis.  The  hearts  of  the  soldiers 
warmed  with  delight  as  they  beheld  these  specimens 
of  wealth,  magnified  tenfold  as  they  drank  with  cove- 
tous souls  the  stories  of  the  attendant  Spanish  mes- 
sengers of  cities  and  palaces  surpassing  those  of  Mexico 
in  size  and  beauty. The  experiences  in  Panuco  had 
already  divested  the  unknown  north  of  its  main  al- 
lurement, and  now  it  was  wholly  eclipsed.  All  atten- 
tion turned  toward  the  pearl-lined  shores  bathed  by 
the  southern  sea,  to  the  mysterious  Quiche  kingdom, 
and  beyond  to  the  coast  of  Hibueras,  where  gold  was 
so  abundant  that  fishermen  used  nuggets  for  sinkers. 
Cortes  had  additional  reasons  for  his  allurement  in 
the  absorbing  hope  of  discovering  the  much  sought 
strait,  which  might  possibly  be  found  even  in  the 
south  among  the  numerous  inlets  which  penetrated 
into  the  narrow  strip  of  land.  To  gain  this  and  other 
laurels  for  his  wreath  he  must  hasten,  however,  for 
already  the  Spaniards  of  Panamd,  were  moving  north- 
ward and  might  forestall  him. 

Preparations  were  accordingly  made  to  carry  out 
both  aims  by  two  directions,  along  the  north  and 
south  seas,  so  as  to  render  them  quicker  and  surer  of 
attainment,  and  to  enable  the  expeditions  not  only  to 
aid  each  other  in  their  pacifications,  but  to  present  a 
stronger  front  to  the  approaching  Spaniards  from  the 
south.  The  importance  of  the  enterprise  demanded 
the  best  military  talent.  The  choice  was  easily  made, 
however,  for  who  could  come  before  the  often  tried 
adherents,  the  redoubtable  Alvarado,  second  only  to 
the  leader  himself,  the  impressive  Olid,  and  the  ad- 
mirable Sandoval,  all  able,  brave,  zealous,  and  evidently 
devoted  ?  To  Alvarado,  who  had  already  initiated  the 
conquest  in  the  direction  of  Guatemala,  fell  naturally 
its  continuation,  and  Olid,  as  next  in  age  and  standing 
of  the  trio,  had  the  best  claim  to  the  Hibueras  com- 
mand. The  distance  of  this  province,  and  the  uncer- 
tainty of  the  land  route,  made  it  advisable  that  Olid 

See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  624  et  seq.,  this  series. 


THE  JAMAICAN  GOVERNOR. 


should  proceed  by  sea,  while  the  other  party  advanced 
along  the  already  disclosed  path.  By  August  1523 
both  expeditions  were  ready,  Alvarado's  rendered  im- 
posing by  a  considerable  force  of  cavalry,  with  four 
field-pieces,^^  the  more  needful  in  view  of  reports  of 
hostile  movements  in  the  border  province  of  Soco- 
nusco.  Olid  was  less  thoroughly  equipped,  but  funds 
had  been  sent  to  Cuba  to  secure  the  needed  horses 
and  stores,  which  he  would  there  take  on  board. 

Thus  stood  matters  when  a  messenger  from  San 
Estevan  appeared  among  the  captains  at  Mexico  with 
the  startling  intelligence  that  Adelantado  Garay  had 
arrived  there  with  a  large  force  to  assert  his  claim 
as  governor  of  the  province.  While  this  was  most 
aggravating,  Cortes  congratulated  himself  on  not 
having  as  yet  despatched  the  expeditions.  After 
expending  so  much  money  and  labor  in  conquering 
Pdnuco,  and  that  in  the  face  of  royal  orders,  he  had 
no  intention  of  abandoning  it,  especially  since  he  per- 
ceived behind  the  intruder  the  portly  figure  of  Velaz- 
quez, and  the  meddling  admiral  of  the  Indies,  with 
the  prospect  of  never-ending  intrigues,  attended  by 
encroachments  and  probably  worse  troubles.  His 
fears  and  his  ambition  allowed  him  no  rest;  and 
broken  in  health  as  he  was,  and  lame  in  one  arm 
through  a  fall  from  the  saddle,  he  resolved  to  lead  all 
the  prepared  forces  in  person  against  the  arrival. 

Garay's  expeditions  to  the  north-western  gulf  coasts 
had  by  no  means  been  encouraging,  what  with  com- 
paratively meagre  results  from  barter  and  loss  of  men 
in  encounters  with  the  natives.  The  gold  obtained 
was  nevertheless  regarded  as  a  specimen  of  riches 
which  must  be  great,  as  the  inhabitants  were  so  eager 

28  Cortes  enumerates  his  force  as  80  horse  and  200  foot.  Cartas,  289-90. 

'^^  The  purchases  were  intrusted  to  Alonso  de  Contreras.  Oviedo,  iiu  459; 
Oornara,  Hist.  Mex.,  229,  243. 

^He  was  bedridden.  Cortes,  Cartas,  291.  *Vn  Brago,  que  se  le  quebr6 
en  vn  regozijo,  por  el  nes  de  Setiembre.'  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  v. 
The  fall  must  have  occurred  earlier  than  September. 

2^  See  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  189,  this  series. 


106 


CORTES  AND  GAUAY  IN  PINUCO. 


to  defend  them.  This  behef  was  confirmed  by  the 
magnified  treasures  which  Cortes  had  obtained  on 
the  adjoining  coast,  and  despatched  to  the  emperor. 
Garay  had  therefore  hastened  to  ask  for  fresh  cedulas, 
whereby  he  should  be  empowered  to  approach  more 
closely  to  And-huac,  the  evident  centre  of  wealth. 
With  the  aid  of  his  patron,  the  admiral,  and  other 
friends,  these  were  readily  obtained  from  the  regent 
Adrian,  permitting  him  to  colonize  the  province  of 
Amichel,  which  embraced  the  much  coveted  Pdnuco.^" 
The  fate  of  Narvaez  and  Tapia  had  not  failed  to  im- 
press the  adelantado  with  the  danger  of  treading  on 
the  corns  of  the  formidable  Cortes,^^  but  if  he  enter- 
tained any  serious  fears^  they  were  dissipated  by  the 
arguments  of  Colon  and  Velazquez,  who  were  deeply 
interested  in  the  success  of  an  expedition  which  might 
pave  the  way  for  their  own  plans;  sufficiently  so  to 
prompt  even  assistance. 

Preparations  were  actively  pursued,  and  about  June 
24,  1523,^*  Garay  set  sail  from  his  island  domain  of 
Jamaica  with  a  fleet  of  eleven  vessels,  well  provided  with 
artillery  and  carrying  nearly  six  hundred  soldiers,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  of  them  mounted,  and  the  rest 
largely  composed  of  arquebusiers  and  archers.  Stores 
appear  to  have  been  provided  in  a  careless  manner,  or 
left  to  the  discretion  of  different  captain s.^^  Touching 

^2  The  c^dula  is  dated  at  Burgos,  1521,  and  signed  by  the  cardinal  and 
admiral.  Navarrete,  Col.  de  Viages,  iii.  147-53.  It  contains  the  usual  in- 
structions for  good  government  and  extension  of  the  faith,  and  stipulates 
that  ' repartimientos  of  Indians  shall  under  no  consideration  be  made,'  as 
this  has  been  the  cause  of  all  the  evil  in  Espanola  and  other  parts.  Should 
his  reports  prevail  on  the  crown  to  extend  the  privilege  to  him,  after  the  con- 
dition of  the  country  is  known,  he  must  strictly  conform  to  regulations  for 
such  repartimientos.  Instructions  like  these  amounted  to  nothing,  for  they 
were  always  evaded  with  more  or  less  assurance,  and  by  this  time  the  Panuco 
people  had  been  enslav^ed. 

^"^In  reply  to  a  letter  announcing  the  projected  expedition  to  the  gulf 
coast,  Cortes  had  congratulated  him  and  tendered  his  services,  but  this  was 
not  supposed  to  be  sincere.  Indeed,  it  was  intimated  that  the  wily  conqueror 
rather  sought  to  induce  Garay  to  come,  so  that  he  might  win  over  his  men, 
and  seize,  or  buy  for  a  trifle,  the  outfit.  Lucas,  in  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  275-6. 
This  was  an  idle  rumor,  no  doubt,  but  it  illustrates  the  opinion  entertained 
of  Cortes  and  his  wiles. 

^  '  Dia  de  San  Johan,'  writes  Oviedo.    June  26th,  says  Herrera. 

^  Garay  declares  1 1  vessels  *  navios, '  though  the  phrase  is  peculiar,  and  may 


THE  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  SPAIN. 


107 


at  Jagua  in  Cuba,  he  learned  of  Cortes'  entry  into 
Piinuco  and  his  appointment  of  governor  in  New 
Spain.  While  notifying  the  men  of  prospective  resist- 
ance, he  pointed  out  their  irresistible  strength,  and 
his  own  rights,  and  encouraged  them  with  pro- 
spective rewards,  whereof  he  gave  a  foretaste  by 
appointing  alcaldes  and  regidores  of  the  Villa  Garay- 
ana  to  be  founded  in  the  new  region.^^  The  adelan- 
tado  was  a  well-meaning  man,  but  too  pliable  for  the 
scheming  adventurers  who  swarmed  to  the  Indies.  Of 
a  good  family,  he  sought  to  maintain  his  name  and  posi- 
tion by  initiating  some  of  the  many  enterprises  which 
flitted  through  the  brains  of  his  companions,  but  he 
lacked  both  ability  and  character  to  direct  them,  and 
possessed  no  military  experience  with  which  to  impose 
upon  the  swaggering  horde.  The  more  he  heard  of 
the  wiles  and  exploits  of  Cortes,  from  the  mouths  of 
victims  who  hardly  cared  to  mention  their  defeat,  the 
less  confident  he  grew  in  his  project,  though  Velaz- 
quez did  all  he  could  to  encourage  him.  He  resolved 
to  seek  a  compromise  with  his  great  rival,  and  directed 
himself  to  Licentiate  Zuazo,  an  upright  and  highly 
respected  judge,  who  had  been  sent  to  Cuba  by  the 
audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo  to  take  the  residencia  of 
the  governor.    Though  unable  to  leave  Cuba  just  then, 

be  interpreted  as  12.  The  word  navlos  may  exclude  smaller  craft.  His  offi- 
cers declare  '  about  600  men. '  Provision,  in  Paclveco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. , 
xxvi.  97-103.  Lucas,  who  shared  in  the  expedition,  mentions  11  vessels,  150 
horse,  and  400  foot.  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  275.  Cortes  writes  120  horse  and 
400  foot  and  several  cannon.  Cartas,  290.  This  is  supposed  to  be  the  number 
which  arrived  in  Panuco,  reduced  by  losses.  G-omara  specifies  9  larger  vessels 
and  2  brigantines,  850  Spaniards,  with  144  horses,  200  arquebuses,  300  cross- 
bows, a  few  Jamaican  natives,  and  an  abundance  of  stores  and  merchandise. 
Hist.  Mex.,  224.  An  exaggeration,  no  doubt,  though  the  men  are  increased  by 
the  crews.  Not  to  be  outdone,  Bernal  Diaz  enumerates  1 1  larger  vessels,  2 
brigantines,  136  cavalry,  840  infantry,  chiefly  arquebusiers  and  archers.  Hist. 
Verdttd.,  168.  A,royal  cedula  based  on  a  report  from  the  audiencia  of  Es- 
panola  mentions  16  large  and  small  vessels,  600  men  and  150  horses.  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  497-8. 

2^  Where,  is  not  said.  It  was  probably  left  for  events  to  determine.  Pro- 
vision,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  115-16.  Gomara  places  this 
incident  already  at  Jamaica,  saying  derisively,  '  Hizo  vn  pueblo  en  ayre  que 
llamo  Garay.'  The  alcaldes  were  Alonso  de  Mendosa  and  Fernando  de 
Figueroa,  and  the  regidores  Gonzalo  de  Ovaile,  Diego  de  Cifuentes,  and  one 
Villagran.  Hist.  Mex.,  224. 


108 


CORTi:S  AND  GARAY  IN  PANUCO. 


the  licentiate  promised  soon  to  undertake  the  mission.^^ 
As  an  additional  precaution,  Garay  took  a  special 
oath  of  allegiance  from  the  men  to  uphold  his  cause, 
and  then  somewhat  relieved  he  resumed  the  voyage. 
After  being  tossed  by  a  storm,  he  entered  Rio  de  las 
Palmas^^  on  St  James'  day,  July  25th,  and  sent  Gon- 
zalo  de  Ocampo^^  to  explore.  Their  report  was  so 
unsatisfactory  that  the  soldiers  demanded  vocifer- 
ously to  be  led  to  Pdnuco.*^  Unable  to  resist  the 
appeal,  and  not  particularly  captivated  by  the  country, 
he  landed  the  greater  part  of  the  force  and  proceeded 
southward,  keeping  close  to  the  shore,  while  Juan  de 
Grijalva  conducted  the  fleet  to  Rio  Pdnuco.  For 
two  or  three  days  they  floundered  through  a  swampy 
country,  and  crossing  a  wide  stream  in  some  shaky 
canoes,  they  reached  a  recently  deserted  village, 
wherein  an  abundance  of  provisions  rewarded  the 
toilers.  Some  Indians  who  had  been  at  the  Spanish 
settlements  were  brought  in,  and  conciliated  with 
presents  to  advance  and  reassure  the  natives.  On 
reaching  the  next  village,  however,  the  soldiers  began 
to  pillage,  regardless  of  appeals  from  the  leader. 
Either  intimidated  or  naturally  mild,  the  natives  re- 
mained to  serve  the  army  and  to  assist  it  onward. 
The  route  proved  so  bad  that  a  number  of  horses 

37  Uerrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  v.  A  letter  from  Bono  de  Que  jo,  insti- 
gated no  doubt  by  Cortes,  assisted  not  a  little  to  frighten  the  adelantado. 

'^^  The  present  Rio  la  Marina,  or  Santander.  On  the  map  of  Fernando 
Colon,  1527,  Las  Palmas;  Ribero,  1529,  R.  de  Palmas;  Munich  Atlas,  1535, 
palmas;  Agnese,  1540,  palmas;  Vaz  Dourado,  1571,  Bo  de  Palmas;  Hood, 
1592,  M.  de  Palmas;  Ogilby,  1671,  P.  Escondido,  marked  near  the  head  waters, 
Culias  Vachus  Gracos  S  John  Enda;  Laet,  1633,  P.  de  Palmas,  and  south, 
P.  de  Montanhas;  Jefferys,  1776,  Pio  de  las  Palmas,  at  the  mouth  Esmotes  L.^ 
tributary  Rio  de  las  Nasas;  Kiepert,  1852,  Rio  Rapido,  or  Igksias.  Cartog.  Pac. 
Coast,  MS.,  i.  602-3.  It  must  not  be  confounded  with  Rio  de  la  Palma  in 
southern  Vera  Cruz,  as  a  careless  writer  appears  to  do  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Boletin,  2da  6p.,  i.  474. 

A  relative,  says  Gomara. 

A  declaration  in  Provision,  ubi  sup.,  103,  states  that  several  persons 
wished  him  to  settle  there,  but  he  refused.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
soldiers  objected  to  remain  in  a  region  devoid  both  of  gold  and  superior 
culture,  so  that  Garay  had  to  yield.  Bernal  Diaz  places  here  the  creation  of 
a  municipality,  and  the  renewal  of  allegiance. 

Named  Montalto  from  its  source  in  the  high  mountains  five  leagues  off. 
Gomara^  Hist.  Mex,,  225.    This  is  evidently  the  Montanhas  of  Laet's  map. 


ATTITUDE  OF  VALLEJO. 


109 


perished,  and  the  incapacity  of  the  captains  increased 
the  danger.  At  one  wide  stream  the  horses,  arms, 
and  baggage  were  transferred  and  left  almost  unat- 
tended on  one  bank  while  the  army  camped  on  the 
other  for  the  night.  A  few  resolute  warriors  might 
have  killed  or  carried  off  the  whole  train,  and  on 
other  occasions  the  men  were  almost  wholly  at  their 
mercy. 

On  approaching  Pdnuco,  where  rest  and  plenty  had 
been  looked  for,  Garay  found  the  villages  deserted  and 
bare  of  food,  due  chiefly  to  alarm  at  the  approaching 
host  of  starvelings.  Informed  by  interpreters  that 
the  cause  was  Cortesian  raids,  he  sought  to  win  them 
back  by  promising  to  avenge  their  wrongs,  and  drive 
out  the  oppressors,  as  governor  of  that  country. 
The  announcement  might  have  been  left  unsaid,  for 
his  famished  soldiers  were  already  spreading  in  dif- 
ferent directions  under  impulse  of  hunger  and  greed. 
Little  they  found  to  appease  the  former,  while  for  the 
latter  nothing  remained  after  the  careful  gleaning  of 
the  other  party;  and  hearing  from  a  deserter  of  the 
glories  at  Mexico,  they  felt  prepared  for  any  change 
that  would  take  them  nearer  to  the  imperial  city.  If 
there  had  been  any  real  meaning  in  the  words  of 
Garay,  it  did  not  take  long  to  discover  the  difficulty 
of  enforcing  it  in  view  of  the  growing  insubordination. 
Now  that  the  point  of  destination  was  reached,  he 
had  no  definite  idea  what  to  do  with  the  expedition 
fitted  out  at  such  trouble  and  expense;  nor  had  he 
the  resolution  to  carry  out  any  effective  plan.  Why 
had  he  come  ? 

Something  must  be  done,  however,  and  Ocampo 
was  sent  to  confer  with  Vallejo,  the  lieutenant  at  San 
Estevan,  and  announce  that  Garay  came  provided 
with  a  commission  to  settle  and  govern  the  province, 
as  adelantado.  Vallejo  received  the  envoy  with  great 
courtesy,  and  expressed  delight  at  the  prospect  of 

*2  The  natives  were  urged  to  support  Garay  in  driving  away  the  retainers 
of  Cortes.  Provision,  ubi  sup.,  125  et  seq» 


110 


CORTES  AND  GAUAY  IN  PANUCO. 


having  so  esteemed  a  company  for  neighbors.  He 
would  wilhngly  show  them  every  attention,  but  as 
for  recognizing  any  other  ruler  over  Pdnuco  than 
Cortes,  that  was  out  of  the  question,  since  the  latter 
had  not  only  conquered  it  at  great  expense,  but  had 
received  the  appointment  of  governor.  Nevertheless 
he  would  write  to  his  chief  at  Mexico  for  instructions, 
and  forward  Garay  s  letter  wherein  he  proposed  a 
peaceable  arrangement,  to  avoid  losses  to  themselves 
and  the  sovereign.  Meanwhile  he  agreed  to  let  the  new- 
comers quarter  themselves  in  some  of  the  villages  near 
San  Estevan,  notably  Taculula  and  Nachapalan,  with 
the  injunction  not  to  harass  the  natives.  This  order 
was  not  respected,  chiefly  because  of  scanty  supplies; 
and  finding  that  no  military  precautions  were  observed 
at  the  camps,  the  settlers  at  San  Estevan  one  night 
pounced  upon  the  most  disorderly,  and  brought  two- 
score  of  them  as  prisoners  to  the  fort.^^  The  feat  was 
not  dangerous,  for  the  precaution  had  been  taken  to 
extort  in  payment  for  food  nearly  all  the  ammunition 
among  the  interlopers,  and  weapons  and  other  effects 
were  rapidly  being  absorbed.  Garay  protested ;  but 
emboldened  by  the  change  of  aspect,  Vallejo  intimated 
that  unless  the  soldiers  were  kept  under  control  he 
should  order  him  to  leave  the  country. 

Meanwhile  the  long-delayed  fleet  arrived,  after 
having  been  exposed  to  heavy  north  gales,  in  which 
four  out  of  the  eleven  vessels  were  lost.^*  Their  num- 
ber was  increased  soon  after  by  a  caravel  from  Cuba, 
with  a  number  of  the  retainers  of  Velazquez,  who 
allured  by  a  fancied  scent  of  spoils  came  to  seek  a 
share.  Learning  the  condition  of  affairs,  Grijalva  re- 
mained at  anchor  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  despite 
the  appeals  of  Vallejo,  who  objected  to  the  hostility 
thereby  implied,  and  even  threatened  him  with  the 
anger  of  his  chief. 

Including  their  captain,  Alvarado.  Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  225. 

Garay 's  declaration,  in  Provision,  ubi  sup,,  97.  Yet  the  sentence  may 
be  understood  to  say  that  one  of  the  four  was  lost  in  the  river.  Bernal  Diaz 
allows  only  two  to  be  wrecked. 


CHAPTER  YII. 


THE  PANUCO  AFFAIR  AOT)  ITS  SEQUEL. 
1523-1524. 

Alvarado  Appears  upon  the  Scene — Naval  Strategy — Double  Deal- 
ings— How  Cortes  Settled  the  Affair — G-aray's  Sudden  Death — 
General  Uprising  in  Panuco — Ma&sacres — Desperate  Efforts  of 
the  Settlers — Sandoval  to  the  Rescue — His  Ruse  at  the  Pass — 
Terrible  Retaliation — Burning  of  the  Patriots — Garayan  Con- 
spiracy— An  Estimable  Judge — His  Shipwreck  and  Island  Life — 
Alvarado  and  Olid  Depart  for  Southern  Conquests — Marin's 
Campaign  in  Chiapas  and  Rangel's  Entry  into  Zapotecapan. 

The  first  step  of  Cortes  on  learning  of  Garay's 
arrival  had  been  to  despatch  Alvarado  in  advance 
with  all  the  forces  ready  for  the  Guatemalan  cam- 
paign. He  himself  prepared  to  follow  with  additional 
troops,  and  had  already  sent  his  equipage  to  the  first 
camp  beyond  Mexico,  when,  on  September  2d,  a  mes- 
senger^ arrived  with  despatches  from  Spain,  including 
a  royal  cedula  forbidding  Garay  to  interfere  in  any 
district  conquered  or  held  by  Cortes.^  This  document 
made  his  presence  in  Pdnuco  unnecessary,  and  he 
gladly  availed  himself  of  his  good  fortune  to  escape 
from  the  hardships  of  a  march  which  might  prove  fatal 

Gomara  supposes  the  messengers  to  be  Paz  and  Casas,  but  he  is  evidently- 
wrong.  Herrera  differs  in  several  points  from  Cortes,  partly  through  misin- 
terpretation; and  Cavo  blunders  repeatedly.  Tres  Sicjlos,  i.  25  et  seq. 

It  was  dated  April  24,  1523,  and  based  on  the  representations  of  Cortes 
concerning  the  danger  of  outside  interference  in  provinces  already  subdued 
by  him,  as  instanced  by  the  revolts  which  followed  the  meddling  of  Narvaez 
and  Tapia.  The  sovereign  desired  Cortes  to  be  unembarrassed  in  the  govern- 
ment till  the  crown  should  have  been  informed  of  the  condition  and  extent  of 
the  country,  so  as  better  to  define  the  limits  for  other  governments.  The 
document  was  exhibited  at  Mexico  on  Sept.  3d. 

(mj 


112 


THE  PlNUCO  AFFAIR  AND  ITS  SEQUEL. 


in  his  present  state  of  Health.^  Diego  de  Ocampo 
was  accordingly  sent  as  alcalde  mayor  to  represent  him 
in  Panuco,  supported  by  the  cedula,  and  a  force  under 
command  of  Rodrigo  Rangel.  He  must  allow  no 
hostile  measures  on  the  part  of  either  Alvarado  or 
himself  till  the  peaceful  injunctions  of  the  cedula  had 
been  fully  exerted  and  information  sent  to  Cortes. 
Ocampo  did  not  overtake  Alvarado  till  he  approached 
San  Estevan,  and  found  him  escorting  a  large  num- 
ber of  prisoners.  It  appears  that  the  captain  had 
been  implored  by  the  frontier  people  of  Pd^nuco  to 
protect  them  against  the  raids  of  Gonzalo  de  Ovalle, 
brother-in-law  of  Garay,  who  from  his  camp  at  Gua- 
zal tepee  was  raiding  the  country  at  the  head  of  a 
score  of  cavalry  and  other  forces.  Approaching  cau- 
tiously, he  managed  to  present  himself  before  the 
astonished  and  careless  Ovalle  in  a  manner  that  made 
it  difficult  for  him  either  to  escape  or  to  resist,  and 
since  Alvarado  possessed  also  the  advantage  of 
superior  force,  he  agreed  to  surrender  his  arms  and 
horses.* 

Encouraged  by  the  success  of  the  manoeuvre  with 
the  land  forces,  the  officers  of  Cortes  combined  to 
operate  against  the  shipping  under  the  probably  fabri- 
cated plea  that  Garay  had  at  last  resolved  to  take  up 
a  strong  position  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and 
supported  by  the  vessels  to  defy  the  settlers.^  Before 
dawn  one  morning  several  boats  with  muffled  oars  ap- 
proached two  of  the  vessels  which  had  been  selected 
for  attack.  All  was  silent  on  board  and  the  assailants 
gained  the  deck  before  the  alarm  was  given.  With  a 
Viva  Cortes !  they  rushed  on  the  surprised  watch  and 

^ '  Porque  habia  sesenta  dias  que  no  dormia,  y  estaba  con  mucho  trabajo,  y 
partirme  a  aquella  sazon  nc  habia  de  mi  vida  mucha  segiiridad. '  Cortes, 
Cartas,  291. 

*  Garay  protests  that  some  of  the  men  were  compelled  by  fear  or  want  to 
sell  their  horses.  The  party  was  living  peaceably  in  quarters  when  surprised. 
Provision,  ubi  sup.,  88.  Many  were  disgusted  with  Ovalle  for  his  ready  sur- 
render, and  Oviedo,  iii.  450,  who  evidently  regards  one  party  as  bad  as  the 
other,  observes,  'no  paresQiera  mal  alguna  escaramuga  it  otro  medio.' 

^So  affirms  Liicas,  in  Cortis,  Residencia,  i.  279-80,  leaving  the  impression 
that  there  was  some  truth  in  the  report. 


OCAMPO'S  ACTION. 


113 


hastened  to  take  up  positions  which  rendered  further 
or  effective  resistance  useless.  Indeed,  little  opposi- 
tion was  offered,  owing  in  part  to  a  secret  arrange- 
ment with  the  captains.^  Alarmed  by  the  noise,  and 
suspecting  the  truth,  Grijalva  prepared  to  take  steps 
for  recapturing  the  vessel.  When  Yallejo's  notary 
came  with  the  formal  demand  for  him  to  leave  the 
river  or  to  anchor  under  the  fort,  he  sternly  rejected 
the  favorable  propositions  made,  and  signalled  to  his 
consorts  to  open  fire  on  the  captured  vessels,  he  him- 
self setting  the  example.^  Nothing  daunted,  the  reso- 
lute Yallejo  made  conspicuous  preparations  for  defence, 
probably  in  a  great  measure  for  effect.  Whether 
real  or  not  they  succeeded,  for  abandoned  by  the  land 
forces,  and  tired  of  waiting  for  further  developments, 
with  vessels  rapidly  decaying  under  the  attack  of 
worms,  the  captains  all  refused  to  expose  themselves 
to  needless  danger.  Grijalva  could  do  nothing  alone, 
and  so  after  a  brief  conference  he  yielded,^  only  to  be 
made  a  prisoner,  together  with  a  number  of  his  offi- 
cers and  crew,  whom  Alvarado  replaced  with  trusty 
men. 

Ocampo  now  stepped  in  to  play  his  part.  With  an 
air  of  magnanimous  consideration  he  ordered  nearly 
all  of  the  prisoners  to  be  set  at  liberty.^  He  there- 
upon declared  himself  ready  to  extend  every  aid  to 

^  Castromocho  and  Martin  de  San  Juan,  according  to  Cortes.  Salazar 
writes  Juan  de  Lepuscuano  and  Torre  Mocho.  Hist.  Gonq.,  108.  'As  worthy 
of  being  called  good  mutineers  as  Ovalle  of  receiving  the  term  captain, '  says 
Oviedo.  Nearly  all  the  authorities  follow  the  diplomatic  version  of  Cortes 
that  these  captains  voluntarily  surrendered,  either  by  persuasion,  or  intimi- 
dated by  the  formal  notifications  issued,  Lucas  speaks  on  the  other  hand  of 
a  treacherous  capture,  attended  by  pillage;  but  he  takes  an  extreme  view, 
and  does  not  perhaps  believe  in  the  perfidy  of  the  captains. 

^  A  number  of  shots  being  fired.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  170. 

^  Herrera  assumes  that  Ocampo  arrived  in  the  midst  of  this  excitement,  and 
exhibited  the  royal  cedula,  whereupon  Grijalva  followed  the  other  ships  into 
the  harbor,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  vi.  Cortes  is  contradictory  about  the  date  of 
the  occurrence,  whether  before  Ocampo's  arrival  or  after;  but  a  statement  in 
Provision,  loc.  cit.,  confirms  Bernal  Diaz  in  giving  Alvarado  at  least  a  share 
in  the  capture. 

^With  restoration  of  all  effects,  writes  Cortes,  who  naturally  seeks  to 
place  his  acts  in  the  best  light,  Cartas,  294-5;  but  the  followers  of  Cortes 
managed  nevertheless  to  retain  the  best  and  largest  portion  of  their  arms  and 
belongings. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  8 


114 


THE  PANUCO  APFAIR  AND  ITS  SEQUEL. 


the  expedition,  but  as  the  province  pertained  to  Cor- 
tes, a  large  force  of  armed  strangers  could  not  be 
permitted  to  remain,  as  this  would  prejudice  both 
settlers  and  natives  and  create  trouble.  They  must 
leave.  Almost  sick  with  chagrin  at  this  succession 
of  mishaps,  Garay  met  the  alcalde  mayor  at  Chiacha- 
cata,  near  San  Estevan,  in  the  beginning  of  October, 
there  to  arrange  terms.  He  recognized  the  rights 
conferred  on  Cortes  by  the  royal  cedula,  and  agreed 
to  leave  the  province  for  Rio  de  las  Palmas  or  ad- 
joining regions. In  order  to  do  so,  however,  his 
ships  and  men  must  be  restored,  with  their  outfit  and 
belongings,  and  supplies  were  also  required.  This 
seemed  reasonable,  and  Ocampo  hastened  to  issue  a 
proclamation  enjoining  all  members  of  Garay's  expe- 
dition, under  heavy  penalties  of  lash  and  fine,  to  as- 
semble at  Tacalula,  and  there  place  themselves  at  the 
disposal  of  the  commander;  all  captured  men  and 
effects  were  to  be  restored,  and  the  natives  instructed 
to  bring  in  supplies. 

All  this  was  a  farce,  for  the  men  of  Cortes  did  not 
intend  to  lose  for  their  chief  so  valuable  an  acquisi- 
tion of  men  and  vessels,  or  to  surrender  the  arms, 
horses,  and  other  efiects  obtained.  The  poor  pros- 
pects of  receiving  pay  for  the  required  supplies  was 
another  objection,  but  the  strongest  lay  with  the 
members  themselves,  who,  instigated  by  the  settlers, 
and  allured  by  the  tales  and  specimens  of  wealth  in 
Mexico,  by  the  fame  of  Cortes  as  a  great  and  gen- 
erous leader,  and  by  the  projected  expeditions  to  the 
gilded  regions  of  Honduras  and  Guatemala,  were  almost 

Rio  del  Espiritu  Santo  was  among  the  points  suggested.  On  an  old  map 
relative  to  Garay's  expedition  this  river  is  placed  near  the  Espiritu  Santo  Bay- 
in  Texas.  Collection  of  Mex.  Maps,  No.  10. 

"  The  necessary  sustenance  to  be  given  free  of  charge,  under  penalty  of 
2,000  pesos  de  oro  for  any  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  settlers.  The  latter 
must  also  restore  any  arms  and  horses  bought  from  the  expedition,  on  *  re- 
ceiving back '  the  money  paid.  The  penalty  for  members  who  refused  to  join 
their  commander  was  confiscation  of  effects,  or  200  pesos  de  oro  fine  for 
noblemen,  and  100  lashes  for  common  persons.  See  Provision,  in  Pacheco, 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  78,  92,  et  seq.  • 


GARAY  PROCEEDS  TO  MEXICO. 


115 


unanimously  opposed  to  follow  the  inefficient  Garay 
to  the  wild  north  lands.  Many,  indeed,  had  already 
wandered  away  to  Mexico,  regardless  of  the  hostile 
tribes  on  the  way,  and  others  only  waited  their  time 
to  do  likewise,  hiding  meanwhile  in  the  forests  by 
day,  and  seeking  by  night  the  sheltering  houses,  and 
camps  of  the  army  of  Cortes.  Garay  issued  appeals 
to  his  men,  with  abundant  promises,  and,  nothing  avail- 
ing, he  turned  for  assistance  to  Ocampo.  After  his 
many  protestations,  the  latter  felt  obliged  to  do  some- 
thing, and  his  lieutenant  was  instructed  to  scour  the 
district  for  fugitives.  At  the  same  time  he  renewed 
the  demand  for  Garay's  departure,  under  penalty  of 
confiscation.^^  The  result  of  the  measure  was  the 
seizure  of  a  certain  number  of  men,  chiefly  of  the 
Velazquez  party,  and  uncongenial  persons,  who  came 
forth  in  a  formal  protest.  Garay  was  wholly  unfit  to 
lead  any  expedition,  and  they  had  followed  him  so  far 
under  misrepresentations.  It  was  certain,  however, 
that  Panuco  was  their  proclaimed  destination,  and 
they  were  not  bound  to  proceed  elsewhere,  the  more 
so  since  their  pay  had  not  been  forthcoming.  To  de- 
part under  such  a  leader  into  an  unknown  wilderness, 
in  rotten  vessels,  unprovided  with  ammunition  and 
supplies,  could  only  result  in  disaster,  and  they  pre- 
ferred to  submit  to  any  punishment  rather  than  en- 
counter the  risk.^^ 

Recognizing  the  objections  to  the  vessels,  he  pro- 
posed to  go  by  land,  but  this  was  equally  objected 
to,  and  perceiving  the  futility  of  further  efforts  in 
Panuco,  he  asked  permission  to  confer  personally 
with  Cortes  at  Mexico.  Ocampo  agreed,  insisting 
however  that  a  number  of  noted  adherents  of  Ve- 
lazquez  belonging  to  the  party  should   leave  the 

^2  And  even  *sopena  de  muerte/ yet  Ocampo  aided  to  deter  the  men. 
Cortis,  Residenda,  i.  279,  282. 

The  fleet  was  no  royal  navy  to  which  they  were  bound;  the  outfit  had 
been  furnished  partly  at  their  own  expense;  and  yet  they  had  been  robbed, 
starved,  and  maltreated  by  the  leader.  Protest,  in  Provision,  ubi  sup.,  110-15. 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  vi. 


116 


THE  PANUCO  AFFAIR  AND  ITS  SEQUEL. 


province  in  one  of  the  vessels,  lest  they  should  create 
trouble.^* 

On  reaching  Mexico,  Garay  received  an  impressive 
welcome  from  his  rival,  who,  having  nothing  to  fear 
from  him,  was  quite  prepared  to  play  the  magnani- 
mous part,  and  to  entertain  him  as  an  old  friend.  He 
even  thought  seriously  of  aiding  him,  and  in  token 
of  his  good-will  agreed  to  the  betrothal  of  his  natural 
daughter,  Catalina,^^  with  Garay's  eldest  son,  then 
acting  as  his  father's  lieutenant  in  Panuco,  the  defect 
in  the  bride's  birth  being  covered  with  a  large  dowry 
in  lands  and  gold.  The  latter  was  to  be  expended  in 
the  proposed  expedition  to  the  Rio  de  las  Palmas 
region,  for  which  Cortes  promised  his  assistance  in 
men  and  means,  with  a  view  of  sharing  in  the  profits. 
While  the  project  was  maturing  the  two  leaders 
maintained  the  most  intimate  relations,  and  on  Christ- 
mas eve,  about  six  weeks  after  his  arrival  in  Mexico, 
Garay  accompanied  the  governor  to  midnight  mass 
and  then  to  breakfast.  That  same  day  he  was  laid 
low  with  pain  and  fever,  aggravated  by  previous  in- 
disposition. The  doctors  declared  his  case  hopeless, 
and  a  few  days  later  he  expired,  leaving  Cortes  his 
executor. The  funeral  was  conducted  with  great 

^*  Cortes  names  Gonzalo  de  Figueroa,  Alonso  de  Mendoza,  Cerda,  Juan  de 
Avilsb,  Ulloa,  Taborda,  Medina,  and  Grijalva,  as  the  leading  exiles.  Cartas, 
297.  Permission  was  nevertheless  given  to  one  or  two  to  proceed  under  super- 
vision to  Mexico,  and  Figueroa  figures  there  as  witness.  It  was  permitted  to 
Cortes  by  royal  orders  to  exile  persons  supposed  to  be  dangerous  to  the  peace. 
Garay  exchanged  letters  with  Cortes  on  the  way,  for  his  march  was  compara- 
tively slow,  and  received  assurances  of  welcome.  See  Pi'ovision,  ubi  sup.,  131-2. 

Surnamed  Pizarro,  and  wrongly  supposed  by  Lorenzana  to  have  been  the 
child  of  his  first  wife.  Gort6s,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  361.  Chimalpain  assumes  her  to 
be  the  offspring  of  Elvira,  descendant  of  Montezuma,  and  consequently  still 
an  infant.  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  98.  The  marriage  evidently  did  not  take  place,  for 
in  the  bull  of  1529,  making  Cortes'  natural  children  legitimate,  she  is  men- 
tioned as  a  maiden,  and  in  Cortes'  will  of  1547  she  is  said  to  be  in  the  convent 
at  Coyuhuacan.  Yet,  in  a  Memorial  of  Cortes  to  the  sovereign,  not  long  after, 
he  writes:  *  Chinanta,  que  senale  a  una  hija  por  dote  suyo,  y  con  esto  la  case 
con  el  hijo  mayoradgo  del  adelantado. .  .Garay.'  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xii.  279.  This  may  be  in  anticipation  of  the  actual  marriage,  with  a 
view  also  to  strengthen  his  claim  to  the  town  thus  bestowed  as  dowry. 

^^Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  227.    Enemies  have  declared  the  promises  illusive, 
Cortes,  Rcsidencia,  i.  283,  but  without  good  reason,  for  Cortes  himself  regarded 
an  exp3dition  to  that  region  with  favor  years  after. 
Bernal  Diaz  adds  Father  Olmedo. 


DEATH  OF  GARAY. 


117 


pomp.  There  were  not  persons  wanted  who  whispered 
that  so  sudden  a  death  of  a  late  arrival  was  significant 
of  poison,  though  the  doctor  under  oath  declared,  the 
cause  to  be  a  very  prevalent  disease  to  which  a  num- 
ber of  soldiers  had  succumbed/^ 

Soon  after  Garay's  arrival  at  Mexico  a  messenger 
arrived  in  hot  haste  from  Pdnuco  with  the  report  that 
all  the  natives  were  in  arms,  slaughtering  Spaniards 
in  every  direction,  and  resolved  not  to  leave  one  white 
man  alive.  The  trouble  was  ascribed  to  Garay's  men : 
already  mutinous  before  his  departure,  they  wholly 
ignored  the  son  he  had  left  in  charge.  A  large 
number  felt  also  absolved  from  all  restraint  by  the 
absence  of  officers,  whom  Ocampo  had  exiled  for  their 
well-known  sympathy  with  Velazquez,  or  taken  with 
him  to  Mexico.  Abandoning  the  camps  assigned  to 
them,  some  disbanding,  they  scattered  over  the  coun- 
try in  small  parties,^^  pillaging  the  native  villages  of 

The  sickness  lasted  usually  three  or  four  days.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Ver- 
dad.,  170-1.  The  rumor  of  poison  was  freely  ventilated  in  the  accusations 
sent  to  Spain  by  royal  officials  a  year  later,  and  in  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.-ii. 
Gomara  ascribes  one  rumor  to  the  supposed  change  of  feeling  between  Cortes 
and  Garay  when  the  latter  removed  from  his  palace  to  the  house  of  an  old 
friend  named  Alonso  de  Villanueva,  where  he  frequently  conversed  with  Nar- 
vaez.  Hist.  Mex.y  227.  Neither  is  said  to  have  spoken  there  of  Cortes  save 
in  flattering  terms,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz.  Cortes  does  not  allude  to  the 
sickness,  but  attributes  his  death  to  the  disappointments  suffered  in  Panuco, 
to  remorse  for  the  revolt  then  raging  in  that  province,  caused  by  his  men, 
and  to  fears  for  the  safety  of  his  son.  Cartas,  299-300.  The  audiencia  of 
Santo  Domingo,  which  had  looked  coldly  on  Garay's  expedition,  received  a 
royal  decree  dated  December  27,  1523,  instructing  them  to  prevent  any 
quarrel  between  him  and  Cortes,  each  to  confine  himself  to  their  respective 
discoveries.  Cedula,  in  Pac7«eco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  498-9.  The  sons 
did  not  take  advantage  of  the  privilege  this  implied,  but  sent  to  collect  what 
remained  of  the  father's  estate.  One  of  them,  named  Antonio,  received  a 
regimiento  in  Santo  Domingo  city,  and  the  lieutenancy  of  the  forts  at  Santi- 
ago in  Cuba,  and  Yaquimo  in  Espanola,  with  a  remission  of  half  the  1,000 
ducats  due  by  his  father  to  the  royal  treasury.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vii. 
cap.  i.  In  1532  he  figures  as  regidor  of  Santiago,  while  claiming  the  restitu- 
tion of  certain  estates  of  his  father  in  Jamaica.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xii.  127-33. 

^3  In  the  beginning  of  December  1523,  evidently. 

Bernal  Diaz  differs  from  Cortes  and  others  in  assuming  that  these  very 
men  of  Velazquez  gave  occasion  for  the  anarchy  by  quarelling  for  the  supreme 
command.  He  supposes  them  to  be  exiled  afterward  in  consequence.  Hist. 
Verdad.,  171. 

2^  By  order  of  the  lieutenants  of  Cortes,  says  a  witness,  in  Cortes,  Resid-'n- 
cia,  i.  284,  but  this  must  be  an  exaggeration  of  the  fact  that  they  were  quar- 


118 


THE  PiNUCO  AFFAIR  AND  ITS  SEQUEL. 


provisions  and  other  effects,  laying  hands  on  the 
women,  killing  those  who  sought  to  defend  their 
waves  and  daughters,  and  connnitting  every  conceiv- 
able outrage.  A  warlike  people  could  not  be  expected 
to  long  endure  what  amounted  to  slow  extermination 
by  famine  and  assassins.  They  had  already  been 
aroused  through  the  raids  suppressed  by  the  followers 
of  Cortes,  and  encouraged  by  the  jealousies  and  quar- 
rels between  the  two  Spanish  parties.  The  departure 
of  Alvarado's  imposing  forces  emboldened  the  con- 
spirators, who  so  far  had  numbered  but  few.  Now 
every  native  felt  it  a  solemn  duty  to  join,  and  within 
the  month  the  whole  province  had  arisen.  Every 
straggling  party  was  promptly  slaughtered,  and  with 
tortures  that  should  in  some  degree  compensate  in- 
jured husbands  and  fathers  for  the  anguish  suffered. 
Growing  bolder  with  success  and  number,  the  natives 
attacked  the  camps,  notably  one  at  Tamiquil,^^  con- 
taining more  than  a  hundred  soldiers,  all  of  whom  were 
killed,  a  native  Jamaican  alone  managing  to  escape. 

Alarmed  for  their  own  safety,  and  appealed  to  by 
the  different  settlements,  the  main  corps  at  San  Este- 
van  sent  several  parties  to  warn  and  assist  their  com- 
rades ;  but  the  hostile  warriors  swept  everything  before 
them,  and  one  of  the  expeditions,  consisting  of  fifteen 
horse  and  some  two  dozen  foot  soldiers,  was  actually 
surprised  and  cut  to  pieces  at  Tacetuco,^^  the  lieuten- 
ant and  two  horsemen  alone  escaping  from  the  burn- 
ing quarters,  wherein  those  still  alive  were  roasting 
amidst  the  triumphant  songs  of  the  enemy.  Every 
other  field  party  was  driven  back  to  the  fort,  to  which 
siege  was  laid  with  persistent  determination.  Vallejo 
himself  headed  the  settlers  in  several  encounters,  till 
a  well-directed  arrow  stayed  his  efforts  forever.  Em- 
boldened by  the  death  of  this  valiant  captain,  the 

tered  in  different  villages,  subject  to  rules  for  obtaining  supplies.  Some  of 
the  parties  numbered  less  than  half  a  dozen  men,  says  Cortes. 

^^Also  written  Tamiquitl,  Tamiquistl,  Tamuy,  Tancanhuichi,  and  TaquiuitI, 
'■^"^Now  Tanjuco,  says  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  364.    A  fugi- 
tive from  here  brought  the  news  to  Mexico.  Cortes,  Cartas,  300.  *^ 


PiNUCO  REVOLT. 


119 


warriors  pressed  tlie  siege  closely,  attempting  also  to 
surprise  the  place  by  night.  The  besieged  fought 
with  the  energy  of  despair,  and  though  numbers  of 
natives  succumbed,  every  repulse  proved  costly,  while 
famine  began  also  to  add  its  quota  to  the  misery. 
Not  knowing  whether  the  message  by  land  had  reached 
Mexico,  they  sent  news  to  Villa  Rica  by  one  of 
Garay's  vessels;  but  assistance  could  in  any  case  not 
come  at  once,  and  the  delay  seemed  interminable  with 
the  daily  addition  of  victims,  now  exceeding  three 
hundred.^* 

Still  disabled  by  his  broken  arm,  Cortes  could  not 
yield  to  the  desire  of  personally  relieving  the  province, 
but  Sandoval  was  immediately  despatched  with  fifty 
horse,  one  hundred  foot,  and  thirty  thousand  natives, 
reenforced  with  four  field-pieces  and  a  considerable 
number  of  arquebuses  and  cross-bows.^^  His  instruc- 
tions were  to  inflict  a  punishment  that  should  remain 
an  ineffaceable  warning  to  rebels.  With  great  alacrity 
he  hastened  northward;  for  when  engaged  on  impor- 
tant affairs  this  gallant  leader  scarcely  allowed  him- 
self time  for  sleep,  as  his  admirer,  Bernal  Diaz, 
declares.  On  approaching  the  province,  he  learned 
that  the  enemy  had  occupied  both  passes  leading  into 
it,  and  thought  it  best  to  divide  his  force,  sending  part 
against  each,  not  knowing  which  passage  might  be 
more  readily  forced.  The  archers  and  arquebusiers 
were  ordered  to  alternate,  so  as  to  maintain  a  steady 
volley,  and  create  a  confusion  of  which  advantage 
might  be  taken.    This  expectation  was  not  fulfilled, 

2*  More  than  300,  according  to  the  declaration  of  Garay  witnesses,  Pcbclieco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  123;  400  says  Gomara,  followed  by  Herrera; 
600  is  Bernal  Diaz'  round  figure,  while  Cortes  fixes  the  losses  of  his  party  at 
43,  and  those  of  the  Garay  faction  known  to  have  perished,  at  210,  though  he 
believes  that  the  latter  number  should  be  made  larger.  Oviedo,  iii,  458, 
writes  43  and  270,  respectively,  while  assuming  that  Garay  must  have  lost 
over  400  in  reality. 

2^  Cortes  calls  the  100  foot  archers  and  arquebusiers.  Cartas,  301.  The 
allies  are  given  by  Ixtlilxochitl  as  15,000  Acolhuas,  under  Yoyontzin,  the 
youngest  brother  of  Prince  Ixtlilxochitl,  and  15,000  Mexicans,  under  a  nephew 
of  Quauhtemotzin.  Hor.  Crueldades,  65.  Bernal  Diaz,  in  reducing  the  num- 
ber to  8,000,  as  usual  with  him,  composes  them  of  Tlascaltecs  and  Mexicans. 


1^  THE  P^UCO  ATFAIR  AND  ITS  SEQUEL, 

for  the  natives  stoutly  kept  their  ground,  responding 
to  the  volleys  in  a  manner  that  laid  low  quite  a  num- 
ber of  the  assailants,  and  prevented  any  advance. 
Both  parties  held  their  positions  during  the  night, 
and  dawn  was  ushered  in  with  a  renewal  of  the  con- 
flict. Nervous  over  the  prospective  delay,^^  Sandoval 
reunited  his  force,  and  retreated  as  if  returning  to 
Mexico.  This  brought  forth  the  enemy  in  triumph- 
ant pursuit:  but  their  joy  was  brief;  for  one  night 
the  horsemen  swooped  down  upon  them,  and  taking 
advantage  of  the  rout,  the  army  hastened  back  and 
forced  their  way  through  the  easiest  pass,  though  not 
without  the  loss  of  three  horses  and  other  casualties. 

.  Once  through,  they  found  large  forces  gathering  to 
resist  the  advance,  and  hardly  had  they  formed  before 
the  attack  was  made.  The  natives  flung  themselves 
heedlessly  upon  the  lines,  and  even  sought  to  wrest 
the  lancers   from   some  inexperienced  cavalrymen. 

Curse  the  fellows!"  cried  Sandoval  as  he  rushed  to 
their  relief.  "Better  a  few  soldiers  than  a  host  of 
such  imbeciles ! "  The  repulse  eflected,  he  led  the  cav- 
alry to  a  return  charge,  with  instructions  to  keep  the 
lances  levelled  against  the  faces  of  the  warriors,  and 
maintain  a  gallop  so  as  to  give  no  opportunity  for  a 
hand-to-hand  conflict.  In  this  manner  the  path  was 
opened,  and  the  army  made  its  way  to  the  river, 
where  camp  was  formed  for  the  night.  The  horses 
were  kept  saddled,  and  all  prepared  for  instant  action, 
for  the  constant  sound  of  drums  and  pipes,  in  increas- 
ing volume,  showed  that  the  foe  was  gathering  round 
them.  Shortly  after  leaving  camp  next  morning  they 
came  upon  three  bodies  prepared  for  battle.  Sando- 
val directed  his  cavalry  in  two  parties  against  them, 
and  was  warmly  received,  he  himself  being  wounded 
in  the  leg,  and  nearly  overthrown  by  a  stone  which 

26-Three  days  of  inactivity  followed,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz;  if  so,  in 
eflfecting  the  reunion  and  in  reconnoitring. 

2'  Fearful  of  confounding  the  allies  with  the  foe,  in  case  of  attack,  Sando- 
val ordered  the  former  to  camp  at  some  distance  from  the  Spaniards.  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  172. 


SANDOVAL  QUELLS  THE  INSURRECTION.  121 


struck  him  full  in  the  face.^^  Previous  lessons  had 
not  been  in  vain,  for  the  foe  soon  wavered  before  the 
resolute  advance,  and  when  the  foot  and  allies  came 
up,  the  battle  turned  into  a  chase  and  slaughter.  A 
large  number  of  prisoners  were  also  taken,  and  every 
village  on  the  way  was  ravaged  and  burned  by  the 
auxiliaries. 

Sandoval  arrived  most  opportunely  at  San  Estevan. 
"Three  days'  more  delay,"  says  Cortes,  "and  all  there 
would  have  been  lost."  So  reduced  were  the  besieged 
by  wounds,  hunger,  and  fatigue,  harassed  day  and 
night  by  the  natives,  that  but  for  the  resolute  demean- 
or of  a  few  of  the  veterans  of  Cortes  they  would 
have  yielded. The  besiegers  having  now  dispersed, 
two  expeditions  were  sent  out  in  pursuit,  and  to  for- 
age, with  the  injunction  to  secure  every  rebel  of  note. 
Sandoval  remaining  behind  among  the  disabled,  no 
restraint  was  placed  on  the  troops  in  observing  the 
order  of  Cortes  to  inflict  severe  punishment.  Sack- 
ing, slaughtering,  and  burning  went  hand  in  hand,^^ 
the  example  being  set  by  the  Spaniards  and  eagerly 
excelled  by  the  auxiliaries  with  the  intensity  custom- 
ary among  those  cruel  warriors.  The  captain  himself 
set  forth  a  few  days  later,  marking  his  advance  with 
comparative  leniency,  even  where  submission  was 
tardy,  yet  he  failed  not  to  take  prisoners  all  sturdy 
and  prominent  rebels,  swelling  the  total  of  captured 
chiefs  and  notable  men  alone  to  fully  four  hundred. 

Sandoval  now  reported  to  Mexico  the  pacification 
of  the  province,  and  asked  for  instructions  concerning 

28  Three  horses  and  two  young  soldiers  are  said  to  have  fallen,  besides 
allies,  whose  losses  are  seldom  thought  worth  while  to  mention. 

2^  Bernal  Diaz,  who  naturally  seeks  to  give  all  the  credit  possible  to  his 
own  set,  names  Navarrete,  Carrascosa,  and  Alamilla  among  these  veterans. 
He  assumes  that  they  had  28  horses  left.  Others  place  the  garrison  at  100 
men  with  22  horses.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  227.  Cortes  places  the  whole  cav- 
alry force  now  mustered,  including  Sandoval's,  at  80.  Cartas,  302. 

30  *  Quemando  todas  las  casas,  de  modo  que  dentro  de  pocos  dias  lo  saquearon 
todo,  y  mataron  una  infinidad  de  indios. '  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hor.  Crueldades,  .05. 

3^  Herrera  specifies  60  chiefs  and  400  rich  and  prominent  natives,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  V.  cap.  vii.  Bernal  Diaz  refers  to  five  as  ringleaders,  and  states  that 
wives  and  children  were  left  unmolested,  those  not  guilty  of  murder  being 
also  set  free. 


122  THE  PiNUCO  AFFAIR  AND  ITS  SEQUEL. 


the  prisoners  and  other  matter.  In  answer,  Cortes 
sent  the  alcalde  mayor  Ocampo,  to  whom  pertained 
the  administration  of  justice,  while  the  captain  should 
continue  to  effectually  assure  tranquillity.  A  trial 
was  held  at  Chachopal,  near  the  fort,  where  bribery 
and  policy  played  important  parts  in  securing  the 
acquittal  of  a  few,  while  confession  and  testimony 
consigned  the  rest  to  the  stake  and  halter.  The  con- 
demned pleaded  in  vain  that  they  had  been  driven  to 
rise  in  defence  of  their  homes  by  the  outrages  of  the 
Garay  party,  against  whom  the  followers  of  Cortes 
had  incited  them;  if  some  of  the  latter  had  fallen,  it 
was  but  the  accident  of  war.^^  But  they  were  pagans 
who  had  dyed  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  Christians ; 
and,  above  all,  they  had  dared  to  disobey  their  mas- 
ters, and  for  such  crimes  the  perils  to  which  their  own 
insignilicant  lives  were  exposed  could  be  no  excuse. 
White  men  must  be  respected  at  all  hazards,  and 
thoroughly  to  impress  this,  the  pardoned  prisoners, 
including  the  friends  and  families  of  the  condemned, 
w^ere  compelled  to  attend  the  execution ;  to  w^itness 
the  agonies  of  the  ringleaders  at  the  stake,  and  the 
struggles  of  the  less  prominent  who  were  strangled 
in  the  noose.  Yet  it  did  not  need  the  witnessing  of 
death-throes  to  teach  the  lesson :  the  number  of  the 
victims  was  sufficient.  There  were  whole  lines  of 
smoking  columns,  each  enclosing  a  writhing  form  and 
shielding  an  agonized  face;  a  succession  of  human 
bodies  suspended  amidst  revolting  contortions.  It 
was  one  long  continuation  of  horrors,  until  horror 
grew  tame,  and  darkness  brought  rest.^^ 

22 '  Por  que  nos  quemays  pues  que  vosotros  los  de  Mexico  nos  mandastes 
que  mataramos  estos  xpianos. '  Liicas,  in  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  283. 

Cortes  himself  admits  that  upward  of  400  were  burned.  *  Senores  y 
personas  principales  se  prendieron  hasta  cuatrocientos,  sin  otra  gente  baja,  a 
los  cuales  todos,  digo  a  los  principales,  quemaron  por  justicia.'  Cartas,  302. 
Gomara  increases  this  number  to  400  rich  men  and  60  chiefs.  Hist.  Mex., 
228.  Lucas  reduces  it  to  306,  while  Herrera  seeks  to  cover  Spanish  fame  by 
writing  30.  Bernal  Diaz  avoids  stating  a  figure,  for  the  same  reason,  and  to 
shield  his  friend  Sandoval,  whom  Robertson  charges  with  the  act.  Hist.  Am., 
ii.  137,  not  aware  probably  that  Ocampo  was  the  judge  who  inflicted  the 
punishment,  by  the  general  order  of  Cortes.    While  not  blameless,  Sandoval 


THE  GARAY  PARTY. 


123 


The  security  of  the  province  was  provided  for  by  a 
politic  distribution  of  the  vacant  chieftaincies,  with 
due  regard  to  the  claims  of  rightful  heirs,  and  the  lieu- 
tenancy was  bestowed  on  a  resolute  man  named  Valle- 
cillo.  An  additional  weeding  had  also  to  be  performed 
among  the  Garay  party,  whose  excesses  had  been  the 
main  cause  of  the  revolt.  This  measure  appeared  more 
necessary  since  they  exhibited  signs  of  mutiny  at  the 
disregard  shown  for  them  in  the  appointment  of  cap- 
tains during  the  campaign,  and  on  subsequent  occa- 
sions. A  number  are  even  said  to  have  formed  a 
conspiracy,^^  but  this  charge  may  have  been  made  to 
give  color  to  the  proceedings  against  certain  disorderly 
persons.  Sandoval  lectured  them  soundly  on  their 
ingratitude  to  Cortes,  who  had  saved  them  from  de- 
struction, and  on  their  disregard  for  the  claims  of  the 
old  settlers  and  soldiers.  A  number  of  the  party  were 
enrolled  for  the  campaigns  in  Mexico,  and  the  more 
objectionable  left  for  Jamaica,  many  of  them  willingly, 
since  the  death  of  Garay  must  have  frustrated  the 
plans  which  connected  them  with  his  expedition.  This 
accomplished,  Sandoval  and  Ocampo  returned  to  Mex- 
ico, though  not  until  they  had  joined  Father  Olmedo 
in  solemn  thanksgiving  for  the  success  awarded  to 
Christian  arms.  Neither  the  good  friar  nor  the 
worthy  commander  could  see  aught  of  mockery  in 
such  an  act.  They  were  naturally  well  pleased  at  the 
pacification,  which  proved  effectual,  for  the  province 
never  again  revolted.  Yet  even  its  conqueror  lived 
to  recognize  that  it  was  unworthy  of  the  cost  and 

must  not  be  rated  too  harshly,  as  Clavigero  observes.  Storia,  Mess.,  in.  9. 
The  number  appears  to  correspond  pretty  nearly  to  that  of  the  supposed 
Spanish  victims,  and  suggests  the  intention  to  exact  life  for  life,  with  the 
same  cruelties  perpetrated  on  the  Christians,  of  whom  many  had  been  tortured 
or  burned  alive.  Whatever  may  be  Christian  ethics,  the  rules  of  Christian 
warfare  are  not  far  different  from  those  of  the  savages,  an  eye  for  an  eye,  and 
a  tooth  for  a  tooth.  After  all,  this  was  but  one  of  the  series  of  barbarities 
which  followed  in  the  train  of  invasion.  On  the  act  of  conquest  devolved  the 
chief  blame  of  every  atrocity,  since  incidents  of  war  entailed  cruelties,  and 
self-preservation  demanded  them;  their  nature  having  to  correspond  to  the 
exigency  of  circumstances,  and  the  character  of  the  people  and  the  age. 

^*  The  plot  was  revealed  to  Sandoval  before  it  had  matured,  says  Bemal 
Diaz. 


124 


THE  PANUCO  affair  AInTD  ITS  SEQUEL. 


lives  expended.  The  harbor,  which  had  formed  one 
of  its  chief  attractions,  proved  of  no  value  to  New 
Spain,  though  a  viceroy  once  did  land  there,  and  cause 
the  road  to  Mexico  to  be  restored  for  a  time.  The 
settlement  dwindled,  and  even  the  name  of  San  Este- 
van  disappeared.^^ 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  when  Garay  touched 
at  Cuba,  on  the  way  to  Pdnuco,  his  fear  of  Cortes 
induced  him  to  seek  a  meditator  in  the  person  of  Licen- 
tiate Alonso  de  Zuazo,  a  prominent  and  respected 
lawyer  who  had  been  appointed  juez  de  residencia  in 
connection  with  the  audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo,  and 
who  as  judge  of  Velazquez  had  lately  held  the  gov- 
ernment of  Cuba.^^  The  mediation  had  probably  been 
suggested  by  the  audiencia,  which  certainly  favored 
it,  assured  that  the  mere  presence  of  so  influential  a 
personage  might  prevent  much  trouble.  His  mission 
in  Cuba  concluded,  the  licentiate  accordingly,  in  the 
beginning  of  1524,  set  out  for  new  Spain  in  a  small 
vessel,  accompanied  by  two  friars  of  the  order  of 
Mercy,  intent  on  promoting  the  labors  of  Father 
Olmedo.^^ 

When  about  half-way,  their  vessel  was  driven  by 
a  gale  upon  the  reefs  near  one  of  the  Triangulos 
group. Fortunately  they  were  able  to  reach  in  safety 
the  adjoining  isle,  and  to  save  a  few  effects,  though 
in  fishing  them  from  the  sea  one  of  the  sailors  was 
snapped  up  by  a  shark.    The  island  being  small,  and 

35  One  cause  was  that  the  bar  grew  shallower,  says  Lorenzana.  CorUs,  Hist. 
N.  Esp. ,  340.  A  new  villa  was  founded  in  later  times  about  half-way  between 
the  river  and  the  lagoon,  the  Tamheagua,  and  in  modern  times  the  present 
Tampico  has  been  established  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  forming  the 
southern  boundary  of  Tamaulipas  state.  The  old  towns,  now  known  as  Tam- 
pico el  Alto  and  Pueblo  el  Viejo,  are  included  in  the  state  of  Vera  Cruz. 

3^  Suspended  by  Colon  through  false  reports  of  mismanagement,  says  Oviedo, 
i.  541,  who  adds  that  he  was  a  personal  friend  of  both  Cortes  and  G-aray. 

^'^  Their  names  were  Gonzalo  de  Pontevedray  and  Juan  Varillas. 

3^  Oviedo,  iv.  484,  499,  507.  Bernal  Diaz  supposes  tbe  Viboras,  near  the 
Alacranes  Islands,  and  states  that  through  an  error  of  the  pilot,  or  by  cur- 
rents, she  drifted  ashore.  Hist.  VerdacL,  173.  This  is  less  likely,  since  the 
islands  lie  on  the  route. 


THE  Pii^UCO  CONQUEST  COMPLETED. 


125 


devoid  of  water,  the  shipwrecked  crossed  in  their 
boat^^  to  a  larger  island  containing  plenty  of  turtles, 
some  of  them  so  large  in  the  eyes  of  the  famished  crew 
"that  they  could  move  away  with  seven  men  on  their 
backs."  Refreshed  by  this  food,  they  proceeded  to  a 
still  larger  island,  the  resort  of  innumerable  birds, 
manatees,  and  turtles — -a  paradise,  in  brief,  to  the  cast- 
aways, could  they  only  have  found  fresh  water.  The 
want  of  this,  together  with  the  change  of  diet,  and 
the  hardship,  had  quite  reduced  the  men,^^  and  they 
were  on  the  point  of  despair,  when  the  discovery  of 
a  somewhat  brackish  spring  infused  new  spirit. 

They  now  took  steps  to  accommodate  themselves 
to  circumstances,  by  building  huts  and  establishing  a 
routine  for  the  performance  of  daily  duties.  Fire  was 
obtained  by  the  well-known  method  of  rubbing  together 
two  pieces  of  wood,  and  sustained  by  shrubs ;  there 
was  a  variety  of  food,  and  material  existed  for  apparel 
and  implements.  A  tool-chest  had  been  saved,  and 
two  carpenters  began  to  construct  a  strong  boat  from 
the  remains  of  the  wreck,  wherein  to  seek  aid  from  a 
Spanish  settlement.  In  this  three  men,  named  Gomez, 
Ballester,  and  Arenas,  together  with  an  Indian  boy, 
volunteered  to  seek  Yilla  Rica.  For  this  hazardous 
undertaking  they  had  taken  a  vow  to  observe  per- 
petual chastity  if  heaven  should  grant  them  success.^^ 
Their  prayers  were  answered,  for  a  favorable  wind 
carried  them  in  eleven  days  to  the  coast  near  Mede- 
llin,  whence  their  message  and  a  letter  from  Zuazo 

Oviedo  states  that  Zuazo  found  an  old  canoe  in  which  to  cross  to  the 
adjoining  islands,  where  some  of  the  effects  had  been  cast  up  by  the  waves. 

number  of  men  died  in  consequence,  says  Oviedo;  but  he  appears 
intent  chiefly  on  making  a  strong  narrative. 

Oviedo  assumes  that  a  vow  of  chastity  for  one  year  induced  heaven  to 
reveal  the  precious  liquid;  the  three  men  sent  in  search  making  the  vow  per- 
petual. Gomara  applies  this  to  a  later  occasion.  Oviedo  continues  that  the 
water  was  found  on  an  adjoining  isle  devoid  of  animals,  yet  they  all  removed 
to  it,  bringing  supplies  from  the  larger  island.  One  day  a  gale  swallowed 
boat  and  crew,  six  men. 

*2 '  E  de  se  meter  frayres  de . . .  Frangisco, '  writes  Oviedo,  stating  that  they 
were  the  same  who  had  made  the  vow  on  going  in  search  of  water.  Yet  on  a 
previous  page  he  seems  to  name  them  as  Espinosa,  Arenas,  and  Simancas. 
iv.  492,  498. 


126 


THE  PlNUCO  AFFAIR  AND  ITS  SEQUEL. 


were  forwarded  to  Mexico.  Cortes  immediately  or- 
dered a  vessel  to  be  sent  to  their  rescue,  and  after 
nearly  four  months  of  island  life  Zuazo  and  his  com- 
panions, numbering  a  dozen  survivors,^^  were  released 
from  their  sufferings.  The  reception  of  the  licentiate 
in  New  Spain  was  worthy  of  his  rank  and  character, 
and  of  the  high  personal  regard  of  Cortes,  who  lodged 
him  in  his  own  palace,  and  tendered  him  rich  presents, 
though  the  worthy  judge  would  accept  but  little.^* 
We  shall  meet  him  soon  under  trying  circumstances, 
as  a  ruler,  where  he  came  as  visitor. 

The  Pdnuco  conquest  ended,  Cortes  resumed  the 
southern  expeditions  for  which  he  had  already  pre- 
pared. Alvarado  set  out  December  6,  1523,  with  over 
four  hundred  Spaniards,  of  whom  one  hundred  and 
twenty  were  horsemen,  and  an  equal  number  archers 
and  arquebusiers,  supported  by  fully  twenty  thousand 
picked  warriors,  and  well  provided  with  field -pieces 
and  war  stores.  The  force  embraced  the  flower  of 
New  Spain  chivalry,  all  eager  to  participate  in  the 
opening  of  the  new  Dorado,  and  to  share  in  the  enter- 
prises  of  the  dashing  Tonatiuh,  for  whom  even  the 
natives  seemed  nothing  loath  to  abandon  their  home 
and  country,  to  judge  from  their  enthusiasm.  The 
whole  city,  with  Cortes  at  the  head,  turned  out  to  bid 
them  God-speed  in  the  undertaking,  which  had  grown 
even  more  attractive  with  the  delay  interposed.  The 
first  step  therein  was  the  resubjugation  of  Soconusco, 
the  rapidity  of  which  served  not  a  little  to  infuse  awe 
among  the  peoples  to  the  south.    Nevertheless  a  long 

Thirteen,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  173,  though  he  leaves  the 
impression  that  this  was  the  total  number  escaping  to  the  islands.  Oviedo 
states  that  those  who  escaped  from  the  wreck  numbered  47,  and  that  only  17 
reached  New  Spain;  Friar  (x-onzalo  died  on  the  rescue  vessel,  iv.  484-510.  His 
account  is  very  full,  and  may  have  been  obtained  from  Zuazo's  lips,  at  Santo 
Domingo;  yet  it  does  not  appear  very  reliable.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  228, 
gives  a  briefer  version  than  Bernal  Diaz,  and  Herrera  follows,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v. 
cap.  V.  The  important  character  assumed  by  Zuazo  in  Mexico  lends  an 
interest  to  this  adventure. 

**0f  the  10,000  in  gold  ofiFered,  he  would  accept  but  1,300  worth  in  abso- 
lute necessaries,  such  as  clothes  and  horses  for  himself  and  party.  Gomara 
makes  these  effects  worth  10.000. 


ALVAKADO  GOES  TO  GUATEMALA. 


127 


and  bloody  campaign  was  in  store  for  Alvarado,  whose 
fame  as  a  leader  was  to  be  made  yet  brighter  by  san- 
guinary successes.  The  details  of  the  exciting  strug- 
gles and  surprising  incidents  within  the  domains  of 
the  Quiches  and  Cakchiquels  have  been  fully  related 
in  a  previous  volume.*^ 

A  month  after  the  Guatemala  expedition  the  fleet 
for  Honduras  left  the  port  of  San  Juan  de  Chalchiuh- 
cuecan  to  take  up  one  end  of  the  new  chain  of  con- 
quest, which  might  thereupon  be  stretched  southward 
under  the  combined  banners  of  veterans,  perhaps  to 
the  very  empire  of  the  Incas  just  then  looming  forth 
in  mystic  distance  with  a  splendor  surpassing  even  the 
dazzling  visions  of  the  legions  of  Cortes.  Although 
Honduras  proved  comparatively  barren  in  gain  and 
glory,  yet  the  incidents  connected  with  the  expedition, 
and  its  effect  on  the  fortunes  of  Cortes  and  New 
Spain,  through  the  disloyalty  of  the  leader,  invest  it 
with  remarkable  interest/^ 

In  his  march  from  Tehuantepec  to  Guatemala,  Al- 
varado skirted  the  southern  slopes  of  the  Cordillera, 
whose  northern  straggling  ranges  here  unite  to  form 
a  more  distinct  barrier,  crowned  with  lofty  peaks. 
The  plateau  and  slopes  extending  northward  from 
this  barrier  embraced  the  well- watered  region  of  Chi- 
apas, once  the  busy  haunts  of  a  cultured  race  whose 
glories  lay  enshrined  within  the  matchless  ruins  of 
Palenque,  guarded  by  dense  and  gloomy  forest,  now 
the  abode  of  less  elevated  peoples,  notably  the  dom- 
inant Chiapanecs,  who  from  their  mountain  fastnesses 
had  successfully  defied  the  encroachments  of  adjoin- 
ing rulers,  even  Montezuma.  Awed  by  the  fall  of  his 
great  empire,  however,  they  had  hastened  to  send  in 
what  was  regarded  as  unqualified  allegiance  to  the 
children  of  the  sun.  Their  land  was  assigned  to  the 
settlers  of  Espiritu  Santo,  who  soon  began  to  exact 

^Hist.  Cera.  Am.fi.  chap.  xxii.  et  seq.,  this  series. 
See  Hist.  Cent,  ^m.,  i.  chap.  xvii.  et  seq.,  this  series,  for  details  of  Olid's 
uprising  and  fate,  and  the  connected  expeditions  of  Casas  and  Cortes. 


128 


THE  PiNUCO  ATFAIR  AND  ITS  SEQUEL. 


tribute,  a  measure  which  the  people,  already  recovered 
from  their  first  surprise,  were  quick  to  resent.  Luis 
Marin,  lieutenant  in  Goazacoalco  sought  aid  from 
Cortes  for  enforcing  respect,  and  in  Lent  of  1524  he 
marched  against  the  rebellious  people  with  somewhat 
over  a  hundred  men,  one  fourth  cavalry,  all  inflated 
with  the  confidence  born  of  numerous  successes. 
Equally  confident  were  the  Chiapanecs  in  the  shel- 
tering strength  of  hills  which  so  far  had  guarded 
their  liberties.  Protected  by  good  cotton  armor,  and 
armed  with  formidable  pikes,  they  managed  so  well 
to  sustain  even  in  open  field  the  first  onslaught  of  the 
bearded  ones,  that  the  latter  were  quite  dismayed.  So 
severe  proved  the  campaign,  that  when  Marin  at  last 
thought  himself  master  in  the  main  district,  his  force 
was  so  reduced  in  number  and  efficiency  that  the  for- 
mation of  a  settlement  could  not  be  undertaken,  and 
the  result  was  an  inglorious  retreat.*^ 

An  equally  severe  campaign  was  undertaken  about 
the  same  time  in  the  mountainous  regions  of  Zapote- 
capan  and  Miztecapan,  hitherto  avoided  as  too  diffi- 
cult to  penetrate.  Following  the  path  of  Alvarado, 
Rodrig^o  Rano^el  had  in  1523  entered  them  to  demand 
allegiance  and  tribute,  only  to  meet  with  fierce  resist- 
ance. Rainy  weather  and  ruggedness  of  country 
favored  the  natives,  and  he  was  obliged  to  retreat. 
This  success  emboldened  them,  and,  incited  partly  by 
escaped  negro  slaves,  they  made  inroads  on  the  adjoin- 
ing districts.  It  would  never  answer  to  encourage  a 
defiant  robber  in  the  midst  of  the  country,  and  with 
the  allurement  of  gilded  river-beds,  a  new  expedition 
was  formed  under  the  same  captain,  consisting  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  chiefly  arquebusiers  and 

^^For  details  of  these  and  later  expeditions,  see  vol.  ii.,  Hist.  Cent.  Am., 
this  series.  They  are  based  on  the  rare  and  curious  accounts  of  Godoy,  Re- 
ladoriy  written  by  a  participant;  Remesal,  Hint.  Chyapa;  IxUilxochitl,  Hor, 
Crueldadts;  Mazariegos,  Mem.  Ckia'pa;  also  Bernal  Diaz,  Juarros,  and  other 
standard  historians. 

'Faute  de  chevaux,  il  ne  reussit  pas,*  says  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.f  iv.  572;  but  horses  were  found  useless  in  so  rugged  a  region,  and 
were  not  taken  on  the  subsequent  campaign,  as  Gomara  observes.  Hist.  Mex., 
234, 


RANGEL'S  EXPEDITION. 


129 


archers,  with  four  field-pieces  and  ample  stores,  sup- 
ported by  a  large  force  of  warriors.^^  Rangel  left 
Mexico  February  5,  1524,  and  taught  by  previous 
reverses,  he  took  the  utmost  precaution  to  render 
secure  his  advance.  The  natives  on  their  side  were 
less  cautious,  and  thus  a  prospectively  hard  campaign 
among  the  mountains  was  concluded  within  quite  a 
brief  period,  and  so  thoroughly  that  no  revolt  took 
place  again.  A  fair  amount  of  spoils  was  obtained  in 
gold,  fabrics,  and  slaves ;  the  latter  numerous,  since  it 
had  been  decreed  that  all  captured  natives  should  be 
enslaved  as  a  warning  to  rebels. 

The  cost  of  these  expeditions  was  quite  heavy  to 
all  concerned,  for  arms,  horses,  clothes,  and  other 
efiects  were  exceedingly  dear,  despite  the  influx  from 
Spain  and  the  Islands. Soldiers  brought  nearly  all 
their  own  outfits,  including  arms  and  horses,  yet 
Cortes  was  obliged  to  supply  war  stores,  provisions, 
and  articles  from  what  he  calls  his  private  estate, 
though  tributes  and  exactions  must  have  been  applied. 
''The  least  of  the  expeditions,"  he  writes  to  the  em- 
peror, '^must  cost  my  estate  more  than  five  thousand 
pesos  de  oro,  and  those  of  Alvarado  and  Olid  cost  fully 
fifty  thousand."  The  expense  was  the  greater  in  the 
latter  case,  owing  to  the  fleet  being  kept  waiting 
during  the  Pdnuco  campaign,  with  crews  in  receipt 
of  pay.^^  Indeed,  he  had  not  only  spent  his  fortune, 
but  incurred  debts,  while  for  certain  revolts  which 
imperilled  the  interests  of  the  crown  and  its  subjects 
he  had  been  obliged  to  borrow  sixty  thousand  pesos 
and  more  from  the  royal  treasury.  Yet  nothing  should 
deter  him  from  doing  what  was  necessary  for  the  ser- 
vice of  his  sovereign;  so  he  affirmed. 

49  Acolhuas  20,000,  and  5,000  to  6,000  Tlascaltecs.  IxtUlacochitl,  Hor.  Cru- 
eldades,  72. 

^"  '  Los  herrasen  del  hierro  de  V.  A. ,  y . . .  se  repartiesen  por  aquellos  que  los 
fueron  a  conquistar.'  Cortes,  Cartas,  307. 

^^For  prices,  see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  526,  this  series. 

^^The  cost  of  sending  Casas  after  Olid  increased  the  expense  to  40,000. 
Id.,  528. 

^3  Letter  of  October  13,  1524,  in  Cartas,  305. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  9 


CHAPTER  VIIL 


ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 
1523-1524. 

Cortes  as  Governor — His  Ordinances — Armament  of  Settlers — Pro- 
moting Agriculture — Pallas  and  Demeter — Antillean  Jealousy — 
Social  Reforms — Sumptuary  Laws — Taking  Wives — Cortes  Shoul- 
ders his  Cross — Suspicious  Death  of  Catalina — Local  Government — 
Efforts  to  Exclude  Lawyers — Removal  of  Vera  Cruz — Markets 
AND  Trade  Regulations — Royal  Officials  Arrive — Traits  and 
Intrigues — Colonial  Policy — Enslavement  of  Native  Americans — 
Suppression  of  Repartimientos  Opposed — Encomienda  Regulations — 
Work  and  Pay  of  Serfs — Entrapping  Slaves — Representations  of 
the  Council — Extorting  Tribute. 

We  have  seen  Cortes  as  a  brave  soldier,  an  able 
general,  and  astute  diplomat;  we  have  beheld  him 
deluding  his  patron,  manipulating  to  his  own  purpose 
the  conflicting  elements  of  a  horde  of  adventurers, 
pitting  one  people  against  another  to  fight  his  battles 
or  neutralize  dangers,  and  leading  his  soldiers  through 
strife  and  hardships  to  the  overthrow  of  a  great  em- 
pire. Glimpses  even  of  statesmanship  we  have  had  in 
his  creation  of  municipalities,  his  acts  of  king-making, 
and  his  regulations  for  the  army,  which  tend  in  no 
wise  to  diminish  our  admiration  for  the  man.  These 
last-mentioned  qualities  were  now  to  be  more  widely 
tested.  The  conquest  was  achieved.  From  sea  to 
sea  once  more  must  bow  all  nations  before  Tenochti- 
tlan,  only  there  was  a  stronger  than  Montezuma  on 
his  throne,  one  who  to  the  natives  of  New  Spain 
seemed  a  god,  a  descendant  of  the  sun  soon  to  consume 
their  very  identity.  And  now  while  military  rule 
still  prevailed,  it  was  necessary  to  pave  the  way  for  a 
peaceful  administration,  and  the  development  olf  those 

(130) 


GOVERNOR  CORTES. 


131 


resources  on  which  permanent  progress  and  prosperity 
could  alone  be  based.  Having  subdued  the  people, 
Cortes  bent  his  mind  to  reconciling  them  to  the  new 
order  of  affairs.  He  would  win  Ceres  to  his  cause, 
and  conquer  also  the  soil  with  a  new  vegetation,  mul- 
tiply the  wealth  of  a  prolific  region,  and  with  this 
alluring  bond  combine  two  races  and  different  products 
into  one  harmonious  whole.  It  was  to  be  his  grander 
and  more  enduring  conquest,  this  healing  of  wounds 
after  a  merciless  war,  this  adjustment  of  differences. 
Cruelty,  intolerance,  and  avarice  were  still  rampant, 
but  they  were  now  to  be  softened  to  some  extent, 
neutralized  by  blessings  which  in  many  respects  con- 
doned for  the  bitter  wrongs  of  unjust  invasion. 

The  salient  features  of  the  administrative  policy  of 
Cortes  are  given  in  the  famous  ordinances  of  March 
20,  1524.  We  may  therein  recognize  the  training 
received  by  the  framer  as  student  and  lawyer,  in  his 
native  country,  and  later  as  notary  and  alcalde;  at 
first  appearing  as  mere  hillocks  in  his  plain  of  life ;  as 
points  whereby  to  measure  its  progress ;  later,  evolv- 
ing into  stepping-stones  to  greatness,  adding  their 
quota  to  the  wisdom  and  foresight  which  now  mark  the 
adjustment  of  means  to  ends.  Protection  being  still 
the  main  consideration,  the  ordinances  begin  by  re- 
quiring all  settlers  possessed  of  a  repartimiento  of 
less  than  five  hundred  Indians  to  provide  themselves, 
within  six  months  from  date,  with  a  lance,  a  sword, 
and  a  dagger,  a  target,  a  helmet,  and  either  native  or 
Spanish  defensive  armor,  all  in  good  condition;  also 
two  pikes  and  the  necessary  ammunition.  Holders  of 
repartimientos  with  from  five  hundred  to  one  thousand 
Indians  must  within  a  twelvemonth  possess  in  addi- 
tion a  horse  fully  equipped.  Still  larger  holders  must 
add  three  lances,  six  pikes,  four  cross-bows  or  fire-locks, 
and  the  necessary  ammunition.  This  was  by  no  means 
a  small  requirement  when  prices  are  considered.^  The 

^For  prices,  see  Gomara,  Hist.  1/ecc.,  243;  Prohanza  de  Lejalde,  in  Icaz- 
halceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  121. 


132       ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 


settlers  must  hold  themselves  in  readiness  for  any 
summons,  and  in  order  to  supervise  the  observation 
of  the  ordinances,  the  municipal  authorities  must 
hold  reviews  at  certain  intervals,  exacting  penalties 
for  non-compliance.^  As  a  mark  of  honor  the  emperor 
accorded  soon  after  to  the  first  settlers  and  conquer- 
ors of  New  Spain  the  privilege  of  carrying  certain 
weapons  wherever  they  went.^ 

The  next  feature  of  the  ordinance  illustrates  the 
training  of  Cortes  as  a  planter  on  the  Islands.  A 
great  change  had  come  over  him  since  he  first  set 
foot  there,  and  received  the  offers  made  him  with  the 
contemptuous  reply,  came  to  get  gold,  not  to  till 
the  soil  like  a  peasant."  Necessity  and  common  sense 
came  to  his  enlightenment,  and  within  a  few  years 
we  find  him  a  flourishing  stock-raiser  and  farmer.  The 
lessons  thus  learned  were  to  be  applied  to  the  benefit 
of  a  great  country,  and  since  so  many  among  his  com- 
panions had  had  a  similar  experience,  they  were  ready 
to  lend  their  cooperation.  He  required  all  holders  of 
repartimientos  to  plant  for  every  hundred  Indians, 
yearly,  one  thousand  vine-shoots  or  other  useful  plants 
of  the  best  kind  in  the  best  location  and  at  the  fittest 
time,  until  for  every  hundred  of  such  Indians  there 
should  be  five  thousand  plants  well  placed.  The 
planting  of  Spanish  products  was  especially  enjoined. 
Cortes  himself  set  an  example. 

Soon  after  the  fall  of  Mexico  there  came  to  him 
from  one  of  the  ports  some  rice,  and  in  it  by  chance 
three  grains  of  wheat,  one  of  which  was  planted  and 

2  The  penalties  were  fines  for  the  first  two  omissions,  and  loss  of  reparti- 
mientos for  the  third,  or  loss  of  office  for  failure  to  hold  inspection.  Town- 
criers  were  to  proclaim  the  date  for  review  eight  to  ten  days  in  advance. 
In  later  times  only  one  annual  inspection  was  held,  on  St  John's  day,  fi-om 
which  may  be  due  the  custom  of  dressing  hoys  as  soldiers  on  that  anniversary, 
and  distributing  military  toys.  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  178. 

^  Even  in  Spain,  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  iv.  Previous  to  this  the 
municipality  of  Mexico  found  it  necessary  for  public  peace  to  restrict  the 
weapon  ordinance  within  the  city.  In  May  1525  the  weapons  were  thus 
re<Iuced  to  a  dagger  and  a  sword,  a  horseman  having  also  a  lance,  carried  by 
a  page.  In  February  1527  the  lance  was  restricted  to  the  alcalde  and  offi- 
cers of  justice.  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  May  23,  1525,  February  15,  1527. 


AGRICULTURE. 


133 


yielded  well,  forming  the  first  wheat  crop  of  New 
Spain/ 

Cortes  had  early  endeavored  to  interest  the  sov- 
ereign in  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  country,  and 
even  requested  that  all  vessels  for  New  Spain  should 
be  made  to  bring  a  number  of  seeds  and  plants  where- 
with to  enrich  the  native  varieties.  This  was,  to  a 
certain  extent,  complied  with,^  though  the  selfish  en- 
mity or  short-sightedness  of  officials  at  first  cast  many 
obstacles  in  the  way.  The  rulers  at  Santo  Domingo 
were  persuaded  at  one  time  that  unless  restrictions 
were  placed  on  the  export  of  live-stock  and  products 
to  New  Spain  the  Islands  would  suffer  irreparably, 
both  from  the  drain  and  from  the  gradual  transfer  of 
productions  to  that  country,  which  must  thereby  also 
absorb  the  trade,  A  prohibition  was  accordingly 
issued  against  exporting  anything  from  the  Islands 
that  might  be  used  for  reproduction.  The  colonists 
poured  in  their  complaints  to  Spain,  and  soon  came  a 
decree  practically  annulling  the  prohibition.^  The 
fears  of  the  Antilles  were  not  unfounded,  for  their 
position  as  an  entrepot  was  soon  lost,  and  this  proved 
another  reason  for  the  increased  emigration  of  its 
people.^  Meanwhile  New  Spain  profited  by  this  loss, 
and  Cortes  was  among  the  foremost  to  enrich  his  dif- 

*This  is  the  account  of  Tapia,  Belacion,  in  Tcazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  593, 
who  adds  that  wheat  was  soon  produced  in  great  abundance,  and  the  very 
best  quality  was  sold  in  1539  at  one  real  the  fanega.  Although  Cort6s 
received  wheat  from  other  parts,  it  was  damaged  by  the  sea-voyage,  and  the 
actual  introduction  of  this  cereal  was  thus  accidental.  Gonzalez  Davila, 
Teatro  Bcles.,  i.  8,  says  that  the  first  grain  of  wheat  that  sprung  up  was  sown 
by  a  servant  of  Cortes,  and  produced  400  fold.  *  Juan  Garrido,  criado  de 
Hernando  Cortes  sembrd  en  un  huerto  tres  granos  de  trigo;  perdiose  el  uno, 
y  los  dos  dieron  mas  de  quatrocientos  granos' de  lo  q  es  de  regadio  se 
coge  en  mayor  abundancia;  porque  un  grano  produce  docientos  y  mas. ' 

^By  royal  order  of  June  1523,  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  of  Seville  was 
directed  to  promote  the  emigration  of  artisans  and  farm  laborers,  and  ordered 
to  send  Cortes,  in  convenient  seasons,  quantities  of  plants,  trees,  and  seeds. 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  iii. 

^Decree  of  November  24,  1525.  Mex.  Extractos  de  Cedulas,  MS.,  9,  10. 
Oviedo,  iii.  471-3,  waxes  indignant  with  Cortes  for  his  sharp  expostulations, 
as  ungrateful  to  a  country  which  had  fostered  both  him  and  his  colony. 

^  Dovalle,  Inform. ,  in  Padieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  ii.  375-438,  passim. 
Abuses  of  New  Spain  settlers  against  the  Islanders  are  also  complained  of. 
Id.,  xiv.  43. 


134       ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 


ferent  plantations  with  live-stock  and  plants,  notably 
in  the  newly  acquired  valley  of  Oajaca.^  He  also 
introduced  novelties  in  the  form  of  machinery,  such 
as  water-wheels,  whereby  the  labors  of  grinding  and 
other  tiresome  and  slow  operations  were  lightened  for 
the  women.  The  establishment  of  the  first  mill  at 
Mexico  was  celebrated  with  great  rejoicings.^  The 
natives  took  readily  to  the  novelties,  both  in  products 
and  implements,  though  some  of  the  nobles  sneered  at 
anj^thing  that  tended  to  raise  the  lower  classes  from 
abject  toil  and  limited  indulgence. 

Cortes  did  much  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the 
masses,  and  to  temper  vices  among  the  richer  part  of 
the  community.  Hours  for  labor  were  prescribed  to 
check  abuse,  and  observation  of  the  sabbath  was  en- 
joined. Trade  and  labor  were  forbidden  during  the 
hours  of  divine  service,  and  attendance  at  mass  was 
made  compulsory  on  Sundays  and  certain  holidays. 
Efforts  were  made  to  suppress  the  mania  for  gambling, 
which  was  increasing  with  accumulating  w^ealth,  and 
with  the  life  of  comparative  indolence  following  as  a 
reaction  upon  the  tragic  incidents  of  the  conquest. 
Cortes  was  himself  passionately  fond  of  the  vice,  and 
though  recognizing  its  evil,  he  winked  at  disregard  of 

^  He  refers  to  Matlaltzineo  as  his  stock-raising  place;  round  Coyuhuacan 
were  several  farms,  and  at  Rinconada  de  Izcalpan,  sugar  plantations.  3Ie- 
mortal,  in  Id.,  xii.  279.  His  plantations  grew  more  numerous  in  time,  and 
mulberry-trees  were  planted  at  Yauhtepec,  Tetecla,  and  other  places;  at 
Matalango  were  cattle  stations,  at  Tlaltizapan  horses  were  bred,  and  sugar- 
mills  rose  at  Quauhnahuac  and  Coyuhuacan. 

^  '  En  esta  ocasion  fue  quando  dixo  un  Indio  anciano,  burlando  de  la  inuen- 
cio:  Que  hazia  holgazanes  a  los  hombres,  y  muy  iguales;  pues  no  se  sabia 
quien  era  Senor,  6  criado.  Y  anadia:  que  los  ignorantes  nacieron  para 
seruir,  y  los  sabios  para  mandar,  y  holgar.'  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  8. 
The  first  time  mills  are  mentioned  in  the  Lihro  de  Cabildo  is  on  Feb.  4,  1525, 
when  to  Rodrigo  de  Paz,  as  representant  of  Cortes,  land  was  granted  to  erect 
mills  on  the  rivers  of  Tacubaya,  Tacuba,  and  Cuyoacan.  The  next  land  grant 
made  to  the  same  effect  was  to  Diego  Ramirez  on  Dec.  15,  1525,  when  he  was 
allowed  to  build  a  mill  near  Chapultepec.  Afterward  the  number  increased, 
judging  from  the  different  grants  of  land  made  later  for  the  same  purpose. 
Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  Feb.  7,  1525,  Dec.  15,  1525. 

'  Entren  en  ella  antes  que  se  comienze  el  Evangelio,  y  est6n  en  ella  hasta 
quel  Padre  diga  He  Misa  est  y  heche  la  bendicion;  so  pena  de  medio  peso  de 
oro. '  The  settlers  must  be  present  in  their  towns  at  least  during  Christmas, 
Easter,  and  Pentecost;  a  deputy  will  answer  for  other  times.  Ordenanza,  iu 
Facheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Jjoc,  xxvi.  179-83. 


SOCIAL  RESTRICTIONS, 


135 


the  numerous  laws  enacted  against  it."  But  as  ruler 
it  behooved  him  to  enforce  them  in  some  respects  at 
least,  though  his  efforts  availed  little,  to  judge  from 
the  many  stringent  decrees  by  local  and  supreme 
authorities  which  followed  during  subsequent  years. 
The  tenor  of  some  indicates  that  non-observance  was 
almost  expected.  A  check  was  laid  also  upon  more 
innocent  pastimes  common  among  artisans,  lest  too 
great  indulgence  should  lead  to  neglect  of  work. 
During  working  hours  this  class  was  not  allowed  to 
play  at  skittles  and  similar  games. At  other  times 
entertainments  were  encouraged,  processions  were  held, 
bull-fighting  was  introduced,^^  and  the  authorities  of 
Mexico  city  even  favored  the  establishment  of  a 
dancing-school. 

Among  the  vices  attending  the  increase  of  wealth 
and  inaction  was  extravagance,  particularly  in  dress, 
and  this  it  was  thought  best  to  restrict  by  forbidding 
the  use  of  brocade,  silk,  or  velvet  for  clothes,  or  taf- 

It  was  among  the  charges  flung  at  Cortds  that  he  not  only  enjoyed  games 
himself,  but  stooped  to  share  in  the  illicit  profits  of  those  who  dealt  in  them 
unfairly;  that  he  would  punish  gambling  everywhere  but  in  his  own  house; 
where  tables  were  always  ready,  with  servants  in  attendance  to  furnish  cards 
and  collect  fees  for  their  use.  Several  deposed  to  this  effect,  but  chiefly  of 
those  who  had  been  mulcted  heavily  for  violations  of  the  gambling  law. 
CoHes,  Residencia,  i.  51,  and  passim. 

Yet  the  language  could  not  be  more  positive,  nor  the  penalties  more 
severe.  They  were  renewed  with  every  change  of  officials.  A  cedula  of  April 
6,  1528,  had  forbidden  all  play  at  dice,  and  permitted  only  cards  and  other 
games  with  stakes  to  the  amount  of  10  pesos  de  oro,  once  within  24  hours. 
Ponce  de  Leon  failed  to  execute  royal  orders  in  this  respect,  and  they  were 
repeated  to  the  audiencia  on  July  12,  1530.  Puga,  Cedulario,  23-4,  42-3. 
Both  having  failed,  a  later  cedula  reprimands  the  audiencia  and  enjoins  com- 
pliance to  the  letter.  Id.^  70-1.  Yet  by  order  of  November  5,  1529,  that 
body  is  directed  to  withdraw  all  actions  for  gambling  offences  which  had  been 
commenced  prior  to  its  institution,  but  to  be  vigilant  against  new  offenders. 
An  order  of  March  1530  especially  directs  it  to  stop  all  proceedings  against 
Cortes;  these  proceedings  had  been  followed  by  an  excessive  attachment 
against  his  property  in  the  sum  of  120,000  pesos  de  oro.  There  is  some  color- 
ing for  the  charge  that  gaming  was  tolerated  in  the  executive  mansion,  since 
a  resolution  of  the  cabildo  on  January  27,  1525,  specifically  forbids  gaming  in 
the  atarazanas  and  in  the  palace,  and  directs  the  levying  of  prescribed  fines 
in  case  of  violation.  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  Feb.  1,  1525. 
^Ud.,  June  21,  1527. 

Panes  argues  for  1529,  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  69,  but  fights 
were  held  already  in  June  1526,  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  6,  and  perhaps  earlier. 

'  Por  ser  enoblecimiento  de  la  Ciudad. '  A  license  of  40  pesos  was  paid. 
Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  October  30,  1526. 


136       ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 


feta  for  saddles,  sword-belts,  and  shoes;  or  embroi- 
dery or  piecious  metals  in  apparel — to  all  save  those 
whose  possessions  and  rank  gave  them  some  claim  to 
indulgence,  yet  even  in  their  case  the  amount  and 
nature  of  the  adornments  were  prescribed.  These 
regulations  were  enforced  by  a  royal  cedula  of  1528, 
on  the  ground  that  extravagance  led  to  extortion  from 
the  already  impoverished  natives. 

Domestic  morality  was  promoted  by  requiring 
every  married  settler  whose  wife  was  not  in  New 
Spain  to  bring  her  to  the  country  within  eighteen 
months  from  date,  under  penalty  of  forfeiting  his 
estates.  Unmarried  encomenderos  were  enjoined  to 
obtain  a  wife  within  the  same  period. These  meas- 
ures, prompted  by  the  desire  to  have  well-regulated 
and  orderly  settlements,  found  little  favor  with  some 
of  the  conquerors,  whose  aim  was  simply  to  drain  their 
several  possessions  and  depart  for  homes  they  had 
left  with  regret,  and  to  which  they  would  hasten  with 
delight.  But  the  few  must  suffer  for  the  general 
good,  and  Cortes  was  prepared  to  shoulder  his  part 
of  the  burden.  Before  the  issue  of  this  regulation 
he  had  made  strong  efforts  to  carry  out  its  features 
by  means  of  persuasion,  and  by  placing  funds  at  the 
disposal  of  any  one  who  was  unable  although  willing 
to  comply  with  the  requirements.-^^  Thus  he  hoped 
to  bind  the  conquerors  to  the  country  and  assure  its 
development. 

Puga,  Cedulario,  23,  42;  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  ii.,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vi. 
cap.  iv.  Cortes  demanded  in  1529  a  reenforcement  of  the  laws,  which  was 
done  with  effect,  to  judge  from  Salmeron's  letter  of  March  1531.  'There  are 
now  but  few  if  any  to  make  silk  garments,  or  to  buy  those  already  made;  the 
resources  of  the  people  have  become  small.  The  members  of  the  audiencia 
wear  only  cloth  so  as  to  promote  the  dress  reform.'  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cdrdeiias,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  202-3.  Cortes  also  set  an  example  by  replacing  his 
adorned  velvet  cap  with  one  of  plain  cloth. 

'  Porque  conviene  ansi  para  salud  de  sus  conciencias . . .  como  para  la 
poblacion  e  noblecimiento  destas  partes.'  Ordenanzcbs,  in  Id.,  xxvi.  146-7. 

Application  to  Friar  Juan  de  Tecto  or  Alonso  de  Estrada,  the  treasurer, 
would  insure  all  necessary  assistance  to  bring  out  wives  or  unmarried  daugh- 
ters, on  giving  bonds.  Oomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  236.  These  curiously  ordained 
marriages  proved  fortunate  in  many  cases,  and  had  for  issue  some  of  the  illus- 
trious of  the  land.  The  commander,  Lionel  de  Cervantes,  who  came  with  seven 
unmarried  daughters  had  each  of  them  well  married.    His  daughter  Beatrice, 


CATALINA  m  MEXICO. 


137 


In  accordance  with  this  spirit,  he  sent^^  for  his  own 
wife,  Catahna  Suarez,  to  whom  he  had  been  united 
under  such  pecuHar  circumstances.^^  Sandoval  hap- 
pened to  be  on  the  coast  when  she  arrived,  and  under- 
took to  escort  her  to  the  capital.  Cortes  met  them 
near  Tezcuco  with  a  brilliant  retinue,  and  tendered  all 
the  honor  which  the  wife  of  the  governor  of  so  vast 
and  rich  a  country  could  be  expected  to  receive.  At 
Mexico  she  was  greeted  with  processions,  ringing  of 
bells,  and  salvos,  and  at  night  the  queen  city  shone 
ablaze  with  illumination,  multiplied  in  the  mirrored 
surface  of  the  dark  waters.  Amid  all  this  joyous 
demonstration  Cortes  is  said  to  have  borne  a  heavy 
heart,  covered  by  a  mask  of  cheerfulness.  This  is  not 
unlikely,  for  the  rather  humble  origin  of  his  wife,  the 
not  wholly  spotless  fame  of  her  family,  and  the  half 
compulsory  marriage,  all  must  have  tended  to  diminish 
the  devotion  of  the  husband,  and  caused  him  to  re- 
gard her  as  a  bar  to  the  ambitious  dreams  nursed  by 
his  ever-increasing  fame  and  power.  This  view  was 
quite  general,  prompted  partly  by  her  unheralded 
arrival,  which  made  it  appear  as  if  she  had  come  un- 
bidden, in  quest  of  a  truant  lord.^^  Nothing  in  his  con- 
duct, however,  gave  color  to  the  rumor.  He  showed 
loyal  attention  to  her  every  wish  and  comfort,  and 
exacted  all  the  deference  from  others  that  should  be 
accorded  to  the  ruler's  consort.  She  reigned  indeed 
a  queen,  a  position  to  which  the  wildest  dreams  of 
Catalina  or  her  match-making  mother  had  never  at- 

united  to  Francisco  de  Velasco,  became  noted  for  her  interest  in  the  Francis- 
cans, and  contributed  largely  to  the  building  of  their  convent  church  and 
hospital.  Memoria,  in  Prov.  Sto  Evang.,  MS.,  228-31.  In  Puga,  Cedulario, 
179-80,  205-6,  are  decrees  dated  as  late  as  1559,  ordering  observance  of  the 
regulation. 

Modern  writers  consider  that  he  should  have  directed  his  efiforts  more 
toward  a  union  of  the  two  races,  and  thus  more  speedily  have  won  over  the 
natives,  as  instanced  by  the  influence  acquired  by  himself  through  Marina, 
and  by  others  in  a  similar  way.  But  it  was  not  so  easy  for  the  aspiring  Cas- 
tilian  thus  to  reconcile  himself  to  a  perpetuation  of  an  honored  name  by  mere 
half-breeds. 

20  See  Hist.  Mex. ,  48-52. 

2^  So  Bernal  Diaz  intimates.  *  Y  quando  Cortes  lo  supo  dixeron  que  le 
aula  pesado  mucho  de  su  venida.'  Hist.  Verdad.,  IGG. 


138       ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 


tained.  But  this  was  not  to  last.  In  October  1522, 
less  than  three  months  after  her  arrival,  she  assisted 
at  a  banquet  in  her  usual  health,  and  on  the  morrow 
she  was  numbered  among  the  dead.^^ 

Lucky  Cortes;  men  and  women  lived  or  died  ac- 
cording to  his  heart's  desire !  Her  return  to  Cortes 
after  years  of  separation,  while  he  was  enjoying  the 
felicities  of  another  liaison,  her  sudden  death,  the 
convenience  of  the  event  in  view  of  ambitious  dreams 
attributed  to  him  by  certain  persons,  added  to  the 
interest  pertaining  to  the  conqueror  at  this  time — all 
this  made  the  decease  a  subject  of  general  interest, 
and  the  ever-ready  tongue  of  scandal  found  willing 
ears  for  the  charge  that  she  had  been  criminally  re- 
moved. Nothing  was  openly  said,  hoAvever,  for  Cortes 
was  too  powerful  and  too  widely  feared;  but  in  letters 
to  Spain  suspicions  were  intimated,  and  when,  in 
1529^  his  enemies  held  an  audiencia,  unawed  by  his 
presence,  the  mother  and  brother  joined  the  oppo- 
nents to  arraign  him  as  a  murderer,  who,  like  Othello, 
had  suffocated  her.  The  testimony,  however,  rested 
on  imaginings,  for  death  had  removed  the  only  relia- 
ble evidence,  and  no  decision  could  be  arrived  at  even 
by  his  enemies.  The  attorney  of  Cortes  attributed 
the  charge  to  an  effort  to  extort  money,  and  he  him- 
self suffered  the  affair  to  pass  by  in  contemptuous 
silence.  The  second  audiencia  did  not  resume  the 
investigation,  and  no  notice  was  ever  taken  of  the 
accusation  by  friends  and  patrons  of  Cortes. This 

22 'Fiestas  de  todos  Santos.'  Aaisacion,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xxvi.  347. 

2^  The  trial  was  held  at  Mexico  in  February  and  March  1529,  the  crimi- 
nating circumstances  alleged  being,  the  mystery  and  suddenness  of  the  death; 
strangulation  marks  round  the  neck;  the  order  to  the  brother  not  to  leave 
his  house;  the  enveloping  of  the  head  of  the  deceased  in  a  veil,  and  opposition 
to  any  scrutiny  of  the  body;  the  refusal  to  impart  any  information  about  the 
death  to  the  alcalde  mayor  and  others;  the  desire  of  Cortes  to  be  rid  of  his 
wife  in  order  to  marry  a  lady  of  rank,  a  niece  of  the  bishop  of  Burgos.  Sev- 
eral of  these  points  were  affirmed  by  biassed  witnesses,  but  not  in  any  very 
credible  manner;  while  the  wife  of  Alonso  de  ilvila,  and  others  who  had  seen 
the  corpse,  denied  the  knowledge  of  criminating  signs.  No  sentence  was 
jjassed,  and  the  affair  was  allowed  to  lapse  into  oblivion,  the  mother  making 
no  allusion  to  it  during  a  later  suit  for  her  daughter's  share  in  the  property 


APPOINTING  OFFICERS. 


139 


virtually  acquitted  him,  though  scandal-mongers  con- 
tinued to  hint  that  Cortes  was  not  above  accomplish- 
ing the  death  he  so  desired. 

In  his  ordinances  Cortes  further  provided  for  the 
appointment  of  local  authorities,  to  consist  at  first  of 
two  alcaldes,  four  regidores,  a  procurador,  and  a 
notary,  with  a  person  appointed  to  collect  the  reve- 
nue. The  municipality  must  meet  once  or  twice  a 
week  in  the  town-hall,  or  its  temporary  substitute,  to 
discuss  the  affairs  of  the  town.  The  alguacil  mayor 
had  a  vote  in  this  council,  which  could  not  be  held 
without  the  presence  of  the  lieutenant  or  deputy 
governor.  The  municipal  officers  were  all  appointed 
annually  by  Cortes,  who  selected  those  recommended 
to  his  friendship  or  interest.  This  absolutism  caused 
many  complaints  from  disappointed  office-seekers,  and 
resulted  in  a  royal  decree  which  placed  with  the  peo- 
ple the  nomination  of  three  candidates  for  each  office 
of  regidor,  the  governor  jointly  with  two  royal  offi- 
cials appointing  one  of  them.  The  regidores  were 
besides  increased  to  six,  and  some  were  appointed  by 
the  king  in  perpetuity.^*    Cortes  objected  to  this 

acquired  during  matrimony.  The  judges  were  the  hostile  Guzman  and  his  two 
fellow-members  of  the  first  audiencia.  Francisco  Munoz  Maldonado  repre- 
sented Cortes.  For  account  of  the  trial,  see  Acusacion,  in  Id.,  xxvi.  298  et 
seq,;  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  161,  ii.  358,  370,  372,  etc.;  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  30, 
etc.  '  Murio  de  asma, '  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  166;  but  the  death 
was  too  sudden  for  that.  Peralta,  a  descendant  of  Suarez,  attributes  the 
charge  to  malice,  and  maintains  that  she  died  a  natural  death,  in  a  manner 
similar  to  that  of  her  two  sisters.  '  Y  no  tuvo  culpa  el  marques,  y  did  satis - 
fa^ion  dello  con  el  sentimiento  que  hizo,  porque  la  queria  muy  en  estremo. ' 
He  erroneously  styles  Catalina  'Marquesa.'  JVot.  Hist.,  133-4.  It  is  added 
that  two  sisters  of  Catalina  lived  many  years  in  Mexico.  One  was  married 
to  a  prominent  man,  Andi-es  de  Barrios,  and  her  three  daughters  became  by 
marriage  related  to  some  of  the  oldest  and  noblest  houses  of  Castile.  Of  a 
third  sister,  who  died  unmarried,  nothing  is  said. 

'^^Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col  Doc,  xxiii.  364,  xxvi.  184,  etc.;  3fex.,  Ex- 
tractos  de  Cedulas,  MS.,  2,  3;  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  89  et  seq.,  ii.  172  et  seq. 
The  jurisdiction  of  the  municipality  had  at  first  been  limited  to  3,000  mara- 
vedis,  but  the  sovereign  extended  the  limit  to  100  pesos  de  oro,  and  author- 
ized the  governor  and  his  lieutenant,  or  jueces  de  residencia,  to  decide  in  cases 
not  exceeding  1,000  pesos  de  oro.  From  these  authorities  the  appeals  went 
to  the  audiencia  and  the  India  council.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  i.  iii. 
The  small  limit  was  placed  by  decree  of  December  24,  1523,  hence  the  exten- 
sion belongs  to  a  later  date,  say  1525  or  1526.  Mex.,  Extractos  de  Cedulas^ 
MS.,  4,  5.    See  also  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  297,  330,  this  series. 


140       ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORT^IS. 


abrogation  of  authority  as  tending  to  overshadow  the 
royal  prerogative  deposited  with  the  executive ;  but 
the  opposition  did  not  long  endure.^^  He  as  well 
his  companions  made  strenuous  efforts  to  exclude 
lawyers,  as  tending  to  create  confusion,  suits,  and 
embroilment  generally. But  their  services  were 
soon  found  necessary,  and  gradually  the  door  opened 
wider  and  wider  for  their  admission,  one  condition 
being  that  advocates  must  promise  under  oath  not  to 
aid  a  client  unless  he  had  justice  on  his  side.^^ 

The  promotion  of  trade  and  traffic  formed  another 
feature  of  his  measures,  and  foremost  stood  the  consid- 
eration of  a  suitable  port.  Villa  Rica  Harbor  was 
incommodious,  inconveniently  situated,  and  unsafe, 
particularly  in  being  exposed  to  north  gales.  The  port 
at  Pdnuco  was  too  remote,  and  that  at  Goazacoalco 
proved  less  suitable  than  had  been  expected.  Search 
was  accordingly  continued,  and  resulted  in  the  selec- 
tion of  a  site  on  Rio  de  Canoas,  afterward  known  as 
La  Antigua.^^  The  mouth  formed  a  broad  bay,  shel- 
tered partly  by  the  shore,  partly  by  the  sand  reefs 
which  formed  a  lagoon  in  front  of  it,  and  wherein 
vessels  would  safely  discharge  goods  into  lighters  for 
transportation  to  the  town  which  lay  about  a  league 
up  the  river.    To  this  spot  was  transferred  the  Villa 

25  Cartas,  333-4. 

^^Oviedo  terms  them  a  pest,  and  Pizarro  y  Orellana  commends  Cortes 
highly  for  excluding  Moors,  Jews,  and  lawyers,  calling  him  *  estotro  Sabio  de 
Grecia.'  Varones  Ilvstres,  103-7. 

'  Jurasen  que  si  sus  partes  no  tenian  justicia,  no  les  acudirian,  ni  pedirian 
terminos  a  fin  de  dilatar.'  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iii.  cap.  ix.  Under  the 
rule  of  Salazar,  in  1525,  the  existing  restrictions  against  lawyers  were  disre- 
garded, and  Alonso  Perez  was  made  the  jurisconsult  of  the  cabildo,  with  a 
salary  of  160  pesos  de  oro.  Aguilar,  in  August  1526,  enforced  the  restrictions, 
with  fines  and  loss  of  patent  for  first  and  second  contravention,  and  confisca- 
tion and  exile  in  the  third  instance.  Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  August  4,  1525, 
August  18,  1526,  May  17,  1527.  By  request  of  the  city  the  prohibitory 
law  was  revoked  by  cedula  of  August  2,  1527.  Mex.,  Extractos  de  Cedillas^ 
MS.,  6. 

So  named  from  the  situation  there  of  old  Vera  Cruz.  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
lay  about  three  leagues  to  the  south.  Few  old  geographers  pay  attention  to 
the  change  of  site  undergone  by  the  city,  placing  it  close  to  Isla  de  Sacrificios 
and  generally  to  the  south  of  it.  In  Munich  Atlas,  x.  1571,  however,  we  find 
Jlo  de  sds  Joao;  llaueracrus;  uilla  riqua;  Hood,  1592,  writes,  R.  de  Medeli7i, 
S.  Son  delua,  Laueracruz;  Sen  Jual;  Villa  Rica,  Carto(j.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  i, 
530. 


COMMERCE  AND  TOWN-BUILDING. 


141 


Rica  of  Port  Bernal,  with  its  officials  and  settlers, 
and  henceforth  the  name  of  Vera  Cruz  became  the 
common  designation  of  the  town.^^  Cortes  wrote 
glowingly  of  its  prospects,  as  only  second  in  rank  to 
the  capital,  and  he  proposed  a  Casa  de  Contratacion 
to  promote  its  trade,  the  roads  connecting  it  with 
Mexico  being  improved  for  traffic.  But  it  found  little 
favor  with  the  settlers,  who  complained  so  loudly  of 
its  noxious  airs,  that  those  not  possessing  reparti- 
mientos  near  it  were  permitted  to  reside  at  Puebla.^^ 
An  additional  cause  for  the  slow  growth  of  Vera 
Cruz  was  the  removal  of  Medellin  from  the  interior 
to  near  the  mouth  of  the  Jamapa,  four  leagues  south 
of  modern  Vera  Cruz,  where  its  proximity  could  not 
fail  to  exercise  a  retarding  rivalry.  Indeed,  the  former 
town  was  frequently  called  Medellin. 

Nevertheless  Vera  Cruz  remained  the  entrep6t  for 
trade,  and  thence  after  payment  of  duty  the  goods 
were  carried  to  Mexico,  to  be  announced  for  sale  by 
public  crier.  To  prevent  monopoly,  no  person  was 
allowed  during  the  first  ten  days  after  the  arrival  of 
cargoes  to  buy  more  goods  than  were  required  for  per- 
sonal or  domestic  use.^^    The  sales  took  place  at  the 

2^  See  Alhornoz,  Carta,  in  Icazhalcetxi,  Col.  Doc,  i.  495;  Allegre,  Hist.  Com%. 
Jesus,  i.  149;  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  viii.;  and  Cortes,  Cartas,  312-13, 
all  speaking  of  the  site  and  removal. 

30  <  Porque  es  sepultura  de  espanoles  y  no  se  crian  ninos  en  ella.'  It  was 
proposed  to  move  the  town  to  a  healthier  site  a  league  and  a  half  below  the 
mouth,  but  property  holders  objected.  Lettre,  in  Ternaux-Campans,  Voy., 
ser.  ii.  tom.  v.  213.  In  1531  most  of  the  houses  were  still  of  straw,  and  fires 
were  frequent,  one  in  that  year  causing  the  loss  of  15,000  ducats.  Salmeron, 
Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  198.  By  law  of  July  12, 
1530,  the  royal  officials  must  alternate  in  residing  there,  one  at  a  time.  Aided 
by  the  local  authorities  they  must  make  the  valuation  of  goods.  Fonseca, 
Hist.  Hacienda,  v.  10.  Several  orders  for  the  selection  of  sites,  the  construc- 
tion of  defences,  and  other  measures  for  towns,  are  given  in  Pacheco  and  Car- 
denas, Col.  Doc,  xxiii.  362-5;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iii.  30. 

2^  Cortes  leaves  the  impression  that  Medellin  was  moved  to  Vera  Cruz, 
Cartas,  313;  but  the  statements  of  Albomoz  and  later  developments  show  the 
contrary.  Jamapa  appears  to  have  been  called  also  Rio  Chalchiuhcuecan. 
Oviedo,  iii.  427.  Hood,  1592,  writes  on  his  map  H.  de  Medelin;  Ogilby,  1671, 
has  R.  Medelin. 

32  Yrve  days  was  the  limit  for  provisions,  and  10  for  other  effects,  after 
which  traders  could  buy  freely.  Libra  de  Cahildo,  MS.,  November  4,  1524. 
An  early  regulation  had  prohibited  traders  from  buying  goods  till  30  days 
after  their  arrival  on  the  market. 


142       ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 


two  great  markets  of  the  city,  one  in  the  Spanish 
quarter,  the  other  in  the  native,  both  of  which  were 
subjected  to  stringent  regulations  concerning  methods 
of  dealing,  kind  and  quality  of  goods,  and  prices,  all 
planned  with  admirable  foresight.  The  manifold 
products  of  the  soil  and  sea,  of  the  manufacturer  and 
artist,  were  displayed  in  the  same  profusion  as  during 
Montezuma's  rule,  though  varied  with  novelties  of 
Spanish  origin.  Even  the  production  of  these,  how- 
ever, was  fast  falling  into  the  hands  of  native  tillers 
and  artisans,  who  with  a  keen  faculty  for  imitation 
watched  the  operations  of  Spaniards,  and  readily  sup- 
planted them  with  their  cheaper  labor.^^ 

Several  of  the  royal  cedulas  which  prompted  or 
modified  the  preceding  ordinances  were  brought  dur- 
ing 1524  by  the  new  revenue  officials  aDDointed  by 

For  all  goods  a  schedule  of  market  prices  was  established.  The  method 
in  the  important  matter  of  meat  was  novel.  The  rate  was  determined  by 
public  competition.  Breeders  and  drovers  had  from  New-Year's  day  to 
Ash-Wednesday  within  which  to  make  tenders,  and  at  the  end  of  that  time 
the  lowest  responsible  bidder  was  assigned  the  contract.  Owners  of  cattle 
were  allowed  three  months  within  which  to  slaughter  and  dispose  of  their 
meats;  during  the  rest  of  the  year  the  city  was  supplied  by  the  meat  con- 
tractor exclusively  at  the  stipulated  rate  and  under  vigilant  scrutiny  as  to 
weight  and  quality.  The  slaughtering  of  cattle  within  the  city  limits  was 
strictly  forbidden;  the  disgusting  scenes  of  shamble  life  that  long  disgraced 
England  and  other  portions  of  the  Old  World  were  unknown.  Public  slaugh- 
ter-houses, under  surveillance  of  an  inspector,  were  established  on  the  out- 
skirts, anticipating  the  abattoir  of  France.  Particular  directions  were  given 
for  the  breeding  of  all  kinds  of  live-stock;  protection  and  amenability  were 
secured  by  having  all  cattle  duly  branded  and  the  distinctive  marks  of  own- 
ership properly  registered  with  the  city  notary.  Fish-mongers  were  the  most 
important  tradesmen.  The  sale  of  fish,  vegetables,  and  perishable  provis- 
ions was  made  the  subject  of  many  and  particular  sanitary  laws  regulating 
time,  place,  price,  and  quality.  Cleanliness  was  made  to  be  regarded  as  a 
cardinal  virtue.  Bread  could  be  offered  for  sale  only  in  the  markets.  Ill- 
baked  bread  was  subject  to  seizure  and  the  vendor  to  "fine.  The  weight  of  the 
loaves  was  fixed  and  the  scale  of  prices  arranged  from  time  to  time  by  the 
Jiel.  The  duties  of  the  fiel  were  those  of  a  market  superintendent.  He  was 
to  inspect  the  condition  of  all  victuals  exposed  for  sale,  and  to  try  weights 
and  gauge  measures  used  in  sales.  Jointly  with  a  regidor  he  was  to  deter- 
mine prices  of  goods  before  they  were  offered  for  sale.  Scales  and  weights  had 
to  be  examined  every  four  months.  An  assayer  was  appointed  to  test  the 
alloy  of  gold,  particularly  the  uncoined  bullion  used  in  lieu  of  money.  Lihro 
de  CaUldo,  MS.,  July  29,  1524,  January  13,  May  16,  1525.  Prices  of  labor 
were  also  regulated  to  some  extent,  /(/.,  December  23,  1527,  and  the  charges 
at  inns.  See  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  170-7,  etc.,  and  CorUSy 
Escritos  Sueltos,  29  et  seq.,  in  both  of  which  all  these  admirable  ordinances 
are  given,  as  issued  in  1524  and  following  years. 


ARRIVAL  OF  NEW  OFFICIALS. 


143 


the  crown,  Alonso  de  Estrada,  who  came  as  treasurer, 
Gonzalo  de  Salazar,  as  factor,  Rodrigo  de  Albornoz, 
contador,  and  Pedro  Ahnindez  Chirinos,  veedor.  All 
had  acquired  a  certain  knowledge  of  their  duties  in 
various  minor  departments  of  public  offices  in  Spain, 
although  they  owed  their  appointment  chiefly  to  the 
favor  of  the  all-powerful  Cobos,  secretary  to  the  em- 
peror. This  was  especially  the  case  with  Salazar  and 
Chirinos,  the  latter  more  generally  alluded  to  as 
Peralmindez,  a  contraction  of  his  first  two  names.^* 
Both  developed  a  talent  for  intrigue  and  unscrupu- 
lousness  that  procured  for  them  an  unenviable  record 
in  New  Spain.  Albornoz  had  held  a  position  as  sec- 
retary near  the  king,  and  possessed  excellent  observa- 
tion, but  lacked  strength  of  character.  Estrada  was 
the  more  estimable  of  the  four.  He  had  been  regidor 
of  Ciudad  Real,  and  one  of  the  royal  body-guard. 
With  a  claim  of  being  the  offspring  of  the  Catholic 
king  was  united  love  of  ostentation,  which  wholly 
failed  to  excite  admiration  in  the  minds  of  the  some- 
what plain  and  practical  colonists,  yet  his  swelling- 
carriage  was  not  inharmonious  with  the  position  he 
later  acquired. 

The  development  of  the  country  demanded  this 
increase  of  officials,  and,  since  Treasurer  Alderete  had 
died  shortly  before,  their  arrival  proved  opportune. 
Cortes  vied  with  the  rest  in  according  them  a  demon- 
strative welcome,  and  in  propitiating  with  presents 
and  repartimientos  men  fresh  from  the  imperial  pres- 
ence, and  representing  in  a  great  measure  the  supreme 
authority,  with  perhaps  secret  instructions  to  examine 
and  report  on  the  condition  and  management  of  the 
country,  as  indeed  they  had.^^  Their  public  instruc- 
tions were  sufficiently  explicit  for  them  to  claim  a 

Oveido,  iii.  467,  gives  his  birthplace  as  Ubeda,  and  that  of  Albornoz  as 
Madrigal.  Gomara,  Hist.  Max.,  242.  Bernal  Diaz  differs,  and  writes  Ubeda 
or  Baeza,  and  Paladinas  or  la  Gama,  respectively.    Hist.  Verdad.,  188. 

2^  This  is  shown  by  the  reports  which  began  to  pour  in  from  them. 
Salazar  on  a  later  occasion  even  vaunted  that  he  had  been  empowered  to 
arrest  and  sentence  Cortes,  should  indications  of  disloyalty  appear.  Of  this 
more  will  be  said  in  a  later  page. 


144       ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 


considerable  share  of  power,  involving  tlie  right  of 
interfering  with  many  of  the  gubernatorial  measures, 
particularly  those  connected  with  treasures,  tributes, 
and  revenue  generally. The  first  step  toward  assert- 
ing their  power  was  to  demand  the  reimbursement  of 
certain  funds  appropriated  by  him  from  the  treasury 
and  expended  on  necessary  expenditures  against  rebels ; 
and  further,  to  refuse  allowing  his  claims  for  other 
larger  sums  disbursed  in  promoting  the  welfare  of  the 
country. These  differences  were  adjusted  in  a  spirit 
of  great  moderation  on  both  sides,  for  Cortes  was 
restrained  by  fear  of  the  possibly  hidden  power  of  the 
officials,  and  they  by  hopes  of  gifts  and  grants  that 
might  flow  from  a  man  so  influential  as  the  captain- 
general,  and  reputed  to  be  immensely  rich.  The 
time  for  pranks  over  royal  prerogatives  had  passed; 
what  the  conqueror  desired  most  of  all  now  was  to 
have  high  position  confirmed  to  him,  so  that  he  and 
his  heirs  might  therein  rest  secure.  Therefore  no 
rupture  took  place  at  this  time  between  him  and  the 
king's  officials,  and  when  he  left  for  Honduras  in  the 
autumn  all  were  in  apparent  accord.  In  secret  re- 
ports, however,  the  jealousy  and  enmity  ever  present 
in  high  places  appeared,  and  this  coming  to  his  ears,  he 
wrote  to  the  king  in  his  defence.  With  Estrada,  who 
figured  at  Mexico  in  the  early  spring  of  1524,^^  his 
intercourse  was  exceedingly  cordial. 

This  policy  of  placing  one  official  to  watch  another 
was  quite  in  accord  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and 
seemed  to  rulers  necessary  for  the  control  of  officials 
far  removed  from  the  heavy  machinery  of  home  gov- 
ernment.   In  the  eyes  of  Spanish  grandees  Cortds 

2^  They  brought  special  orders  to  collect  the  almojarifazgo  tax  of  7^  per 
cent  on  imports.  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hacienda,  v.  7,  8. 

*  Pues  auia  hecho  las  armadas  para  sus  malos  fines. '  Herrera,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  V.  cap.  xiv. ;  Zumdrraga,  Carta,  in  Ramirez,  Doc,  MS.,  273-4.  Albor- 
noz  estimated  the  sum  due  by  Cortes  at  72,000  castellanos.  Carta,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  72-3.  Cortes  admits  60,000  and  odd  castellanos. 
CaHas,  365. 

^^See  allusion  to  him  in  March.  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  37.  Salazar 
arrived  in  the  autumn.  Cortes,  Cartas,  318, 


MEAGRE  REWARDS. 


145 


was  but  an  upstart  adventurer  with  a  somewhat 
soiled  record,  whose  later  questionable  achievements 
mu:.^t  be  regarded  with  due  caution.  Then  there 
were  ever  at  hand  those  who  made  it  their  business 
to  defame  that  merit  in  others  which  they  themselves 
lacked.  It  was  his  misfortune  to  be  one  of  a  doubt- 
ful horde;  and  the  crown  was  at  a  loss  whether  to 
treat  him  as  such,  or  as  his  services  deserved.  Its 
intentions  in  the  main  were  good,  but  it  lacked  the 
power  of  omnipotence  to  enforce  them. 

For  those  of  lesser  pretensions  the  Spanish  author- 
ities entertained  benevolent  regard,  being  desirous 
of  rewarding  those  who  had  served  well;  therefore 
orders  were  given  to  assist  disabled  soldiers  with  pen- 
sions, while  others  were  directed  to  send  in  an  account 
of  their  claims  and  services,  so  that  they  might  be 
compensated.^^  Meanwhile  their  repartimientos  were 
confirmed  to  them,  and  exemption  was  granted  for 
several  years  from  a  number  of  taxes,  with  reductions 
in  others.*^  The  crown  was  further  pleased  to  assure 
the  colonists  that  New  Spain  should  never  be  alien- 
ated from  Castile. 

The  most  powerful  impulse  to  settlement  in  Span- 
ish America  was  undoubtedly  the  systems  of  repar- 

Ordenanza,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  147-8.  The  re- 
partition of  spoils  so  far  made  among  them  was  not  yet  confirmed,  however, 
owing  to  the  doubts  cast  upon  it.  Mex.,  Extractos  de  C6dulas,  MS.,  1. 

*°  During  the  first  two  years  they  were  to  pay  the  crown  but  one  tenth  of 
the  gold  obtained  by  mining;  the  next  year  one  ninth,  and  so  forth  till  the 
regulation  fifth  was  reached.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  iii.;  lib.  viii. 
cap.  xiv.  This  was  revoked,  and  in  1526  the  municipality  of  Mexico  peti- 
tioned for  a  fresh  exemption  in  order  to  encourage  mining.  Libro  de  Cahildo, 
MS.,  Kovember  10,  1526.  For  six  years  exemption  was  granted  from  all 
taxes  on  victuals  and  provisions  produced  in  New  Spain,  and  all  persons  im- 
porting provisions  and  goods  for  their  own  account  were  exempted  from 
almojarifazgo,  or  other  royal  duties.  For  eight  years  the  settlers  were  free 
of  alcabala  and  other  taxes  on  internal  trade.  In  1530  the  almojarifazgo 
exemption  was  extended  for  five  years  to  immigrants  from  Spain.  Mex.,  Ex- 
tractor de  CMulas,  MS.,  11.  Traders  paid  7|  per  cent,  a  figure  which  varied 
greatly  in  course  of  time.  Fines  and  similar  dues  were  given  to  the  towns 
for  ten  years  to  assist  them  in  constructing  roads.  Eonseca,  Hist.  Hacienda, 
iii.  458.  A  revocation  of  this  gift  was  protested  against.  Libro  de  Cahildo. 
MS.,  August  31,  1526. 

"  Reaflarmed  in  c^dala  of  March  12j  1524.  /d,  4. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  10 


146       OEDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 


timientos  and  encomlendas/^  so  equivocally  begun  bj 
Columbus,  and  authorized  by  the  sovereign  as  an  en- 
couragement to  enterprising  and  meritorious  conquer- 
ors and  colonists,  and  as  the  means  of  securing  the 
pacification  and  conversion  of  the  natives,  together 
with  a  fair  amount  of  tribute  for  the  crown.  The 
system  as  concocted  by  the  government,  and  as  per- 
verted and  abused  by  the  subject,  has  been  fully  con- 
sidered in  a  previous  volume. The  chief  blame  for 
the  constant  evading  of  the  many  measures  dictated 
with  charitable  intentions  by  the  home  authorities, 
must  rest  with  the  officials  sent  out  to  watch  over  the 
observance  of  the  measures.  When  those  highest 
in  power  set  the  example  of  disobedience,  poor  advent- 
urers could  scarcely  be  expected  to  imperil  their 
interests  by  seeking  to  stem  the  current  of  general 
corruption.  It  had  been  repeatedly  ordered  that  no 
wars  should  be  waged  against  the  natives  until  every 
effort  for  gentle  conquest  had  been  employed.  Priests 
must  accompany  expeditions  to  watch  over  the  fulfil- 
ment of  this  righteous  decree,  to  enlighten  the  natives 
as  to  the  consequences  of  obstinacy,  to  propose  favor- 
able terms  for  traffic,  and  to  protect  them  from  unfair 
and  cruel  treatment.^*  But  whether  they  resisted  or 
submitted,  the  result  was  much  the  same,  as  we  have 
too  often  seen.  In  the  former  case  they  were  killed 
or  enslaved  at  once,  in  the  latter  the  chains  of  serf- 
dom were  slowly  and  tenderly  wrapped  round  them. 
In  the  Antilles,  to  replenish  their  fast  thinning  ranks, 
regular  slave-hunting  expeditions  had  been  organized, 

Leon  defines  the  relative  meaning  of  these  words,  as  understood  by  the 
colonists.  Repartimiento  implies  the  first  distribution  of  natives  among  the 
conquerors ;  encomienda,  the  second  grant  or  redistribution  thereof,  on  death 
or  removal  of  first  holder.  In  New  Spain  the  former  term  was  retained  to 
designate  the  weekly  repartition  of  natives  to  work  in  field  or  mines.  Ti-at. 
Encomiendas,  4,  5.  The  book  is  an  important  compilation  of  laws  relating  to 
encomiendas,  made  by  a  relator  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  Madrid,  1630. 

Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  262-6,  this  series. 

These  dijfferent  laws  addressed  partly  to  Cort6s  with  renowod  injunc- 
tions, partly  to  governors  in  the  Indies  generally,  may  be  consulted  in  Recop. 
de  Indias,  i.  5G4-70  et  seq. ;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iii.  21-31;  I'actieco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxiii,  353-62;  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  i.  117-18;  Montemayor, 
Sumarioa,  i.  et  seq. ;  and  in  preceding  volumes  of  this  series. 


REPARTIMIENTOS  AND  ENCOMIENDAS. 


147 


and  to  one  of  these  was  due  the  discovery  of  New- 
Spain,  as  already  related. 

The  conquest  accomplished,  the  soldiers  demanded 
their  repartimientos,  the  main  and  almost  sole  reward 
for  their  long  toil,  now  that  the  expected  treasures 
had  dwindled  to  insignificance.  Cortes  claims  that 
the  superior  intelligence  of  the  natives  in  New  Spain 
created  a  doubt  in  his  mind  whether  they  could  be 
successfully  parcelled  out  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Islanders.  He  thought  at  one  time  that  the  royal 
taxes  might  be  applied  toward  the  demands  of  the 
army,  but  recognized  that  the  crown  would  expect  an 
increase  of  revenue  rather  than  a  diminution.  The 
clamor  on  all  sides,  from  royal  official  to  soldier, 
must  be  satisfied,  and  so  he  yielded.  In  addition  to 
this  pretext  to  cover  the  action  of  controlling  men,  it 
was  argued  that  the  distribution  of  the  natives  was 
the  only  means  to  protect  them  against  indiscriminate 
pillage  and  maltreatment,  and  to  reclaim  them  from 
abominable  pagan  vices.*^  Without  real  authority  for 
such  measures,  Cortes  could  only  make  them  provi- 
sional, but  in  a  letter  to  the  sovereign  he  explained  the 
justice  and  necessity  for  confirming  the  grants.  At 
a  later  date  he  even  recommended  the  general  parti- 
tion of  the  towns  of  New  Spain  among  the  colonists.*^ 
The  court,  however,  had  just  been  startled  into  activity 
by  the  outcry  of  friars  and  judges  over  the  cruel 
extermination  of  the  Islanders,  and  by  order  of  June 
26,  1523,  repartimientos  were  forbidden,  those  already 
made  being  revoked.*'^  But  the  step  had  not  been 
duly  considered,  and  Cortes  with  the  approval  of  the 
royal  officials  took  it  upon  himself  to  keep  the  cedula 
secret.    He  frankly  explained  this  course  to  the  sov- 

Cortes,  Cartas,  271;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  329.  Zumdrraga  declares  the 
royal  treasurer  Alderete  to  have  been  the  chief  instigator  for  a  distribution. 
Carta,  in  Ramirez,  Doc,  MS.,  272-3.  Motolinia  praises  Cortds'  conduct  with 
regard  to  the  natives.  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  253-77. 

*^ '  Vuestra  Magestad  deve  repartir  estos  pueblos  por  los  espauoles. .  .y  que 
los  tienen  por  cosa  propia.*  Memorial,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
xii.  280. 

"6rden,  in  M,  xxiii.  357-8. 


148        ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 


ereign  on  the  ground  that  its  enforcement  would  have 
deprived  the  settlers  of  means  of  subsistence,  given 
cause  for  revolt,  and  discouraged  immigration.  The 
royal  revenue  would  fail,  conversion  would  cease,  and 
the  country  itself  might  be  lost.*^  So  general  were 
the  remonstrances  that  with  the  advice  of  the  India 
Council  the  prohibition  was  withdrawn  and  servitude 
confirmed. 

Even  while  assured  in  the  possession  of  their  serfs, 
the  conquerors  had  still  grievances  enough  in  connec- 
tion with  the  terms,  and.  especially  the  amount  and 
nature  of  the  distribution.  Indeed,  with  so  many  claim- 
ants, it  was  impossible  to  satisfy  the  expectations  and 
caprices  of  all.  The  favored  few  were  naturally  de- 
clared by  the  dissatisfied  many  to  be  less  deserving  of 
reward  than  they.  Nor  were  these  accusations  al- 
together unjust,  for  besides  securing  to  himself  large 
and  choice  rewards,  Cortes  gave  freely  to  recently 
arrived  friends,  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  conquest, 
and  to  others  whom  policy  made  it  advisable  to  court. 
Leading  natives  were  also  propitiated  with  a  share. 
The  conditions  of  the  grant  required  the  holder  to 
pledge  himself  to  an  eight  years'  residence  in  the 
country  in  order  to  assure  the  interest  both  of  crown 
and  natives.  This  was  readily  evaded  by  obtaining 
deputies  and  leave  of  absence,  while  many  made  use 
of  their  grant  merely  to  exchange  or  sell  it,^^  Fur- 
ther, the  holder  must  build  a  house  at  the  place  of 

*^  *Mas  que  lo  que  hasta  aliora  se  sabe  del  mundo.'  Cartas,  T2S. 

*^  In  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  48,  61-2,  259-62,  etc. ,  the  complaints  aie  freely 
ventilated;  even  Zumdrraga  is  blunt  about  it,  while  Gomara  naturally  defends 
his  patron's  course  against  insatiable  malcontents.  Bernal  Diaz  considers  that 
the  country  should  have  been  divided  into  five  parts:  the  best  for  the  crown; 
the  next  for  the  church,  for  benevolent  purposes,  and  for  special  rewards,  the 
remainder  to  be  distributed  among  the  conquerors,  including  Cortes,  accorling 
to  their  standing.  Hist.  VerdatL,  187-8. 

Whole  villages  were  sold  for  a  paltry  500  to  1,000  pesos.  Peralta,  2^ot. 
Hist.,  128.  By  c6dula  of  March  20,  1532,  holders  were  obliged  to  obtain  royal 
permit  for  absence,  or  forfeit  their  grant;  and  by  anotl  cr  c6dula  of  the  16th 
exchanges  and  partnerships  were  declared  void.  Puga,  Cedulario,  10,  11,  79. 
The  marriage  regulation  could  not  well  be  enforced  among  these  loose  advent- 
urers, and  this  evoked  strong  representations  from  such  officials  as  Albornoz 
and  President  Fuculaal.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdi^denas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii. 
75-6,  226-7. 


DUTIES  TOWARD  THE  NATIVES. 


149 


residence,  yet  abstain  from  visiting  his  villages  with- 
out special  permit  from  the  lieutenant  of  the  district, 
partly  on  moral  grounds,  partly  to  prevent  abuses, 
which  might  also  react  to  imperil  the  life  of  the  vis- 
itor. In  pursuance  of  this  measure,  it  was  forbidden 
to  take  away  women,  and  boys  under  twelve  years,  to 
work  on  plantations. 

In  order  to  bring  forth  a  steady  revenue,  plantations 
were  to  be  established  near  the  villages  and  towns, 
and  cultivated  by  the  Indians  of  the  repartimiento. 
These  were  to  be  summoned  in  squads,  each  for  a 
period  not  exceeding  twenty  days,^^  their  departure 
and  return  being  noted  by  the  lieutenant  of  the  dis- 
trict. The  working  hours  were  from  sunrise  till  one 
hour  before  sunset,  with  an  hour  at  noon  for  rest. 
Dismissed  men  could  not  be  summoned  again  within 
thirty  days.  While  employed  they  must  be  given 
necessary  food,  and  every  year  merchandise  to  the 
munificent  amount  of  half  a  peso  de  oro.^^  In  return 
for  the  service  thus  obtained,  the  encomendero  must 
promote  the  conversion  and  civilization  of  his  people, 
first  by  placing  the  sons  of  the  caciques,  or  representa- 
tive men  in  his  district,  in  charge  of  friars  or  curates 
to  be  educated.  This  step  was  promoted  by  the  sov- 
ereign himself  in  offering  to  provide  for  the  education 
of  a  certain  number  in  Spain,  though  little  came  of 
it.^*    Second,  by  erecting  a  church  in  the  towns,  and 

Travellers  often  disappeared  as  Camargo  affirj^;!?,  Hist.  Tlax.,  181;  rj/id 
it  was  found  necessary  to  make  the  caciques  responsible  for  their  safety. 
Their  hospitalities  were  generally  free,  although  in  royal  orders  relating  to 
the  protection  of  native  women,  and  abuses,  even  native  governors  were  at 
last  enjoined  to  take  nothing  from  natives  without  payment.  MontemayoTy 
Svmarios,  163.    This  law  was  also  directed  against  vagrants. 

^2  The  later  rule  was  to  apportion  10  Indians  for  every  100  during  20 
weeks  of  the  year,  and  two  per  cent  for  the  remaining  weeks.  These  squads 
were  called  respectively  dobla  and  sencilla,  terms  corresponding  to  two  coins. 
Leon,  Trat.  Encomiendas,  5. 

^3  Laborers  would  hardly  need  more  than  a  loin-cloth  for  ordinary  days, 
and  but  little  for  gala  days,  so  that  the  amount  is  after  all  not  so  ridiculous. 

5*  The  offer  was  made  by  letter  of  November  9,  1526,  prompted  perhaps 
by  Albornoz'  suggestion  to  impress  leading  natives  with  the  grandeur  of  Spain. 
Several  children  died,  and  the  parents  objected  to  sending  them  so  far,  and 
thus  the  project  failed.  Puga,  Cedulario,  19,  21;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  482; 
Albornoz,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Hoc,  xiii.  72. 


150       ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  COE,T]&S. 


arranging  for  religious  instruction,  besides  destroying 
idols  and  repressing  pagan  rites.  The  labor  squads 
should  receive  special  training,  and  be  made  to  join 
every  morning  in  prayers  accompanied  by  an  admo- 
nition.^^ 

Encomienda  Indians  could  not  be  taken  to  work  in 
the  mines,  or  to  places  very  remote  fn  m  their  villages. 
For  such  purposes  slaves  were  employed,  consisting 
of  those  who  had  been  originally  so  held  by  the  natives, 
or  who  had  been  condemned  to  slavery  for  rebellion.^^ 
We  have  seen  how  large  were  the  numbers  captured 
and  branded  after  the  reduction  of  every  obstinate 
province  and  city;  quarrels  being  frequoutly  forced 
upon  the  natives  by  greedy  captains  in  order  to  obtain 
an  excuse  for  increasing  the  number  of  slaves.  Even 
this  was  not  enough,  however,  and  either  under  pre- 
tence of  purchase  or  intimidation  the  caciques  were 
made  to  surrender  the  slaves  held  by  them.  Fre- 
quently the  chiefs  did  not  possess  either  sufficient 
slaves  or  treasures  to  appease  the  demand  made,  and 
to  save  themselves  from  persecution  they  gave  into 
bondage  free  subjects.  Others  were  entrapped  into 
borrowing,  or  to  the  commission  of  petty  offences,  and 
held  as  slaves  in  expiation.  They  were  not  only 
branded,  but  treated  with  far  greater  severity  than 

Every  2,000  Indians  should  have  a  priest,  where  obtainable,  otherwise 
several  villages  must  be  grouped  under  one  minister.  Of  course,  the  regula- 
tion was  disregarded  like  most  others,  and  at  the  petition  of  friars  an  order 
was  issued  in  1536  to  enforce  it.  Puga,  Cedulario,  112.  The  regulations  as 
issued  by  Cortes  at  Mexico,  March  20,  1524,  are  to  be  found  in  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  135  et  seq.,  and  in  Cortds,  Escritos  Sueltos,  27  et 
seq.  The  form  of  certificate  issued  to  holders  may  be  studied  in  th^  follow- 
ing specimen:  '  By  these  presents  are  deposited  with  you,  Pedro  Martin 
Aguado,  a  vecino  of  the  villa  de  Sant  Est^ban  del  Puerto,  the  lord  and 
natives  of  the  towns  of  Tautoguene,  Granchimar,  and  Tantucci,  that  Francisco 
Ramirez  visited,  to  the  end  that  you  may  avail  yourself  of  their  services,  and 
they  may  help  you  in  your  estates  and  business,  agreeably  to  the  ordinances 
now  provided  or  hereafter  to  be  enacted  upon  the  subject,  with  the  obligation 
of  giving  them  instruction  upon  the  teachings  of  our  holy  Catholic  faith,  using 
therefor  all  possible  and  necessary  vigil«jice  and  solicitude.  Done  at  this  villa 
de  Santisteban  on  the  1st  of  May,  1523.  Heriiando  Cortes.  By  order  of  his 
Worship,  Alonso  de  Villanueva.'  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  vii.  308. 

Certain  villages,  originally  belonging  to  rebellious  provinces  probably, 
and  partly  to  mining  regions,  had  besides  to  "urnish  four  Indians  in  every 
hundred  for  mining.  Leon,  Trat.  Encomiendas,  5. 


ABUSES  OF  POWER. 


151 


under  their  ancient  laws/^  and  even  exported  to  the 
islands  to  perish  miserably  under  hardships  and  cli- 
matic ravages.  Motolinia  alludes  to  the  inhuman 
treatment  of  slaves  in  the  mines,  and  the  consequent 
mortality,  as  the  sixth  plague  of  Mexico,  and  he  joins 
in  the  representations  made  to  the  king  against  the 
abuse  of  Indians,  particularly  the  removal  from  their 
native  districts.  To  present  this  the  more  forcibly  it 
was  pointed  out  that  by  depriving  the  chiefs  of  too 
many  slaves  they  would  be  made  unable  to  pay  the 
required  tribute. 

The  main  representations  came  from  the  council  of 
friars  and  officials  held  at  Mexico  in  September  1526, 
in  accordance  with  the  instructions  brought  by  Ponce 
de  Leon,  and  among  the  remedies  proposed  were  the 
appointment  of  inspectors  to  watch  over  the  strict 
observance  of  the  laws  protecting  Indians,  and  the 
grant  of  encomiendas  in  perpetuity  to  meritorious 
men,  who  should  be  held  responsible  for  the  good 
treatment  of  their  vassals.  By  thus  assuring  the 
possession  of  the  grant,  the  holder  would  feel  an  in- 
terest to  preserve  the  health  and  lives  of  those  belong- 
ing to  him.^^  For  this  reason  also  the  tenure  of  towns 
and  lands  by  the  crown  was  not  advisable,  since  the 
population  either  neglected  to  produce  tributable 
effects,  or  were  despoiled  and  oppressed  by  different 

See  Native  Itaces,  ii.  217-22,  etc.,  on  condition,  classes,  and  treatment. 
Also  Las  Casas,  El  Indio  Esclavo,  25.  Yet  Cortes  writes  that  the  most 
effective  menace  toward  an  Indian  was  to  intimate  that  he  should  be  restored 
to  previous  servitude  under  native  masters.  *  Y  esto  temen  mas  que  otra 
ninguna  amenaza  ni  castigo. '  *  Esclavos  cognosci  yo  en  casa  de  deudos  mios 
herrados  en  la  cara  con  letras  que  decian  el  nombre  de  quien  los  habia  vendido. ' 
Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  520-1.  Motolinia^  speaks  of  the  brand  called 
'rescate  de  S.  M.,' which  came  with  the  royal  officials  in  1524,  it  seems. 
Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  CoL  Doc. ,  i.  274.  The  abuse  was  fostered  partly  by  the 
royal  permission  given  in  early  years  to  enslave  rebels,  and  to  buy  those 
already  enslaved,  as  Albornoz  points  out.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  xiii.  55-6;  Puga,  Cedulario,  16. 

It  was  urged  that  Indians  should  not  be  taken  beyond  a  distance  of  three 
to  four  leagues  from  their  homes;  enslaving  should  be  limited;  agriculturists 
might  be  introduced  and  given  a  number  of  natives  to  train  in  their  branch. 
Letters  and  Memorials,  in  Icazbalceta,  CoL  Doc,  ii.  155-7,  202-3;  545-51; 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas^  Col.  Doc,  xii.  124-5,  284-5;  xiii.  56-8,  65-7;  Moto- 
Umaf  Hist.  Ind.,  18. 


152 


ORDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORT^IS. 


officials.^^  The  result  was  a  series  of  decrees,  ordering 
that  illegally  enslaved  beings  should  be  released,  that 
enslavement  must  be  effected  only  before  royal  offi- 
cials, and  so  forth,  all  admirable  in  tone,  and  com- 
mended to  the  clergy  for  enforcement;  but  the  mere 
permission  to  enslave  rebellious  natives  opened  the 
door  to  many  and  great  abuses,  and  the  royal  officials 
were  ready  enough  to  lead  the  way.^°  As  for  tenure 
of  encomiendas,  they  were  confirmed  to  the  holder  for 
life,  subject  to  good  conduct,  and  though  reverting  to 
the  crown  upon  his  death,  they  were  generally  given 
to  his  descendants,  in  part  at  least.^^  Others  were  by 
special  decrees  conferred  in  perpetuity  on  certain 
prominent  families,  including  several  native  princely 
hcuses.^^  For  the  crown  were  set  aside  the  ports, 
the  leading  towns,  or  capitals  of  districts,  and  other 
select  tracts.®^ 

For  a  long  time  the  encomenderos  stood  between 
the  crown  and  the  natives  as  subordinate  tribute  col- 

Cortes  explains  to  the  sovereign  that  on  perceiving  this  deterioration  he 
gave  certain  towns  in  repartimientos,  to  the  immediate  increase  in  revenue, 
and  he  therefore  recommended  the  transfer  of  others.  Cartas,  331-2.  This  is 
confirmed  by  Zumdrraga's  report.  Ramirez,  Doc,  MS.,  273.  Tlascala  had  to 
remain  under  the  crown,  but  officials  watched  over  the  produce  yield.  Ixtlil- 
xocliitl  claims  that  Tezcuco  declined  under  its  condition  as  crown  property, 
while  low-born  collectors  abused  the  impoverished  lord  and  nobles.  Rel.,  391. 

Indians  were  intimidated  to  submit  to  what  was  called  just  enslavement, 
or  voluntary  service  in  mines,  and  thus  the  laws  of  1526  and  1528  were  nullified. 
Soon  after  enslavement  in  war  was  forbidden,  and  finally  slavery  was  abol- 
ished, only  to  rise  again  under  the  term  of  peonage.  For  c^dulas  see  Puga, 
Cedulario,  16,  17,  21;  Col.  Doc.  In4d.,  i.  111-19;  Becop.  de  Indias,  i.  passim; 
Zamora,  Bib,  Leg.  tilt.,  iii.  30  et  seq. ;  Torquemada,  iii.  254-5;  Quiroga,  in 
Facheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  425.  In  1537  Tlascala  decreed  the 
liberation  of  all  her  slaves,  an  example  commended  by  the  viceroy.  Id.,  ii.  202. 

^^This  inheritance  was  confirmed  by  c^dula  of  June  16,  1535,  Puga,  Cedu- 
lario, 108;  and  opened  the  way  for  new  abuses,  hasty  marriages  being  formed 
to  retain  the  grants,  as  Mendoza  complains.  Carta,  in  Florida,  Col.  Doc,  126. 

^2  Such  as  Pedro  de  Montezuma,  whose  heirs,  the  dukes  of  Atlixco,  enjoyed 
in  1699  an  immense  income  chiefly  from  encomiendas  bought  back  by  the  gov- 
ernment. See  Hist.  Ilex.,  i.  460,  this  series,  and  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hacienday 
i.  426.  Encomiendas  were  gradually  absorbed  by  the  crown,  either  by  re- 
version or  purchase,  and  the  natives  became  nominally  free,  a  condition  for 
which  they  grew  more  fitted  as  the  new  civilization,  with  its  arts  and  indus- 
tries, spread  among  them. 

Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  vi.  81.  With  this  order  Cortes  had  already 
complied,  though  he  failed  not  to  remonstrate  against  crown  tenure,  suggest- 
ing that  at  least  different  measures  from  those  prevailing  should  be  adopted 
for  administering  them. 


REVENUE. 


153 


lectors.  The  first  revenue  obtained  irom  "New  Spain 
had  been  the  fifth  of  presents,  of  extorted  treasures, 
and  of  slaves. Even  before  the  death  of  Montezuma, 
Cortes  had  compelled  the  captive  emperor  to  surrender 
his  tribute-rolls  for  the  guidance  of  Spanish  collectors, 
who  after  the  fall  of  Mexico  went  forth  again  to  com- 
plete their  task.  The  rolls  contained  the  names  of 
three  hundred  and  seventy  tributable  towns,  with  the 
amount  and  kind  of  taxes  to  be  paid,  usually  one  third 
of  everything  made  and  produced,  and  in  due  propor- 
tion where  service  was  exacted.  The  collection  took 
place  at  different  intervals  for  different  towns,  though 
generally  once  every  eighty  days.*^ 

The  Spanish  collectors  took  advantage  Cijf  this  to 
guide  them  in  their  search  for  treasures,  fabrics,  and 
other  valuable  effects,  one  following  another  in  quick 
succession  to  extort  all  that  could  be  obtained,  by 
menace,  assumed  patronage,  and  barefaced  robbery. 
Then  the  encomenderos  stepped  in  and  took  what 
they  could  from  what  was  left,  watching  in  their  re- 
spective tracts  over  the  steady  production  of  raw  and 
manufactured  material,  which  must  thenceforth  be 
the  main  reliance.^^  During  the  first  years  the  caciques 
aided  both  encomenderos  and  collectors,  in  receiving 
the  tribute  in  service  and  produce ;  but  the  pressure  to 
which  they  were  subjected  tended  to  impoverish  them, 
partly  because  their  vassals  grew  less  submissive,  and 
so  they  gradually  yielded  the  position  to  unscrupulous 
strangers.  So  great  was  the  extortion  practised  that 
Motolinia  calls  it  the  fifth  plague.^^   As  usual  cedulas 

^  The  regulations  for  exacting  the  fifth  have  been  treated  of  in  Hist.  Cent, 
Am.,  i.  this  series.  See  also  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  v.  272-82;  Eecop.  de 
Jndias,  ii.  480  et  seq. 

^  See  Native  Eaces,  ii.  231  et  seq.,  for  a  full  description  of  the  ancient 
Bystem  of  taxation.  In  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  are  a  number  of  reproduced 
rent-roll  paintings. 

Cort6s  points  out  that  the  exaction  of  produce  tribute  could  not  be  ef- 
fected with  advantage  save  through  encomenderos.  Cartas,  330-1. 

^  *Los  trataban  bestialmente,  y  los  estimaban  en  menos  que  d  bestias.* 
Hist.  Ind.,  i.  18.  Other  friars  also  raised  their  voice  in  representations  to  the 
court,  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc. ,  ii.  549,  as  did  Zurita  in  his  able  report,  wherein 
he  also  shows  how  native  rulers  were  abused  or  deposed  by  the  encomenderos 
when  greed  demanded  better  collectors.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii. 


154 


OEDINANCES  AND  STATESMANSHIP  OF  CORTES. 


appeared  to  repress  the  evil,  but  it  was  not  until  the 
development  and  reorganization  of  the  treasury  de- 
partment that  any  improvement  took  place,  with  such 
measures  as  the  abolishing  of  personal  service,  and 
the  assessing  of  tribute  solely  by  officials,  supervised 
by  inspectors  and  the  clergy.^^ 

33-5,  103-4.  Nor  did  the  disappointed  longers  for  a  share  in  the  plunder 
fail  to  join  in  the  cry,  accusing  Cortes  above  all  as  one  who  had  assumed  for 
himself  the  best  and  most  numerous  provinces,  with  some  200  rent-rolls,  and 
several  millions  in  treasure.  Cortes,  Besidencia,  i.  27-8,  68-9  et  seq.  The 
tribute  embezzled  by  him  from  Tezcuco  alone  was  estimated  at  60,000  castella- 
nos,  and  yet  the  crown  received  during  the  first  three  years  after  the  fall  of 
Mexico  only  about  150,000  in  fifths,  besides  some  costly  presents. 

^^For  the  different  branches  and  their  routine,  see  Recop.  de  Indicts,  ii. 
385  et  seq. ;  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hacienda,  v.  13,  etc.  Though  needing  means,  the 
crown  was  quite  moderate  in  its  demands,  which  'should  never  be  allowed  to 
exceed  those  of  the  pagan  rulers,  lest  the  change  to  Christian  ruling  compare 
unfavorably  with  previous  condition.'  In  Mendoza's  time,  accordingly,  the 
tax  was  reduced  to  the  small  sum  of  32  reales  de  plata  for  each  Indian,  or 
'ocho  tostones'  as  Fonseca  puts  it.  Id.,  i.  413-14.  In  1571  the  tribute  was 
fixed  at  72  reals  of  regular  money  and  one  fanega  of  maize  for  married  tax- 
payers; one  real  extra  for  widowers;  and  half  of  what  they  paid  for  unmarried 
of  both  sexes.  The  laws  in  the  liecopilaclon,  ii.  225  et  seq.,  ordain  that  sub- 
dued Indians  collected  in  towns  pay  only  half  their  original  tribute  for  the 
first  two  years;  if  unconverted,  the  doctrina  share  is  to  be  set  aside  for  provid- 
ing ministers  and  hospitals.  A  later  decree  of  1607  exempted  for  ten  years 
from  tax  and  service  those  who  voluntarily  submitted  to  sovereign  and  church. 
Those  not  residing  within  such  exempt  district,  or  subject  to  encomenderos, 
must  pay.  Tax  levy  begins  with  the  unmarried  man  after  the  eighteenth  year. 
Caciques  and  their  eldest  sons  are  exempt;  also  women  and  alcaldes.  No  tax 
must  be  collected  save  that  declared  by  the  official  assessor.  Only  two  to  three 
staple  articles  should  be  collected  in  one  town.  Laborers  should  not  be  taken 
away  from  their  towns  to  work  in  plantations.  The  encomendero  must  take 
away  tribute  from  the  towns  to  his  residence  at  his  own  cost,  and  levy  none 
in  case  the  crops  fail.  Personal  service  was  abolished  by  law  of  1549,  which 
had  to  be  reenforced  by  later  c6dulas,  ordering  produce  or  money  to  be  paid 
instead,  and  so  forth.  See  also  Zamora,  vi.  passim;  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hacienda^ 

i.  416,  etc.  Authorities,  of  greater  or  less  value,  consulted  in  addition  to 
those  cited  in  preceding  chapters:  Col,  Doc.  In6d.,  i.  99-100;  Puga,  CedulariOy 
7-71;  Squier's  MS.,  ii.  59-62;  Oviedo,  iii.  436,  465-77;  Ternaux-CompanSy 
Voy.,  ser.  ii.  torn.  v.  5,  6,  80-5,  212-41,  276-93;  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col. 
Doc,  ii.  224-5;  iv.  567-71;  v.  556-61;  vi.  170-82,  276-7,  294;  vii.  290-338; 
xii.  213-15,  277-97;  xiii.  53-82,  104-8,  132-72;  xiv.  43;  xxiii.  353-68;  xxvi. 
6-29,  135-84,  298-351;  Torquemada,  iii.  253-7;  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  pp. 
xlix.-liv.,  470-510;  ii.  4-24,545-53,  592-3;  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  295; 

ii.  91-113;  Cortds,  Escritos  Sueltos,  26-101,  169-74;  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS., 
passim;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  18-19;  Recop.  de  Indias,  tom.  ii.  39-45, 
268-9;  Cortds,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  370-99;  Ramirez,  Proceso,  6-25,  73-6,  179-84; 
Las  Casas,  Regio.  Ind.  Devastat.,  25  et  seq.;  Salazar  y  Olarte,  Conq.  ilfear., 
19-21;  Prescotfa  Mex.,  iii.  259-65,  327-8;  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  142-6,  171-91, 
255-6,  app.  105-43;  ii.  30,  63-78,  178-80,  309-17;  Mex.  Extractos  de  Cedidas, 
MS.,  2-6;  Ramirez,  Doc,  MS.,  272-4;  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyaya,  44-6;  Monu- 
mentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  58,  pt.  v.  5,  6;  Archivo,  Mex.  Doc,  i.  19,  passim, 
ii.  31  et  seq.;  Panes,  Extencion  V.  Cruz,  MS.,  i;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  16-17; 
Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  6;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  519-29;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa^ 
i.  41-57;  Pizarroy  Orellana,  Vorones  Ilvstres,  103-6,  122-3;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,, 


AUTHORITIES. 


155 


Teatro  EcJes.,  i.  10;  Duran,  Hist.  Ind.y  MS.,  ii.  520-1;  Portilla,  Esp.  en  Mex.^ 
50,  passim;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.,  574-93,  727-56, 
805-35;  Rivera, Mex.  en  184^,  17-26,  Ixtlilxochitl,  Relaciones,  in  Kingsborough's 
Mex.  Antiq.,  ix.  427^7;  Robertson's  Hist.  Am.,  ii,  133-41;  Monglave,  R4sum4y 
133-8;  Helps'  Cortes,  ii.  135-52;  Id.,  Span.  Conq.,  iii.  3-29;  Castillo,  Dice. 
Hist.,  290-1;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  7-29,  80-8;  Carriedo,  Estud.  Hist.,  122; 
Miller,  Reisen  in  Mex.,  iii.  178-9;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  112-41; 
Anquetil,  Univ.  Hist.,  ix.  505-8;  Camargo,  Hist,  Tlax.,  181;  Mex.  Mem. 
Agric,  1843,  10-11;  Aa,  Naaukeurige  Versameling,  215-53,  328-30,  396-418; 
Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  iv.  62-5,  88;  Fleury,  Hist.  Decouv.,  183-5;  Fossey, 
Mexique,  136-8;  Jalisco,  Mem.  Hist.,  38,  85-7;  Chaves,  Resp.,  MS.,  1-19; 
Laharpe,  Abrigi,  x.  74-6;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  82  et  seq.;  Abbot's  Mex. 
and  U.  S.,  27-8;  Id.,  Cortes,  281-303;  Tornel  y  Mendivil,  Aparicion,  ii.  183-95; 
Wappdus,  Mex.  und  C.  Am.,  59;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  84-6;  Chevaliery 
Mexique,  251-6;  Escosura,  Conjuracion,  i.  p.  xiii;  Zerecero,  Mem.  Rev.  Mex., 
448-9;  Russell's  Hist.  Am.,  i.  249-58;  Museo  Mex.,  ii.  268-71,  352-5;  Armin. 
Alte  Mex.,  339,  346-8;  Frost's  Pic.  Hist.  Mex.,  122-3;  Pap.  Var.,  cl.  pt. 
xxxiv.  8;  cliii.  pt.  viii.  25-9,  46-50;  Salmon's  Mod.  Hist.,  iii.  194-6;  S.  Am. 
and  Mexico,  i.  43-4;  Kewen,  Nic.  and  Walker,  MS.,  3,  4;  Montemayor,  Svma- 
rios,  191;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  v.  326-32;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex.,  iii.  178-80; 
Dubois,  Mexique,  85-7;  Martinez,  Hist.  Rev.  Mex.,  i.  13-17;  Peralta,  Not. 
Hist,  53-66,  128-34,  256,  315-40. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 
1522-1526. 

Religious  Feeling  among  the  Conqueroes— The  First  Ministers— Juan 
Diaz  and  Friar  Olmedo — Papal  Interest  Displayed — Francisco  db 
LOS  Angeles'  Proposed  Mission — Brother  Gante  and  his  Compan- 
ions— Father  Valencia — Franciscan  Rules  and  Privileges — The 
Twelve  Apostles — Indian  Astonishment — Cortes  at  the  Feet  of  the 
Friars — Politic  Self-abasement — First  Synod — Monastic  Disci- 
pline— Convents  and  Hospitals — Methods  of  Conversion — Choirs 
AND  Orchestras — Tricks  of  Trade — Friars  and  Disciples — Stub- 
bornness OF  Proselytes — Baptism  en  Masse  and  Bestowal  op 
Names — Legality  of  the  Rite — The  Marriage  Question — Nativb 
Catechists  and  Missionaries — Inconoclasts  and  Martyrs — Prog- 
ress OF  Conversion  and  its  Causes — Christian-like  Rites  among 
THE  Natives — Attractive  Features  of  the  Roman  Church — ^Fes- 
tivals— Character  of  the  Friars. 

While  political  and  financial  projects  formed  the 
absorbing  motive  with  the  ever  increasing  swarm 
of  adventurers  in  New  Spain,  as  elsewhere,  Cortds 
among  others  had  not  forgotten  the  sacred  motto 
under  which  he  had  set  forth,  and  to  which  he  attrib- 
uted his  success.  In  the  famous  regulations  issued 
at  Tlascala  before  undertaking  the  siege  of  Mexico  he 
had  sought  to  recognize  their  indebtedness  to  heaven 
by  proclaiming  the  primary  motive  of  the  campaigns 
to  be  spiritual  conquest,  without  which  the  temporal 
acquisitions  must  be  regarded  as  unjust.^  With  only 
one  friar,  however,  whose  services,  in  connection  with 
those  of  the  clergyman  Diaz,  were  almost  wholly  ab- 
sorbed by  the  soldiers,  little  or  no  progress  could  be 
made  toward  the  great  aim.    In  his  letters  to  Spain, 

^  See  full  text  thereof  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  -Doc,  i.  445-51. 

( 156  I 


RELIGIOUS  TEACHERS. 


157 


Cortes  clearly  pointed  out  this  deficiency,  and  asked 
for  more  workers  in  so  promising  a  field.  The  request 
Was  supported  by  Father  Olmedo,  and  also  by  others, 
who,  without  caring  for  the  salvation  of  souls,  had 
found  friars  an  eficctive  means  to  promote  the  subju- 
gation of  the  natives,  and  especially  to  maintan  con- 
trol, so  as  to  assure  possession  of  the  grants  and  serfs. 
The  presence  of  the  holy  men  proved  also  a  stimulus 
to  the  soldiers  during  the  hardships  of  a  march,  or 
the  dangers  of  a  battle,  only  too  clearly  recognized 
by  Cortes,  who,  for  that  matter,  was  sincere  in  the 
acts  of  devotion  with  which  he  began  and  ended  his 
undertakings.  So  were  his  companions,  with  more  or 
less  feeling,  since  it  would  have  been  heresy  to  neglect 
Christian  forms,  however  much  the  inward  nature 
disregarded  them.  With  the  prevailing  simplicity  and 
religious  zeal  most  men,  indeed,  felt  comforted  by 
these  rites,  which  to  them  constituted  a  great  conso- 
lation. 

The  king  was  aware  of  the  need  of  spiritual  guides 
for  soldier  as  well  as  native,  and  commended  the  sub- 
ject to  his  councils  and  to  the  pontiff;  but  the  little 
known  of  the  conquest  and  the  country  during  the 
first  years  infused  a  cautious  hesitation  on  the  part  of 
both  laity  and  churchmen,^  and  the  field  remained 
neglected.  During  the  siege  of  the  capital  five  reli- 
gious teachers  figured  among  the  thousand  fighters, 
with  their  two  hundred  thousand  auxiliaries,  Father 
Olmedo,  the  three  clergymen,  Juan  Diaz,  Juan  de 
Leon,  and  Juan  Ruis  de  Guevara,  the  last  two  of 
Narvaez'  expedition,  and  the  Franciscan  Pedro  Mel- 
garejo  de  Urrea,  who  had  come  to  sell  indulgences. 
To  this  number  might  be  added  the  interpreter  Agui- 

^  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  187.  The  Dominician  Remesal  charges  the  delay 
in  part  to  the  want  of  interest  taken  by  Fonseca  in  the  conquests  of  Cortes. 
Hint.  Chya'pa,  9,  and  his  hostility  must  have  had  its  effect.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  pleads  that  the  hesitation  of  theologians  and  jurists  to  declare  the 
validity  of  Spain's  *  right  to  these  countries — 'evidence  en  ITionneur  de  la 
religion  catholique  et  des  ministres  de  Charles  V. ' — was  the  retarding  cause 
for  not  sending  friars  to  protect  the  natives.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  576. 


158 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


lar,  who  had  studied  theology  and  assisted  at  service.' 
Only  two,  however,  stand  forward  as  teachers  and 
ministers,  Olmedo  and  Diaz,  the  latter  already  mem- 
ber of  the  previous  expedition  under  Grijalva,  during 
whose  voyage  he  performed  mass  and  baptized  a  native. 
Even  he  was  forstalled  by  the  priest  Alonso  Gonzalez, 
of  C6rdoba's  party,  to  whom  belongs  the  highly  prized 
honor  of  performing  the  first  Christian  rites  in  New 
Spain.* 

Juan  Diaz  labored  under  a  disadvantage  as  a 
churchman  through  his  pronounced  loyalty  to  Velaz- 
quez, which  caused  him  to  meddle  in  plots,  and 
brought  upon  him  the  disfavor  even  of  the  natives. 
He  became  the  first  parish  priest  in  Mexico,  but  re- 
signed to  follow  Alvarado  to  Guatemala  for  a  short 
time,  after  which  he  returned  to  Mexico,  only  to  be 
killed  in  a  tumult  at  Quecholac  a  few  years  later.^ 

^  Cabrera,  Escudo  de  Armas,  215,  omits  Urrea,  and  dignifies  Aguilar  as  dean, 
though  his  later  record  is  rather  of  a  worldly  character.  He  was  made  regidor 
of  Segura  in  1520,  in  reward  for  services  as  interpreter,  and  obtained  a  land 
grant  from  the  municipality  of  Mexico  on  November  28,  1525.  Lihro  de 
Cabildo,  MS.  In  1529  he  figured  as  a  witness  against  Cortes,  who  had  failed 
to  meet  his  expectations  of  reward.  CorUs,  Besidencia,  ii.  178-83.  Bemal 
Diaz,  who  supposes  him  dead  in  1524,  casts  a  slur  on  the  moral  character  of  this 
professed  anchorite  by  saying,  'muri6  tullido  de  bubas.'  Hist.  Verdad.,  244. 

*See  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  6,  9,  25.  Great  rivalry  existed  among  the  diflerent 
orders,  each  exaggerating  its  share  in  the  work  of  conversion.  The  Francis- 
cans and  Dominicans  exhibit  actual  hostility  in  their  relations,  and  the  former 
do  not  hesitate  in  their  writings  to  claim  the  primacy  as  first  comers,  to  which 
end  they  either  ignore  the  first  laborers  in  the  field,  or  argue  that  they  came 
without  authority,  and  must  consequently  be  regarded  at  most  as  spiritual 
guardians  of  the  soldiers  alone.  This  spirit  is  apparent  throughout  the  vol- 
umes of  Motolinia,  Mendieta,  Torquemada,  Vetancurt,  and  Gonzalez  Ddvila. 
Even  special  papers  have  been  written  to  defend  the  claim,  among  which  may 
be  mentioned  Vindicias  de  la  Verdad.  MS.,  1773,  by  Francisco  Antonio  de  la 
Kosa  Figueroa,  wherein  even  the  three  Flemish  friars  who  arrived  in  1523 
are  ignored  in  their  claim  to  primacy  among  Franciscans,  on  the  ground  that 
they  were  not  under  the  papal  bull  authorizing  the  great  twelve  who  came  in 
1524.  The  real  objection  was  probably  that  they  were  Flemings,  not  Span- 
iards. Olmedo,  of  the  order  of  Mercy,  was  undoubtedly  the  first  friar,  but 
the  organ  which  proclaimed  his  fame  did  not  command  many  hearers.  His 
best  champion  is  the  editor  of  Bemal  Diaz'  Historia  Verdadera,  who  does  not 
Bcruple,  like  his  rivals,  to  invent  and  interpolate  in  this  history  statements 
wherewith  to  extend  the  merits  of  his  order.  The  learned  Sigiienza  y  G6n- 
gora  devotes  much  attention  to  the  subject,  particularly  in  his  Anotaciones 
Criticas,  MS. ,  wherein  he  refutes  the  claims  of  the  Franciscans,  yet  fails  to 
exhibit  sufficient  facts  for  his  argument.  Grijalva,  Cr6n.,  1,  2. 

^Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  104r-5,  following  a  doubt  of  Vetancurt,  sup- 
poses with  several  others  that  he  left  New  Spain  forever  shortly  after  the 
fall  of  Mexico,  but  on  returning  from  Guatemala  he  appeared  on  October  27,^^ 


DEATH  OF  OLMEDO. 


159 


A  more  conspicuous  role  was  filled  by  Father  Olmedo, 
universally  respected  for  his  prudent  zeal  and  humil- 
ity, his  devotion  to  Cortds  and  the  soldiers,  and  his 
kind  interest  in  the  natives.  Not  only  this :  he  was 
in  a  remarkable  degree  for  the  age  free  from  that 
excessive  zeal  which  controlled  the  conquerors,  and 
stained  so  many  of  their  acts;  and  he  possessed  an 
admirable  clearness  of  mind  and  knowledge  of  the 
world,  which  made  him  the  trusted  adviser  and  agent 
of  his  leader,  and  saved  the  army  on  more  than  one 
occasion  from  dangerous  imprudence.  When  Cortes 
left  for  Honduras  in  1524  he  placed  him  in  charge 
of  the  religious  interests  with  which  he  was  con- 
cerned; but  the  good  friar  died  shortly  after,  deeply 
regretted  by  his  countrymen  and  the  natives.^ 

Some  time  before  this  friar  Melgarejo  came  from 
Spain,  to  grant  indulgences  for  blasphemies,  outrages, 
on  defenceless  natives,  and  similar  sins  and  crimes, 
and  set  out  on  his  return  in  1522  with  a  considerable 
sum,  which  was  captured  by  French  corsairs.^  His 
departure  did  not  affect  the  financial  interests  of  the 
church,  for  the  tithes  were  duly  collected,  amounting 
in  1523-4  to  five  thousand  five  hundred  and  fifty  pesos 
de  oro  for  Mexico  city  alone.^ 

1525,  before  the  municipality  of  Mexico  to  obtain  tlie  confirmation  of  a  land 
grant.  Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.  In  June  1529  he  testified  at  the  residencia  of 
Alvarado.  Ramirez,  Proceso,  124.  Soon  after  he  was  killed  during  a  tumult 
between  the  Popolucas  at  Quecholac,  together  with  three  or  four  soldiers, 
and  was  partly  eaten  by  the  natives,  of  whom  the  ringleaders  were  burned 
for  their  crime.  Testimony  oi  Indidins,  in  Concilios  Prov,  1555-65,  11-15.  The 
body  is  said  to  have  been  deposited  at  Tlascala.  Torquemada,  iii.  71-2;  Ca- 
brera, Escudo  de  Armas,  215.  In  the  hermitage  of  S.  Estevan,  adds  Vetan- 
curt,  who  doubts  the  statement  of  Gonzalez  Davila  that  he  was  buried  at 
Puebla.  Teatro,  ii.  146,  Puebla  was  not  founded  till  1531-2.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  treats  of  his  career  with  some  pains,  but  makes  several  radical 
blunders. 

^  He  was  buried  at  Tlatelulco,  in  Santiago  sanctuary.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad.,  211.  It  is  said  that  he  had  baptized  2,500  persons.  Granados, 
Tardes,  296,  sends  him  off  to  Spain,  and  Zamacois,  as  usual,  hazards  several 
doubtful  assertions. 

^  The  corsairs  captured  nearly  all  the  treasures  and  remittances  sent  on 
that  occasion.    See  p.  83,  this  volume. 

^They  were  farmed  out,  and  the  money  used  by  the  royal  treasurer  for 
building  churches,  buying  ornaments,  and  paying  priests.  Medellin  and 
Vera  Cruz  tithes  were  worth  at  least  1,000  pesosj  those  of  other  settlements 
are  not  given.  COrtes,  Cartas^  321. 


160 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


Nevertheless  a  bull  had  been  issued  by  Pope  Leo 
X.  as  early  as  April  25,  1521,  in  favor  of  two  Fran- 
ciscan applicants,  the  prominent  Francisco  de  los 
Angeles^  and  Juan  Clapion,  the  latter  a  Fleming  and 
former  confessor  to  the  emperor,  whereby  they  wer'* 
permitted  to  preach,  baptize,  confess,  administer  the 
sacraments,  decide  matrimonial  questions,  administei 
extreme  unction,  consecrate  churches,  excommunicate 
and  absolve  from  excommunication,  without  inter- 
ference from  any  secular  or  ecclesiastic  authority. 
While  suitable  companions  were  sought  for,  and  the 
necessary  means,  the  death  of  the  pope  took  place, 
followed  by  that  of  Clapion  and  other  obstacles, 
chief  among  them  the  election  of  Angeles  as  general 
of  his  order. 

The  election  of  the  cardinal-regent  Adrian  of  Spain 
to  the  papacy,  early  in  1522,  and  the  clearer  accounts 
from  New  Spain,  caused  more  energetic  measures 
to  be  taken  by  the  church,  and  on  May  13,  1522,^^ 
a  new  bull  was  issued,  authorizing  all  mendicant 
friars,  especially  the  minorites  designated  by  their 
superior,  to  freely  undertake  the  conversion  of  na- 
tives in  the  Indies.  Only  those  fitted  by  their  life 
and  knowledge  for  the  position  should  be  selected. 
The  prelates  of  the  orders  and  their  delegates  were 
invested  with  all  power  needed  for  the  conversion  of 
natives  and  the  maintenance  of  the  faith  in  the  Indies, 
including  the  exercise  of  such  episcopal  acts  as  did 
not  actually  require  the  prerogative  of  a  consecrated 
bishop,  in  places  where  no  such  prelate  existed,  or  in 
places  lying  at  a  greater  distance  from  the  bishop's 

•  *  Por  otro  nombre,  de  Quinones,  hermano  del  conde  de  Luna. '  Mendietat 
Hist.  Ecles.,  187. 

^"Remesal,  Bist.  Chyapa,  41,  seems  rather  nettled  at  these  vast  privileges 
to  a  rival  order,  and  assumes  with  an  *  of  course '  that  they  applied  also  to 
the  later  coming  Dominicans. 

In  1522,  at  Valladolid,  says  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  ii.  501-2,  who  writes 
the  name  Glapion.  Torquemada,  iii.  6,  7,  following  Mendieta,  attributes  too 
much  effect  on  the  project  to  the  demise  of  the  pope.  Yet  the  new  pope  may 
have  objected  to  the  privilege  assigned  so  exclusively  to  two  friars. 

^2  In  1523,  Mendieta.    He  afterward  became  cardinal.  Vetancvrt,  Chron. ,  I. 
So  reads  the  Latin  text,  yet  almost  every  author  says  either  9th  or  10th. 


THE  FLFMINGS. 


161 


abode  than  two  days'  journey.^*  All  privileges  granted 
to  friars  for  the  Indies  by  preceding  pontiffs  ^  ere 
confirmed. 

Ever  since  the  projected  transfer  of  C6rdoba's  dis- 
coveries to  the  admiral  of  Flanders/^  the  Flemings 
had  taken  a  certain  interest  in  the  new  region,  and 
with  the  authorization  issued  to  Franciscans  generally 
to  engage  in  conversion,  three  friars  of  that  nationality 
obtained  permission  to  begin  the  long  delayed  work.-^^ 
They  were  Juan  de  Tecto,  guardian  of  the  convent  at 
Ghent,  the  emperor's  confessor,  and  a  most  learned 
man,"  Juan  de  Aora,  and  Pedro  de  Gante,  laybrother, 
a  man  of  talent  and  exemplary  life,  who  acquired  great 
respect  and  influence,  the  latter  chiefly  through  his 
relationship  to  Charles  Y}^ 

Leaving  Spain  in  May,  they  reached  Villa  Rica 

^*  The  permission  gave  rise  to  numerous  quibbles,  and  by  bull  of  Feb.  15, 
1535,  at  the  request  of  the  Franciscan  commissary,  this  episcopal  power  was 
extended  to  any  place,  without  restriction  as  to  distance,  but  subject  to  the 
consent  of  the  bishop  in  the  diocese  concerned.  The  text  of  the  different 
bulls  is  given  fully,  or  in  substance,  in  Mendieta,  Hist.  Edes.,  188-96;  Prov. 
Sto  Evang.,  MS.,  pt.  iii.  83;  Torquemada,  iii.  6,  7;  Vazquez,  Chron.  de  Gvat.y 
18;  Garcia,  Hist.  Bethlem.,  ii.  13;  Beaumont^  Gr6n.  Mich.,  ii.  507. 
See  Hist.  Mex. ,  i. ,  this  series. 

Coming  solely  with  the  permit  of  their  provincials,  '  no  con  autoridad 
apost61ica. .  .ni  con  mandato  del  ministro  general,'  they  cannot  be  recognized 
as  the  first  Franciscans  in  New  Spain,  observes  Mendieta.  Hist.  Ecles.,  215. 

"For  14  years  professor  of  theology  at  Paris.  Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  i.  111. 
As  his  confessor,  the  emperor  at  first  hesitated  to  let  him  go ;  but  his  star 
called  him  to  perish  miserably  on  the  terrible  Honduras  expedition  in  1525, 
under  Cortes.  See  Gante  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  52;  also  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,i.  548, 
this  series.  Bemal  Diaz  includes  Juan  el  Flamenco  among  those  who  were 
drowned  in  the  vessel  sent  by  Cortes  to  Mexico  on  arriving  at  Honduras.  Hist. 
Verdad. ,  208.  This  may  refer  to  Aora,  who  accompanied  Tecto,  and  died  on 
the  same  journey,  as  Gante  affirms,  Lettre,  in  Teriiaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie  i. 
tom.  X.  199-200,  for  Torquemada,  iii.  424-5,  declares  that  Tecto  died  of  star- 
vation and  hardship  during  the  march  to  Honduras.  Mendieta  on  the  other 
hand  writes  that  Aora  died  while  catechising  at  Tezcuco,  soon  after  hi3 
arrival,  and  that  his  body  was  removed  to  the  Franciscan  convent  at  Mexico, 
after  its  completion.  Hist.  Ecles. ,  607.  If  so,  he  was  the  first  missionary  who  died 
in  New  Spain.   The  name  given  to  Tecto  is  the  Spanish  form  for  Jean  de  Toit. 

Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  251.  What  relationship  is  not  clear,  though 
Alegre  says,  'For  la  ilustre  sangre  de  los  reyes  de  Escocia,'  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus, 

i.  180;  and  Ixtlilochitl,  Hor.  Crueldades,  60,  guesses  at  cousin,  while  Pres- 
cott,  Mex.,  iii.  256,  and  Brasseur  boldly  assert,  his  'illegitimate  son;' 
'brother' would  have  been  a  better  guess,  since  Charles  was  born  in  1500,  and 
at  Ghent  (Gante).  His  proper  name  was  '  Pierre  de  Mura,  natif  de  la  villa 
d'Yguen,  dans  la  province  de  Budarde.'  Gand,  Lettre,  in  Ternaux-Compans, 
Voy.,  s6riei.  tom.  x.  199.  Hazart  writes  Petrus  de  Muro.  Kirchen-Geschichtey 

ii.  529;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  47. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  11 


162 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


August  SOtli/^  and  were  received  with  the  demon- 
strations suited  to  their  sacred  mission.  Tezcuco  was 
chosen  for  head-quarters,  none  of  them  as  yet  speak- 
ing Spanish  well  enough  to  secure  the  attention  of 
Spanish  congregations  at  the  capital.  Indeed,  the 
Flemings  do  not  appear  to  have  been  favorites  among 
the  soldiers,  and  Gante,  at  least,  took  little  pains  to 
court  them,  or  to  employ  their  idiom.  Their  charge 
was  the  natives,  whose  language  they  studied  and 
to  whose  wants  they  ministered,  while  rapidly  ex- 
tending the  sway  of  the  church,  and  raising  her  em- 
blem in  numerous  edifices,''^^  assisted,  according  to 
Mendieta,  by  two  other  Franciscans  from  the  An- 
tilles, who  died  soon  after  their  arrival.^^  Little  is 
known  of  their  labors,  however,  for  the  chroniclers 
confined  their  attention  almost  exclusively  to  those 
sent  out  by  the  Spanish  prelates. 

The  election  of  Francisco  de  los  Angeles  to  the 
generalship  of  the  Franciscans  enabled  him  to  prose- 
cute his  scheme  for  the  conversion  of  the  new-world 
natives  with  greater  directness,  and  with  the  approval 
of  the  king  and  council  he  selected  a  friar  to  accom- 
plish his  purpose  in  the  person  of  Martin  de  Valencia, 
provincial  since  1518  of  San  Gabriel,  wherein  he  had 
earned  a  pious  fame  by  founding  the  monastery  of 
Santa  Maria  del  Berrocal.  He  had  long  sought  in  vain 
for  missionary  glory,  and  now,  in  his  fiftieth  year,  with 
hope  fast  fading,  his  ambition  was  to  be  gratified. 

Gand,  loc.  cit.  They  had  been  nearly  a  year  in  Spain,  learning  the  lan- 
guage and  awaiting  license  no  doubt. 

Including  St  Joseph,  the  first  seminary  in  New  Spain.  Mendieta^  Hist. 
Edes. ,  407-8 ;  Ponce,  Bel.  de  las  Gosas,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined. ,  Ivii. ,  181 .  'Catequizado 
y  bautizado  por  su  mano  mas  de  un  millon  de  indios.^  Alegre,  ubi  sup. 

2^  'De  cuyos  nombres  no  tuve  noticia. .  .aunque  supe  que  se  enterraron  en 
Tezcuco.'  Hist.  Ecles.,  215.  Ixtlilxochitl  also  accepts  five  friars.  Hor.  Cruel- 
dades,  60.  One  of  them  was  Varilla,  no  doubt;  and  perhaps  his  companion, 
who  is  said  to  have  died  on  board  the  rescue  vessel  sent  for  Zuazo,  may  have 
been  reckoned  as  the  fifth. 

2^  He  was  born  at  Valencia  de  Don  Juan,  Oviedo  bishopric,  in  about  1474, 
his  true  name  being  Juan  Martin  de  Boil,  according  to  Vetancurt.  Menolog. , 
93.  '  Martinus  de  Valencia  de  Alcantara'  it  is  written  in  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi 
Orbis,  103.  He  took  the  habit  of  the  order  at  Mayorga  in  Benavente.  Although 
Motolinia,  Ilisi.  Ind.,  i.  148-56,  followed  by  Mendieta,  IJist.  Ecles.,  571-9,  and 


MAE,™  DE  VALENCIA. 


163 


After  selecting  twelve  companions,  he  received  from 
the  general  written  instructions,  based  on  the  papal 
decree,  whereby  Valencia,  with  the  title  of  custodio,^^ 
was  to  proceed  to  New  Spain  and  there  establish  the 
Custodia  del  Santo  Evangelio,^*  extending  conversion 
in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  the  order. By  a 
special  patent,  dated  October  23d,  he  was  invested,  for 
himself  and  successors,  with  all  the  power  possessed 
by  the  general  in  external  jurisdiction,  including 
ecclesiastic  censures,  as  well  as  in  points  of  conscience, 
save  with  tw^o  exceptions,^^  and  in  a  royal  cedula  the 
friars  were  commended  to  the  governors  in  the  Indies. 

Torquemada,  iii,  392-9,  devote  many  pages  to  his  earlier  life,  yet  they  reveal 
little  save  his  character.  Remesal  assumes  that  Friar  Garcia  de  Loaisa,  the 
Dominican  successor  of  Fonseca  as  president  of  the  India  Council,  appointed 
Valencia.  BisL  Chyapa,^9.  This  can  be  true  only  in  so  far  that  he  assented 
to  the  choice  made  by  Angeles.  He  would  no  doubt  have  chosen  men  of  his 
own  order.  According  to  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  240,  Cortes'  own  appeal  to 
Angeles  gave  impulse  to  the  mission. 

'^'^  The  superiors  in  the  order,  aside  from  the  agents  and  inspectors,  occupied 
four  grades :  'presidente,  the  chief  of  a  group  of  two  or  more  friars,  collected  at 
any  place,  to  which  place  the  term  of  convent  was  usually  given,  wliile  the 
president  was  often  entitled  guardian  by  courtesy.  The  next  higher  grade 
was  that  of  guardian  proper,  in  charge  of  a  full  convent  of  12  voters,  by  whom 
he  was  elected;  then  the  custodio,  controlling  a  certain  number  of  convents; 
and  provincial,  the  chief  of  a  provincia,  to  which  rank  a  custodia  was  raised 
when  the  number  of  convents,  the  resources,  and  population  warranted  its 
formation.  Seven  convents  have  been  deemed  sufficient  in  some  instances  to 
claim  the  advancement,  although  a  dozen  were  esteemed  a  more  appropriate 
number.  Above  the  provincials  ruled  the  general  of  the  order,  with  his  com- 
missaries, visitadores,  and  other  officers. 

'  En  la  Nueva  Espana  y  tierra  de  Yucatan. ' 

2^  The  instructions  issued  at  the  convent  of  Santa  Maria  de  los  Angeles, 
1523,  on  October  4th,  it  seems,  accord  to  Valencia  full  control  over  the  Fran- 
ciscan friars  in  New  Spain,  any  one  who  objects  having  to  depart  for  Espanola. 
The  right  acquired  by  the  friars  in  Spain  would  continue  in  force.  At  the 
death  of  the  custodio,  or  at  the  expiration  of  his  three-years  term,  the  eldest 
priest  must  convoke  a  chapter,  composed  of  those  confreres  who  could  gather 
within  30  days,  and  by  their  votes  elect  the  new  custodio.  The  latter  must 
attend  in  person,  or  by  delegate,  the  chapter  held  every  sixth  year  for  the  elec- 
tion of  a  general,  there  to  vote,  if  permitted,  and  to  receive  instructions.  The 
friars  should,  if  possible,  live  together  in  one  place,  in  order  to  promote  con- 
version by  their  life  and  example;  in  any  case  they  must  live  in  groups  of  at 
least  two  or  four,  one  of  them  as  superior,  to  maintain  the  law  of  obedience, 
and  within  a  distance  of  al)out  15  days'  journey,  so  as  to  readily  join  their 
prelate  once  a  year  for  deliberation.  Further  rules  were  left  to  their  discretion, 
and  to  the  general  chapter,  when  the  wants  of  the  new  district  would  be  better 
known.  Franciscanos,  Instruc,  139-43,  in  Prov.  Sto  Evang.,  MS.;  Mendieta, 
Hist.  Ecles.,  200-2;  Torquemada,  iii.  10-12. 

■■^•^  The  admission  of  nuns  to  any  of  the  three  grades  of  Santa  Clara,  and 
absolving  those  excommunicated  viva  voce  et  in  scriptis  by  the  general, 

■''''This  was  dated  December  12,  1523,  and  recorded  in  Libra  de  Cahildo, 
MS.,  March  9,  July  28,  1525. 


164 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


Toward  the  close  of  1523  the  missionaries  gathered 
at  Belvis  convent  to  perfect  arrangements  for  the  voy- 
age. They  numbered  besides  Valencia  ten  ordained 
priests  and  two  lay  brothers,  nearly  all  belonging  to 
the  provincia  de  San  Gabriel :  Francisco  de  Soto, 
Martin  de  Jesus  de  la  Coruna,  Jose  de  la  Coruna, 
Juan  Juarez,  Antonio  de  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  and  Toribio 
de  Benavente,  preachers  and  learned  confessors ;  Gar- 
cia de  Cisneros  and  Luis  de  Fuensalida,  preachers ; 
Juan  de  Ribas  and  Francisco  Jimenez,  priests;  and 
the  lay  brothers,  Andres  de  Cordoba  and  Juan  de 
Palos.^^  Soto  was  a  man  of  recognized  intelligence, 
who  had  occupied  the  position  of  guardian;  Fuensa- 
lida became  successor  to  Valencia,  and  Benavente 
figured  as  one  of  the  leading  apostles.  They  will 
nearly  all  appear  during  the  history  in  more  or  less 
prominent  positions. 

After  a  sojourn  of  a  few  weeks  at  Seville  they  left 
San  Liicar  on  the  25th  of  January,  1524,  in  company 
with  twelve  Dominicans,  commissioned  like  them  for 
evangelical  w^ork  in  the  Indies.  Jose  de  la  Coruna 
alone  failed  to  join  them,  having  been  despatched  to 
the  court  on  business.      At  Santo  Domingo  the 

Palos  replaced  at  the  last  moment  Bernardino  de  la  Torre,  who  figures 
at  the  end  of  the  list  given  in  the  patent  already  quoted,  and  was  found 
'unworthy,'  Camargo  obtained  a  list  of  15,  not  one  of  whom  corresponds  to 
the  above.  Hist.  Tlax.,  192. 

^^The  family  name  of  Benavente,  known  afterward  as  Motolinia,  was 
Paredes,  it  seems,  for  so  he  signs  the  preface  to  his  Hist.  Ind.,  13.  Juarez, 
also  written  Suarez,  became  guardian  at  Huexotzinco.  Afterward  he,  together 
with  the  lay  brother  Palos,  an  exemplary  preacher  among  the  natives,  joined 
Narvaez'  expedition  to  Florida,  where  both  perished  miserably.  Elected 
bishop  of  Rio  de  lasPalmas,  according  to  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  iii.,  fol- 
lowed by  Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  32,  without  date.  The  other  lay  brother, 
Cordoba,  died  in  Jalisco,  and  was  buried  at  Izatlan,  his  bones  being  held  in 
great  veneration.  Their  biographers  may  be  found  in  Mendieta,  Hist.  Edes.y 
611-28;  Torquemada,  iii.  432-47;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  52,  63,  et  seq.; 
Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  32  et  seq.,  and  in  other  authorities  which  will  be  given 
when  they  are  spoken  of  in  the  course  of  history. 

The  pope  had  recently  died,  and  Beaumont  believes  that  a  ratification 
of  the  friar  patent  may  have  been  sought  from  the  new  pontiff.  Cr6n.  Mich., 
iii.  181-3.  Whatever  his  mission,  Jose  delayed,  and  after  replacing  an 
'unworthy '  lay  brother,  so  as  to  conform  in  number  to  the  12  apostles,  '  pues 
iban  a  ejercitar  el  mismo  oficio  apostolico, '  Valencia  embarked  with  his  11 
companions.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  207,  628.  That  12,  not  13,  left,  is  con- 
firmed by  Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  14,  267;  'el.padre  Fray  Martin. .  .con  once 
f railesj'  although  Valencia's  expression  in  a  letter  of  1531  is  doubtful;  '  proe- 


CHRISTIAN  HUMILITYc 


1G5 


Dominicans  remained,^^  and  the  Franciscans,  after  a 
stay  with  them  of  six  weeks,  due  partly  to  the  easter 
celebration,  proceeded  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  Valencia 
being  invested  with  the  additional  power  of  inquisitor. 

They  arrived  on  May  13th,^^  and  although  Cortes 
hastened  to  send  officers  and  servants  with  orders  to 
attend  to  their  reception  and  comfort,  the  friars  mod- 
estly declined  every  indulgence,  and  marched  bare- 
footed toward  the  capital,  attracting  no  little  attention 
from  the  natives.  "  Who  are  these  so  humble,  yet  so 
revered  ? "  What  coarse  and  patched  robes ! "  Poor 
men!"  Among  the  expressions  thus  employed  was 
frequent  the  term  motolinia.  ' '  What  means  the  word  ? " 
asked  Friar  Benavente.  "Poor,"  replied  a  soldier; 
*'and  it  is  applied,  reverend  father,  to  the  humbleness 
of  your  appearance."  "Then  shall  it  be  my  name," 
rejoined  the  friar;  and  henceforth  he  called  and  signed 
himself  Toribio  Motolinia,  a  name  spread  far  and  wide 
during  the  following  years  as  that  of  a  zealous  apostle.^* 
At  Tlascala  they  sought,  with  the  aid  of  an  inter- 
preter, to  give  the  wondering  natives  an  idea  of  their 
mission,  and  as  they  approached  Mexico,^^  its  impor- 

sertim  illi  duodecim,  qui  missi  sunt  vna  mecum. '  Peter  Martyr,  De  Insvlis, 
146.  The  looseness  of  utterance  in  some  parts  of  Motolinia  and  others  has, 
however,  misled  most  subsequent  authorities,  and  Gomara,  Gonzalez  Davila, 
Fernandez,  and  Cavo,  all  pronounce  for  13. 

To  await  their  prelate,  it  is  said,  though  their  long  delay  implies  that 
New  Spain  had  not  yet  been  definitely  accepted  as  their  destination.  They 
followed  the  Franciscans  only  in  1526.  The  equipment  so  far  had  been  iu 
common  for  both  orders,  with  a  view  to  promote  a  good  understanding.  The 
king  had  given  to  each  garments  of  frieze  and  other  necessaries,  including  900 
ducats  for  church  paraphernalia,  800  being  payable  in  the  Indies.  Remesaly 
Hist.  Ghyapa,  10. 

His  title  was  comisario  of  the  inquisition  for  New  Spain,  conferred  by 
the  inquisitor  Pedro  de  Cordoba,  vicar- general  of  the  Dominicans,  then  at 
Santo  Domingo.  The  slightly  restricted  authority  lasted  till  the  Dominicans 
arrived  in  1526.  Id.,  41. 

^^On  Friday  before  pentecost,  says  Mendieta.  Motolinia  writes  12th. 
The  landing  may  have  taken  place  on  the  13th. 

Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  210-11;  Molina,  Vocahulario.  According  to 
Bemal  Diaz,  the  name  was  applied  by  Mexican  chiefs  for  the  reason  that 
Toribio  gave  to  the  natives  everything  he  received.  Hist.  Verdad.,  191.  But 
this  version  is  less  credible.  Vazquez  points  out  that  the  friar  generally 
signed  'Motolinia  Fr.  Toribio,'  with  true  allusion  to  the  meaning.  Chron.  de 
Gvat.,  527,  534. 

June  23d,  Not.  Mex.,  in  Monumentos  JDom.  Esp.,  MS.,  322,  though  others 
intimate  a  few  days  earlier. 


186 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


tant  and  sacred  character  was  fully  impressed  upon 
them  by  the  demonstrative  reception  on  the  part  of 
the  governor,  who  came  forth  to  welcome  them  with 
a  brilliant  retinue,  including  King  Quauhtemotzin, 
the  leading  captains  and  chiefs,  friars  Olmedo  and 
Gante,  and  with  the  entire  city  following.  Dismount- 
ing, Cortes  knelt  before  them,  and  seized  Valencia's 
hand  to  kiss  it.  With  the  humility  characteristic  of 
his  profession,  the  father  withdrew  his  hand,  where- 
upon Cortes  kissed  the  robes  of  the  friars  in  turn,  an 
example  followed  by  his  retinue,  to  the  intense  aston- 
ishment of  the  natives,  who  had  not  hitherto  been 
offered  so  public  and  profound  a  display  of  humility 
on  the  part  of  the  mighty  conquerors,  men  who  had 
barely  chosen  to  doff  the  hat  to  the  sacred  Monte- 
zuma, and  who  received  the  submissive  salutes  of  their 
lords  with  disdainful  condescension.  In  brilliant  array, 
decked  with  gold  and  precious  stones,  these  men 
humbled  themselves  to  the  dust  to  the  barefooted  and 
meanly  clad  strangers.  Could  they  be  gods  in  dis- 
guise ! 

With  sincere  devotion  to  the  church,  Cortes  com- 
bined profound  respect  for  its  ministers,  as  we  have  seen. 
Nevertheless,  his  extreme  humiliation  on  the  present 
occasion  was  dictated  chiefly  by  politic  motives.  The 
friars  possessed  immense  power,  representing  as  they 
did  the  church,  wherein  still  lay  deposited  an  influ- 
ence before  which  the  mightiest  of  princes  bent  sub- 
missive, and  at  whose  hands  the  sovereigns  of  Portu- 
gal and  Spain  received  the  heavenly  title  to  half  a 
world.    Such  personages  must  be  courted,  not  alone 

According  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  ever  has  in  mind  his  own  town  and  fam- 
ily, the  reception  took  place  near  Tezcuco,  on  June  12,  1523!  The  friars 
were  conducted  to  Nezahualcoyotl's  palace,  and  there  they  transformed  one  of 
the  halls  into  a  chapel,  wherein  on  the  following  day  King  Ixtlilxochitl  was 
baptized  as  Fernando,  Cortes  acting  as  godfather.  This  example  was  followed 
by  his  family,  including  the  mother,  though  the  latter  needed  much  persua- 
sion, and  by  all  the  nobles,  as  well  as  a  large  portion  of  the  common  people, 
prepared  as  they  were  by  friar  Gante.  Hor.  Crueldades,  73-5.  There  is  evi- 
dently a  good  deal  of  invention  in  this  account.  It  is  hardly  probable  that 
Cortes  went  to  Tezcuco  to  receive  .them.  When  the  three  Flemings  arrived 
at  this  city,  there  was  no  doubt  a  fine  reception,  but  Cortes  was  sick  at  the 
time,  and  his  visit  of  res^Ject  must  have  assumed  a  more  private  character. 


COKTES  PROPITIATES  THE  FRIARS. 


167 


for  their  control  over  the  soldiers  and  colonists,  but  for 
their  influence  at  court,  to  which  they  would  report 
directly  or  indirectly  concerning  the  condition  of  the 
country  and  the  management  of  the  royal  interests  ; 
reports  that  would  have  more  weight  than  those  from 
other  sources.  Then,  again,  these  friars  were  destined 
to  exercise  control  over  the  natives  far  more  effective 
than  that  obtained  by  force  of  arms,  and  thereby  as- 
sure possession  of  the  conquest  to  the  crown  and  of 
grants  and  serfs  to  the  conquerors.  It  was  well,  there- 
fore, while  propitiating  these  men  to  impress  on  the 
natives  their  sacred  character,  and  to  set  a  striking  ex- 
ample of  the  respect  that  should  be  paid  to  them.  This 
politic  deference  Cortes  constantly  maintained,  and 
with  good  effect  on  all  concerned.  On  one  occasion 
it  is  related  that  the  inhabitants  of  Tezcuco  were  in- 
dignant because  one  of  their  chiefs  had  been  flogged 
for  not  attending  mass.  Informed  of  this,  Cortes 
concluded  for  a  little  by-play  to  assume  the  role  of 
martyr.  Informing  the  priests  of  his  purpose,  he 
absented  himself  from  mass;  for  which  delinquency 
he  was  sent  for,  and  stripped  and  flogged  by  the  friars 
in  the  presence  of  a  number  of  the  mutinous  natives, 
and  thus  reconciled  them  to  the  despotic  acts  of  their 
spiritual  guardians. 

Shortly  after  his  entry  into  Mexico,  Valencia  sum- 
moned the  five  friars  who  were  already  in  the  country 
and  thus  seventeen  were  gathered  in  chapter  to  con- 
sult on  the  best  manner  of  proceeding  with  the  con- 
version. On  this  occasion,  the  2d  of  July,  1524,  the 
custodia  was  formally  established,  and  divided  into 
four  districts  centring  round  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  Huex- 

Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  186;  Vetancvrt,  Chron.,  2;  CorUs,  Cartas, 
etc.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  iv.  456,  v.  449-50.  The  natives 
have  commemorated  several  of  these  acts  in.  their  picture-writings.  Torque- 
mada,  iii.  21-2;  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ix. 

2^  The  three  Flemings,  Varilla  who  came  with  Zuazo,  and  Olmedo  proba- 
bly. Yet  Mendieta  speaks  of  the  fifth  also  as  a  Franciscan,  he  as  well  as  the 
fourth  'vinieron.  .  .al  tiempo  de  la  conquista.'  i/^.s■^.  Ecles.,  215.  The  meeting 
or  chapter  was  held  a  fortnight  after  arrival.  Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.y  143.  '  Dia 
de  la  Visitacion  de  Nuestra  Senora, '  says  Mendieta. 


1^ 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


otzinco,  and  Tlascala,  to  each  of  which  were  assigned 
four  friars,  Valencia  making  a  fifth  at  the  capital. 

Temporary  convents  were  founded  at  each  of  these 
places,  while  means  and  aid  were  obtained  to  erect 
permanent  edifices,  usually  in  prominent  localities,  as 
a  standing  exhortation  to  the  flock  from  an  architec- 
tural as  well  as  a  religious  point  of  view.  At  Mexico 
the  site  of  the  first  convent  appears  to  have  been  on 
Santa  Teresa  street,^^  and  since  the  building  in  the 

39  Torqueniada,  iii.  25-8,  303,  following  chiefly  Motolinia  and  Mendieta. 
Those  who  lived  in  Tezcuco  had  been  driven  thither  by  the  hostilities  en- 
countered from  the  Spaniards  at  Mexico,  says  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hor.  Crueldades, 
81,  and  not  so  incorrectly,  for  the  Flemings  were  looked  upon  as  intrusive 
foreigners,  and  not  well  versed  in  Spanish.  Valencia  offered  to  resign  if  the 
friars  preferred  another  custodian,  but  this  was  unanimously  opposed.  The 
chapters  were  held  every  three  years  to  elect  superiors,  and  every  18  months 
an  intermediate  meeting  took  place  to  discuss  affairs.  They  were  attended 
by  the  guardians  of  convents,  and  by  discretos,  one  elected  for  each  convent 
to  represent  the  presidencia  groups  of  friars.  See  note  23  for  significance  of 
these  grades.  The  discretos  must  be  elected  by  at  least  four  presidencia  rep- 
resentatives, and  be  priests  who  had  said  mass  for  three  years.  They  had 
equal  vote  with  the  guardians  at  the  chapter.  This  was  held  at  the  most  con- 
venient meeting-place,  in  New  Spain,  usually  at  Mexico,  the  sessions  being 
generally  of  seven  or  eight  days'  duration.  At  the  present  chapter,  and  sub- 
sequently, the  rules  for  the  order  were  duly  considered  with  regard  to  modi- 
fications required  in  a  different  clime,  and  with  new  associations.  Novices 
had  to  submit  in  all  strictness  to  the  general  constitution,  and  Indians,  mes- 
tizos, and  Creoles  could  be  admitted  only  by  the  provincial  and  discretos 
jointly,  after  a  probationary  term  at  the  convent,  the  vote  of  whose  inmates 
was  required  as  one  of  the  conditions  for  receiving  them.  By  regulation  of 
1565  the  examination  of  novices  was  made  stricter.  One  hour  of  mental 
prayer  with  lesson  was  required  in  the  early  part  of  the  night,  and  another 
after  matins;  discipline  three  times  a  week,  with  extras  during  lent  and  feast- 
days.  Alms  must  be  asked  only  for  actual  sustenance  and  sacristy  purposes, 
under  penalty.  If  the  collection  did  not  sufl&ce,  then  the  sovereign  and  enco- 
menderos  might  be  appealed  to,  as  the  Indians  were  too  poor  to  be  molested. 
The  noonday  and  evening  meal  should  conform  to  regulated  rations,  except 
on  feast-days,  when  a  little  extra  might  be  taken  at  noon.  The  dress  must 
always  be  of  sackcloth,  and  consist  of  only  one  robe  and  tanic.  Blue  was 
adopted  as  the  cheapest  and  most  convenient  color.  Friars  must  not  interfere 
in  disputes  between  Indians  and  Spaniards;  or  between  Indian  women,  or  in 
appointment  of  rulers,  or  with  judges,  etc.  A  chorister  and  a  lay  brother  had 
no  active  vote  till  after  wearing  the  robe  three  years  and  passing  the  25th 
year  of  his  age.  Guardian  might  be  elected  in  a  convent  with  12  voters,  not 
counting  presidencia  members.  Newly  arrived  members  obtained  a  vote  for 
discrete  only  after  one  year's  residence,  and  for  guardian  after  two  years, 
unless  given  the  privilege  by  chapter,  in  consideration  of  ability.  None  could 
be  elected  provincial,  definidor,  or  comisario  of  the  provincia  until  after  five 
years'  residence.  For  every  friar  who  died  one  mass  was  to  be  chanted  in 
each  Franciscan  house,  with  vigil;  in  addition  to  this  every  priest  received 
four  masses;  every  chorister,  three  funeral  services;  and  every  lay  brother, 
300  prayers,  etc.  Every  Sunday  services  must  be  held  for  the  dead  members. 
Francis.  Constit.,  123-34,  in  Prov.  Sto  Evang.,  MS. 

''•'According  to  Torquemada,  iii.  36,  followed  by  Vetancurt,  Chron.,  31-2, 
the  site  was  the  same  on  which  afterward  rose  the  cathedral.    This  appears 


HOSPITAL  AND  CONVENTS. 


169 


capital  must  ever  be  regarded  as  the  centre  for  the 
order,  contributions  for  it  came  even  from  afar,  chiefly 
from  the  natives,  in  men  and  material.*^ 

Cortes  also  gave  substantial  aid  in  different  ways 
in  promoting  their  benevolent  aims,  one  of  which  was 
the  care  of  poor  and  sick  natives.  To  this  end  he 
had  already  erected  a  hospital,  de  la  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion,^^  which  still  exists,  a  monument  to  his  chari- 
table devotion  and  a  relic  of  the  reedification  period. 

to  be  a  mere  supposition,  based  on  the  fact  that  the  friars  had  obtained  a 
right  to  the  cathedral  ground,  which  they  transferred  to  the  bishops  for  a 
cc'^nsideration  of  40  pesos  and  the  reservation  of  a  pulpit  and  altar.  The  acts 
of  the  municipality,  Lihro  de  Cahildo,  MS.,  May  2,  1525,  January  31,  1529, 
and  other  dates,  with  observations  of  Father  Pichardo,  are  conclusive  in  this 
respect.  Alaman,  Disei'L,  ii.  142,  indicates  the  house  at  present  occupying 
the  site.  Orozco  y  Berra  presents  slightly  different  arguments.  3Iex.  Mem. , 
102.  While  not  wholly  agreeing  with  these  writers,  Salazar  admits  in  the 
main  their  views  in  his  critical  notes  of  Mex.  en  1554,  213  et  seq.  '  Dove 
6ggidi  h  il  Convento  grande  di  S.  Francesco,'  says  Clavigero,  hastily,  Storia 
Mess.,  i.  272,  and  with  total  oblivion  of  the  removal.  Prescott  and  others 
fall  partly  into  the  error. 

Ixtlilxochitl  relates  that  his  royal  namesake  led  the  Tezcucan  nobles  in 
procession  to  carry  stones,  thus  setting  an  example  to  the  common  people. 
Bel.,  447.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  182,  speaks  of  a  splendid  building, 
which  is  doubtful,  since  it  was  erected  in  great  haste;  and  that  Gante  built 
it.  In  1534  the  site  was  abandoned,  and  a  really  fine  convent  erected  on  San 
Francisco  street,  so  as  to  be  near  the  Indians,  to  whom  the  friars  had  been 
sent.  Vetancvrt,  Chron.,  31-2;  Panes,  in  Monumentos  Domin.  Esjp.,  MS.,  62. 

*2  The  existence  of  the  hospital  at  this  date  is  shown  by  the  Lihro  de 
Cahildo,  MS.,  August  26,  1524,  and,  although  no  name  is  given,  it  must  be 
that  of  Cortes,  since  the  friars  could  not  have  erected  one  so  soon  after  their 
arrival.  The  building  is  of  interest  as  the  only  relic  of  the  edifices  erected 
by  the  first  Spaniards,  all  others  having  either  disappeared  or  undergone  a 
complete  change.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Mex.  Not.  Ciudad,  160.  It  stands  in 
what  used  to  be  the  Huitzillan  quarter,  and  was  most  carefully  constructed, 
the  site  granted  comprising  originally  128  varas  east  by  west.  By  bull  of 
April  16,  1529,  the  pope  conferred  on  Cort6s  the  perpetual  patronage  of  this 
and  other  similar  establishments  to  be  founded  by  him,  with  the  right  to 
appropriate  tithes  and  premices  under  certain  conditions  for  their  support. 
A  bull  of  approximate  date  confers  absolution  on  penitents  who  may  attend 
there.  All  the  privileges  of  the  bulls  were  not  approved  by  the  king,  how- 
ever, and  even  the  cathedral  sought  to  dispute  the  right  to  tithes,  which  was 
confirmed  to  the  hospital  in  1653.  A  part  of  its  revenue  came  from  rents 
of  buildings  upon  its  ground.  Cabrera,  Escudo  de  Armas,  404,  states  that 
Cort6s  proposed  it  as  a  sepulchre  for  his  family;  but  this  applies  to  the  con- 
vent which  he  intended  to  erect  at  Coyahuacan,  his  favorite  city.  In  1603  a 
sacred  Christ  image  fell  to  the  hospital,  by  lot,  and  henceforth  it  assumed  the 
name  of  Jesus  that  it  still  bears.  Cortes  planned  several  other  institutions 
which  were  n^-er  erected  for  want  of  sufficient  funds,  and  his  descendants 
did  not  consider  themselves  bound  to  supply  the  money,  though  appealed  to 
by  Archbishop  Manso  and  others;  nevertheless  they  bestowed  large  gifts  on 
the  hospital  and  other  establishments.  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  81-9,  2d  app. 
26-48,  Orozco  y  Berra  and  Cabrera  already  quoted,  and  Ilamirez,  in  notes  to 
Prescott's  Mexico,  have  given  considerable  attention  to  these  and  other  points 


170 


APOSTOLIC  LABOES. 


Thus  by  precept  and  example  Cortds  sought  to 
impress  the  natives  with  the  superiority  of  the  friars 
even  to  himself,  the  representative  of  the  greatest 
ruler  on  earth,  and  the  conquered  were  only  too  eager 
to  conform  to  the  orders  of  their  masters  by  tender- 
ing respect  and  obedience  to  the  holy  men/^  So  deep, 
indeed,  was  the  impression  made  that  their  arrival 
became  a  starting-point  in  their  chronology  under  the 
tonn  of  ^'the  year  when  the  faith  came."  While  rec- 
ognizing the  policy  of  maintaining  a  high  rank  among 
the  flock,  the  friars  nevertheless  dissipated  the  more 
extravagant  notions,  and  presented  themselves  as 
humble  and  mortal  servants  of  the  ruler  of  heaven 
and  of  princes,  sent  to  impart  the  blessings  of  the 
only  saving  faith,  and  to  rescue  the  natives  from  the 
misleading  rites  of  the  evil  one.  To  this  end  they 
requested  that  the  children  be  intrusted  to  their  care 
for  instruction,  which  afterward  should  be  imparted 
also  to  the  elders,  and  that  as  the  first  step  to  its 
accomplishment  a  building  should  be  erected  close  to 
the  convent,  comprising  school,  chapel,  dormitory,  and 
refectory,  sufficiently  large  to  accommodate  a  thou- 
sand children.*^ 

The  chiefs  hastened  to  obey,  but  when  the  time 
came  for  surrendering  their  children  several  held  back 
partly  from  devotion  to  native  gods,  and  sent  instead 

connected  with  Cortes  and  Mexico  city.  Another  hospital,  San  Ldzaro,  ex- 
isted in  tlie  first  decade  of  the  conquest,  v/hich  may  be  identical  with  the 
infirmary  spoken  of  by  Gante,  near  the  convent,  wherein  as  many  as  400  sick 
and  destitute  natives  were  cared  for.  He  asks  the  emperor  to  give  it  alms. 
Letter  of  November  1532,  in  Cartas  de  Indlas,  51-2.  It  was  removed  to  a 
new  site  by  President  Guzman,  for  sanitary  reasons,  and  since  then  no  data 
appear.  Puga,  Cedulario,  40.  In  1572  a  license  was  issued  to  Pedro  Lopez, 
who  erected  a  hospital  for  leprous  persons  chiefly  at  his  own  expense.  Cabrera^ 
Escudo  de  Armas,  434-5. 

*3  Ixtlilxochitl  relates  that  a  princess  of  Tezcuco  on  first  meeting  the  friars 
imitated  the  example  of  the  Spaniards  by  bending  one  knee  before  them. 
This  unusual  form  of  courtesy  on  the  part  of  a  lady  created  a  smile  even 
among  the  reverend  fathers,  so  much  so  that  the  princess  drew  back  with  an 
air  of  offended  dignity.  Ilor.  Crueldades,  75-6. 

Gante  writes  in  1532  that  he  had  from  500  to  600  under  his  charge. 
Cartas  de  Indias,  51.  While  this  building  and  the  convent  were  in  course  of 
erection  the  friars  stayed  with  Father  Olmedo,  perhaps  in  one  of  Cortds* 
houses.  Bernal  Diaz,  IJist.  Verdad.,  191,  their  wants  being  provided  for  chiefly 
by  him.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  240. 


HOW  THE  NATIVES  WERE  TAUGHT. 


171 


children  of  their  servants.  The  deception  turned  to 
their  own  disadvantage,  for  the  instructed  children, 
though  of  low  origin,  obtained  preferments  which 
otherwise  must  have  been  given  to  the  young  chief- 
tains.*^ At  first  the  instruction  was  confined  chief]}' 
to  learning  prayers  and  participating  in  the  frequent 
religious  exercises.  Then  were  added  reading,  writing, 
and  other  branches.  Motolinia  goes  into  ecstasies 
over  the  quick  apprehension  and  docility  of  the  pupils. 
After  a  short  training  they  could  copy  elaborate  man- 
uscripts in  so  perfect  a  manner  that  it  was  difficult  to 
distinguish  the  original.  Illuminations  and  drawings 
were  reproduced  with  equal  skill,  and  sent  to  Spain  a-^ 
specimens,  creating  no  little  admiration.  Singing 
proved  particularly  attractive  to  them,  and  was  readily 
acquired,  though  taught  by  an  old-fashioned  friar 
who  addressed  the  children  in  studied  Spanish  phrase- 
ology to  the  amusement  of  listeners.  Although 
the  pupils  gasped  in  astonishment  at  the  harangue, 
without  comprehending  a  word,  signs  and  example  did 
wonders,  and  it  was  not  long  before  an  excellent  choir 
existed,  several  of  whose  members  were  sent  to  train 
their  young  countrymen  in  other  towns.  Their  voices 
were  not  as  good  as  those  of  the  Spaniards,  but  in 
other  respects  no  objection  could  be  found.  A  Tlas- 
caltec  composed  a  few  years  later  a  mass  that  received 
high  approval.  Instrumental  music  was  also  taught, 
at  first  the  flute,  by  Spanish  professionals,  who  were 
paid  for  their  lessons,  though  the  progress  of  the 
youth  soon  rendered  foreign  masters  needless.  A 
band  of  these  flute-players  formed  an  acceptable  sub- 
stitute for  organs,  and  aided  not  a  little  to  render  the 
services  impressive.  Clarionets  and  other  wooden 
wind-instruments  were  used  to  some  extent,  as  well 
as  several  stringed  instruments.  Some  of  them  the 
boys  learned  to  play  within  a  few  days,  and  at  Tehua- 

*  Pudo  ser,  que  lo  ordenase  Dios  asi,  para  que  cesase  de  todo  punto  el 
Senorio,  que  tan  tiranica,  y  cruelmente  tenian,'  is  the  pious  reflection  of  Tor- 
quemada,  iii.  29. , 


172 


APOSTOLIC  LABOES. 


can  a  native  youth  formed  an  admirable  band,  which 
within  one  month  was  able  to  assist  at  mass.^^ 

While  aiding  at  the  erection  of  their  school-build- 
ing, the  boys  were  able  to  observe  the  operations  of 
the  different  artisans,  such  as  carpenters,  bricklayers, 
masons,  and  to  offer  their  services  at  the  bench  or 
trowel.  Within  a  few  days  they  showed  themselves 
so  expert  that  the  friars  were  only  too  glad  to  hasten 
the  work  by  intrusting  even  complicated  sections  to 
them,  including  the  construction  of  arches,  the  placing 
of  hewn  stone  foundations,  and  the  decoration  of 
facades.  Churches  in  the  native  towns,  which  began 
rapidly  to  rise,  were  frequently  erected  even  during 
this  early  period  without  the  least  direction  from  the 
Spaniards.  One  acquisition  led  to  the  desire  for 
another;  but  instead  of  offering  themselves  for  a  seven 
years'  apprenticeship  to  artisans  who  would  probably 
have  refused  to  teach  their  trade  under  any  considera- 
tion, they  managed  by  brief  surreptitious  watchings, 
with  the  aid  of  bought  or  borrowed  specimens,  soon  to 
produce  imitations  fully  equal  to  the  European  model. 
A  saddler  found  a  set  of  horse  furniture  missing  one 
day.  The  next  morning  it  was  replaced,  and  shortly 
afterward  he  heard  pedlers  crying  wares  in  the  street 
exactly  like  his  own,  and  at  prices  which  put  an  end 
to  his  extravagant  demands.  A  number  of  other  arti- 
sans succumbed  to  the  same  acquisitive  spirit,  notably 
a  weaver  who  being  alone  in  his  business  made  even 
the  friars  suffer  from  his  monopoly.  Rather  than  pay 
his  prices,  they  went  about  in  such  tattered  garments 
as  to  excite  the  pity  of  the  natives.  A  devout  chief 
took  the  matter  in  hand,  and  sent  his  servants  to  spy 
out  the  secrets  of  the  weaver.  He  thereupon  con- 
structed a  loom,  and  soon  supplied  the  friars  with  both 
cloth  and  ready-made  robes. "^"^ 

A  youth  at  Tlascala  made  a  rahel,  a  three-stringed  violin,  imitating  one 
owned  by  a  Spaniard,  and  in  three  lessons  he  learned  all  that  the  master 
could  teach.  Ten  days  later  he  joiaed  the  flute  band  at  the  church,  playing 
in  perfect  accord.  Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.^  211. 

*^  The  good  chief  was  Don  Martin,  lord  of  Quauhquechollan.  Torquemada, 
iu.  106. 


APT  LEARNERS. 


373 


Equally  adept  were  the  youth  in  acquiring  finer 
arts.  Embroidery  was  taught  by  an  Italian  friar,*^ 
and  thenceforth  the  churches  were  liberally  provided 
with  most  elaborate  work  of  this  class.  Images  were 
carved  and  adorned  in  perfect  imitation  of  the  originals, 
and  large  numbers  distributed  among  the  natives  to 
help  them  remember  their  lessons.  So  also  with 
paintings  and  mosaic-work  in  feathers,  both  of  which 
were  applied  to  sacred  art.  In  the  latter  branch  the 
natives  needed  no  lessons,  but  in  painting  they  had 
much  to  learn,  though  it  did  not  take  them  long  to 
equal  and  even  excel  the  mediocre  amateur  talent  to 
be  found  among  the  Europeans  then  in  Mexico.  The 
training  of  the  boys  extended  even  to  daily  duties 
and  conduct,  for  while  a  large  proportion  attended 
school  during  the  day  only,  quite  a  number  remained 
night  and  day  under  the  care  of  the  good  fathers, 
many  of  them  supported  wholly  by  the  alms  which 
flowed  in  for  the  convent/^ 

The  friars  had  in  their  turn  to  be  pupils,  striving 
to  acquire  the  language  with  which  they  hoped  to 
carry  out  on  a  grander  scale  their  self-imposed  mission. 
Aguilar,  who  acted  as  the  chief  interpreter,  gave 
lessons,  and  additional  teaching  was  obtained  by  the 
different  convents  from  the  Flemings,  who  had  the 
advantage  of  several  months'  residence.  At  Mexico 
the  chief  aid  in  this  direction  was  obtained  from 
Alonso  de  Molina,  the  son  of  a  Spanish  widow,  who 
had  acquired  an  almost  thorough  knowledge  of  the 
Aztec. Still,  the  best  means  to  obtain  both  fluency 

*^A  lay  brother  named  Daniel,  who  afterward  went  to  Michoacan  and 
Jalisco.  Id.,  212. 

^^Gante  appealed  in  1532  to  the  emperor  for  a  regular  grant  of  corn,  to 
support  the  school  and  hospital.  Cartas  de  Indias,  51-3. 

^°He  remained  as  interpreter  till  his  age  permitted  him  to  join  the  order. 
He  labored  actively  as  a  friar  for  over  50  years,  and  wrote  a  number  of  works 
in  Aztec  which  were  much  used  by  novices  and  teachers,  notably  Aqui  corni- 
enga  vn  vocabulario  enla  lengua  Castellana  y  Mexicana,  Mexico,  Mayo  1555, 
4°,  259  leaves,  exceedingly  rare,  and  remarkable  as  one  of  the  earliest  books 
printed  in  the  New  World.  Hardly  less  rare  is  the  enlarged  edition  of  1571, 
folio,  in  two  parts  of  121  and  162  leaves  respectively,  the  first  devoted  to 
Spanish- Aztec,  the  second  to  Aztec-Spanish.    The  first  title-page  bears  the 


174 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


and  accent was  found  to  be  intercourse  with  the 
natives,  and  to  this  end  the  friars  unbent  their  dignity 
so  far  as  to  gambol  with  their  Httle  disciples,  noting 
the  words  that  fell  from  their  prattling  lips,  and  study- 
ing them  at  leisure.  The  elder  children  soon  caught 
the  spirit  and  strove  to  act  as  teachers. 

In  a  few  months  fathers  Fuensalida  and  Jimenez 
were  so  far  advanced  that,  aided  by  the  most  intelli- 
gent pupils,  they  were  able  to  address  themselves  to 
the  older  portion  of  the  community,  who  in  accord- 
ance with  instructions  issued  to  the  chiefs  were  mar- 
shalled in  procession  to  the  convent.  Here  they  were 
made  to  recite  hymns  which  they  neither  understood 
nor  cared  to  understand,  and  to  join  in  ceremonies 
that  to  them  had  no  significance.  The  friars  them- 
selves recognized  the  want  of  sincerity  and  the  small 
effect  of  the  exercises,  but  they  persevered,  ever 
hoping  for  improvement.  One  encouraging  sign  was 
the  quick  mastering  of  the  points  of  doctrine,  which 
Gante  with  native  aid  had  translated  into  Aztec,  in  the 
form  of  a  hymn.^^  Set  to  a  pleasant  tune  this  proved 
quite  attractive,  possessing,  besides,  the  peculiar  pop- 
ularity to  be  expected  where  an  imperfect  form  of 
writing  prevails.  Many  were  deeply  impressed  by 
the  new  faith,  and  looked  up  to  the  friars  with  great 
veneration,  pleased  even  to  find  their  shadow  fall 
on  them,  and  to  be  allowed  to  deliver  a  confession  of 
their  sins  in  picture-writing.  It  was  hoped  that  the> 
sacred  influence  of  baptism  might  aid  in  fructifying  the 
words  of  faith,  and  to  this  end  quite  a  mania  was  de- 
veloped among  the  worthy  apostles  to  bestow  the  rite. 
It  was  deemed  requisite  for  the  prospective  neophyte 

escutcheon  of  Viceroy  Enriquez  to  whom  it  is  dedicated,  the  second,  a  kneel- 
ing supplicant.  This  work  may  still  be  regarded  as  the  standard  in  its  field, 
and  has  proved  of  great  service  in  my  studies  of  Aztec  history  and  literature. 

So  difficult  did  this  prove  that  many  a  one  thought  of  St  Jerome's  ex- 
pedient of  sawing  his  teeth  to  learn  Hebrew.  It  is  even  said  that  one  friar 
followed  the  example.  Cartas  de  Indias,  659-60. 

■'''^"x'fctancurt,  Chron.,  3,  gives  Gante  andTectothe  credit;  Mendieta  points 
to  Fuensalida  and  Jimenez.  He  has  evidently  less  desire  to  applaud  foreign 
talent. 


BAPTISM  OF  THE  MULTITUDES. 


175 


merely  to  listen  Tor  a  few  days  to  the  sermons  and 
exhortations  of  the  teachers,  sorely  distorted  as  they 
were  by  perplexed  interpreters,  and  to  imitate  the 
devotional  ceremonies  in  order  to  become  worthy  of 
admission  into  the  church.  Frequently  even  this 
requirement  was  evaded  by  the  native,  who  felt  either 
indifferent  or  unable  to  master  the  intricacies  of  the 
new  creed,  and  by  merely  joining  the  crowd  which 
gathered  to  attend  service  at  the  convent  or  at  the 
village  square,  or  at  the  roadside,  he  could  readily 
persuade  the  unsuspecting  friar  that  he  had  been 
duly  prepared  for  baptism.  This  was  thereupon  ad- 
ministered with  all  the  zeal  born  of  lofty  enthusiasm 
and  assumed  victory.  Father  Gante  himself  writes 
without  hesitation  that  he  and  a  companion  used  to 
baptize  "eight  thousand,  sometimes  ten  thousand,  and 
even  fourteen  thousand  persons  in  one  day."^^ 

With  such  numbers  the  formalities  prescribed  in 
the  ritual  could  not  be  observed,  and  a  readier  method 
was  adopted.  Those  who  declared  their  willingness 
to  be  christened  were  assembled  in  formidable  groups, 
the  children  being  placed  in  the  first  ranks.  The 
ritual  was  then  performed  with  a  few  select,  and  the 
rest  was  merely  sprinkled  with  the  water.  In  apply- 
ing names,  all  the  males  baptized  on  one  day  received 
the  appellation  of  John,  aud  the  females  Mary.  The 
following  day  the  names  of  Peter  and  Catalina  were 
given,  and  so  on  through  the  list  of  saints.  To  each 
person  was  given  a  slip  with  name  inscribed,  and  in 
case  of  forgetfulness  he  had  merely  to  exhibit  the  slip 
to  prove  his  baptism  and  identify  himself^*    The  rite 

In  all,  during  five  years,  they  had  baptized  '  une  telle  multitude,  que  je 
n'ai  pas  pu  les  compter.'  Lettre,  27  Juin,  1529,  in  Ternaux-Conipans,  Voy., 
s6rie  i.  torn.  ii.  197.  Others  admit  large  numbers,  and  even  Torquemada,  iii. 
156,  allows  such  instances,  mentioning  that  one  priest  at  Toluca  baptized 
3,000  in  one  day.  'On  the  eve  of  Sb  John,'  says  Vetancurt,  Chron.,  5,  10, 
*  40,000  were  baptized  in  the  chapel  of  St  Joseph,  Mexico. '  Motolinia  appears 
to  attribute  this  lavish  extension  of  the  rite  to  impatience  at  the  failure  to 
produce  any  efi'ect  on  the  natives  by  catechising,  and  he  scolds  the  mission- 
aries for  allowing  such  a  weakness  even  for  a  moment  to  encroach  upon  their 
duty.  Hist.  Ind.,  112-13. 

''^Id.;  Torquemada^  iii.  155;  Vetancvrf,  Chron.,  5.    Camargo  assumes  that 


176 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


had  an  attraction  for  these  superstitious  people  in  its 
similarity  to  their  own,  which  conveyed  purification 
from  spiritual  stains  not  alone  at  the  lustration  of  the 
child,  but  in  the  immersion  of  self-scarified  priests 
and  ascetics,  at  the  midnight  hour,  into  the  conse- 
crated pools  within  the  idol  temples.  It  is  but  natural 
that  they  should  look  with  no  less  veneration  on  the 
solemn  sprinkling  received  so  devoutly  by  the  mighty 
children  of  the  sun,  and  imparted  by  the  hands  of 
men  as  benevolent  in  aspect  as  they  were  saintly  in 
conduct.  So  impressed,  indeed,  were  many  by  a  belief 
in  the  mysterious  virtue  imparted  by  the  rite  that 
they  sought  again  and  again  to  share  in  its  blessings, 
yet  without  feeling  bound  by  the  assumed  discarding 
of  paganism. 

As  time  passed  on  and  revealed  the  many  abuses 
and  deceits  practised  upon  the  guileless  teachers, 
doubts  began  also  to  creep  in  regarding  the  legality 
of  the  informal  baptisms,  though  authorized  by  Father 
Tecto  and  other  canonists,  mainly  on  the  ground  of 
necessity,  with  so  small  a  number  of  ministers,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  precedent  furnished  by  many  of 
the  early  fathers,  and  recently  by  so  eminent  a  per- 
sonage as  Cardinal  Jimenez,  during  his  mission  to  the 
Moors.  Another  objection  was  the  use  of  merely 
blessed  water,  instead  of  duly  consecrated  water  and 
oil.  The  friars  being  unable  to  settle  the  question, 
submitted  it  to  the  supreme  pontifi*,  who,  by  bull  of 
May  15,  1537,  confirmed  the  baptisms  so  far  per- 
formed, and  authorized  the  friars  thenceforth  to  apply 
the  salt,  saliva,  candle,  and  cross  to  a  few  only  of  a 
group,  though  consecrated  oil  and  water  must  be 
given  to  each  person.^^  Another  knotty  question  con- 

this  method  was  pursued  already  during  the  conquest  years  by  Cortds'  chap- 
lains; but  he  must  be  mistaken.  Hid.  Tlax.^  159. 

The  necessity  for  this  is  pointed  out  by  Vetancurt  in  the  observation, 
*  whence,  indeed,  could  saliva  come  for  a  large  number !'  Chron.,  9,  10.  Tor- 
quemada  reviews  the  question  at  some  length,  and  defends  the  friars,  in  the 
opening  chapters  of  his  ICth  book.  See  also  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  267-0. 
When  the  consecrated  oil  came,  Sunday  and  Thursday  were  set  aside  for  ad- 
ministering it  to  those  who  had  not  been  so  favored,  thus  rendering  the  rito 


MARRIAGE  REGULATIONS. 


177 


cerned  marriage.  Although  the  greater  part  of  the 
people,  the  lower  and  middle  classes,  possessed  but 
one  wife,  yet  many  of  the  rich  and  the  noble  had 
quite  a  number,  and  since  the  Christian  religion  per- 
mitted no  such  indulgence,  the  polygamists  were 
ordered  to  discard  all  but  one  spouse,  to  whom  they 
like  the  other  husbands  must  be  joined  anew  with 
Christian  ceremonies.  It  was  found  no  easy  matter 
to  determine  which  of  the  wives,  as  the  legitimate 
consort,  had  the  right  to  be  preferred,  and  so  it  was 
decided,  after  years  of  doubt,  to  accord  it  to  the  first 
wife,  and  when  this  could  not  be  determined,  to  the 
one  chosen  by  the  husband. Meanwhile  little  atten- 
tion was  paid  by  polygamists  to  the  exhortations  of 
the  fathers,  and  even  in  later  times  the  law  was  dis- 
regarded. 

These  and  other  rites  in  connection  with  Indians 
were  discussed  in  a  council  of  friars  and  jurists  which 
appears  to  have  been  held  in  the  autumn  of  1526, 
with  the  assistance  of  Cortes.  Therein  were  deter- 
mined not  only  points  bearing  on  baptism,  confession, 
and  communion,  but  on  the  treatment  and  rule  of 
natives,  the  more  difl&cult  questions  being  embodied 
in  representations  to  the  transatlantic  authorities. 
The  importance  of  the  meeting,  both  in  respect  to  the 
number  and  quality  of  the  attendants,  and  to  the  dis- 
cussions, has  caused  it  to  be  signified  as  the  first  synod 
of  the  church  in  New  Spain. 

more  *  satisfactory, '^i  term  used  also  by  Archbishop  Lorenzana  in  his  com- 
ments on  the  sweeping  baptism.  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  2  et  seq. 

This  is  the  bull  of  Paul  III.,  the  wisdom  of  which  must  have  been  in- 
spired by  God,  exclaims  Torquemada:  *  Non  recordantur,  quam  prim6  acce- 
perint,  Conversi  ad  Fidem  unam  ex  illis  accipiant,  quam  voluerint.'  About 
the  same  time  was  issued  another  bull  reprimanding  those  who  had  hinted  at 
the  incapacity  of  Indians  to  partake  of  holy  communion,  and  affirming  their 
capacity.  Before  these  decisions  were  sought.  Bishop  Zumdrraga  had  sent 
to  Spain  for  advice,  and  Cardinal  Cayetano  among  others  proposed  the  hus- 
band's choice  when  the  legitimate  wife  could  not  be  pointed  out.  Concilios 
Prov. ,  1555-65,  5,  6.  Herrera  blames  the  inexperience  of  the  friars  in  not 
being  able  to  select  the  true  wife.  dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  viii.  The  lirst  native 
marriage  with  Christian  rites  was  Prince  Femando's,  at  Tezcuco,  October  14, 
1526.    Seven  of  his  retinue  followed  the  example.  Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  124. 

There  is  a  great  uncertainty  among  the  authorities  as  to  the  time  it 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  12 


178 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


In  their  eagerness  to  extend  conversion  the  friars 
found  themselves  altogether  too  few  for  the  task  under- 
taken, and  as  soon  as  their  older  pupils  revealed  suffi- 
cient knowledge  of  religion  and  of  Spanish,  they  were 
impressed  into  the  service.  At  first  they  accompanied 
the  ministers  in  their  tours  through  the  districts,  to 
preach  and  establish  (iocM'nas,^^  acting  as  interpreters,^' 
or  delivering  under  their  eyes  the  sermon  already 
learned.  Afterward  they  were  sent  forth  alone  to 
impart  the  lessons  acquired,  and  war  against  idolatry, 
often  with  a  zeal  that  brought  martyrdom.  This 
devout  spirit  had  been  well  inculcated  among  the 
children,  and  even  the  youngest  did  good  work  at 
their  homes  and  in  the  neighborhood.  On  the  way 
to  the  convent  one  day  the  scholars  met  a  procession 
of  natives,  brazenly  parading  the  living  representa- 
tive of  an  idol.  In  a  twinkling  they  were  upon  him, 
and  before  the  skirmish  ended  he  had  been  stoned  to 
death. Regular  raids  were  also  made  on  the  temples. 
At  Tezcuco,  for  instance,  the  friars  themselves  led  a 
procession  amid  chants  to  the  famous  chief  teocalli, 
and  after  breaking  the  idols  to  pieces  they  fired  the 

was  held.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hor.  Crueldades,  77,  confounds  it  with  the  informal 
meeting  of  1524,  wherein  the  Flemings  were  consulted  on  conversion  methods. 
Others,  like  Vetancurt,  assume  the  year  1525,  and  Zamacois  guesses  at  June 
1526.  But  the  letters  of  Father  Valencia,  acting  governor  Aguilar,  and 
Alonso  de  Castillo,  speak  clearly  of  a  formal  meeting  of  friars  and  officials 
held  in  September  to  October  1526,  to  consider  matters  touching  the  Indians. 
Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  155-7,  202-3,  545-53.  Lorenzana  calls  it  Junta 
Apostolica,  and  observes  that  title  of  Conciiio  Provincial,  as  applied  by  some 
writers,  is  wrong.  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  iv.  8.  It  was  attended  by 
Cort6s,  19  representative  friars,  including  no  doubt  Dominicans,  5  clergymen, 
and  3  jurists,  some  say  5  or  6.  Vetancur,  Chron.,  6,  T7-at.  Mex.,  22;  Oonzalez 
Ddvila,  Tcatro  Ecles.,  i.  20;  Panes,  in  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  63. 
Beaumont,  who  argues  hard  for  June  1526  as  the  time,  sides  with  Torque- 
mada  for  the  convent  church  of  San  Francisco  as  the  place,  contrary  to 
Vetancurt,  who  names  San  Jos6  chapel.  Cr6n.  Mich,,  iii.  223-4. 

58  Indian  towns  and  villages  newly  converted  to  Christianity,  to  which 
parochial  organization  has  not  been  given. 

^^These  preaching  interpreters  were  employed  formany  decades,  since  friars 
were  continually  arriving  from  Spain,  who  knew  not  the  language,  or  who 
entered  into  new  districts.  Mestizos  gradually  supplanted  the  pure  Indians 
as  interpreters.  Many  of  these  aids  were  taught  Latin,  partly  as  a  mark  of 
favor.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  413-14. 

'^'•It  occurred  during  the  Ometochtli  festival  at  Tlascala,  and  not  wholly  to 
the  satisfaction  of  the  friars,  who  sought  to  avoid  similar  extreme  measures. 
Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  214-16. 


ICONOCLASM. 


179 


building.  It  was  market  day,  and  a  vast  gathering 
of  natives  rent  the  air  with  lamentation,  their  tearful 
eyes  and  boding  hearts  following  the  smoke  columns 
as  they  dissipated  into  space,  the  concrete  symbols  of 
their  faith,  without  rousing  a  single  angry  god  to 
avenge  the  act.  Similar  destructions  were  perpe- 
trated in  different  towns,  the  Franciscans  alone  claim- 
ing to  have  destroyed  more  than  five  hundred  temples 
and  twenty  thousand  images  within  seven  years. 

Fear  of  the  Spaniards  made  idolatrous  exhibitions 
rare,  except  in  the  remote  districts,  nevertheless  the 
rites  retained  their  hold  even  upon  a  large  proportion 
of  the  converts,  for  it  proved  no  easy  matter  to  uproot 
superstitions  cherished  during  a  lifetime,  and  to  ruth- 
lessly cast  aside  idols  to  whom  so  many  blessings  were 
attributed.  Many  placed  the  images  behind  the  crosses 
and  saint  tablets,  or  worshipped  them  with  elaborate 
ceremonies,  in  common  with  others,  in  secret  local- 
ities.^^ When  remonstrated  with  for  his  obstinacy, 
a  cacique  once  exclaimed:  ^^How  is  it,"  pointing  to 
a  picture  of  a  saint,  "that  you  Spaniards  preach  so 
much  against  idolatry  while  you  yourselves  worship 
images?"  The  Spaniard  replied  with  the  usual  ex- 
planation "that  they  did  not  adore  the  images,  but 
gazed  on  them  in  meditation  of  the  great  virtues  of 
the  saints  whom  they  represent."  Hereupon  the  chief- 
tain remarked :  "  Neither  do  we  worship  images  of  gold 
or  wood;  our  prayers  and  sacrifices  are  offered  to 
God."  The  friars  made  strenuous  efforts  to  stop  this 
evil,  and  aided  by  their  young  disciples  great  progress 
was  made,  though  not  without  sacrifice,  notably  in 
Tlascala,  where  the  son  of  a  cacique  fell  a  victim  to 

Camargo  states  that  several  caciques  were  hanged  by  Cortes,  with  con- 
sent of  the  Tlascaltec  leaders,  for  relapsing  into  idolatry.  Hist.  Tlax.,  178. 
The  obstinacy  of  the  idolaters  was  attributed  both  by  friars  and  converts  to 
the  evil  one,  and  in  their  paintings  the  latter  depicted  this  personage  hover- 
ing with  his  servants  round  the  Christian  meeting -places  and  seeking  to  entice 
away  the  worshippers.  Leon,  Camino  del  Cielo,  95.  Several  of  these  curious 
specimens  of  native  art,  merging  into  Spanish,  are  given  in  the  MS.  work  of 
Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  and  aid  to  give  this  a  value  not  possessed  by  the 
lately  printed  issue. 


180 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


his  excessive  zeal.  His  father  Axotecatl  had  at  first 
sought  to  prevent  his  attendance  at  school,  but  the 
friars  carried  their  point,  and  soon  the  boy  was  bap- 
tized under  the  name  of  Cristobal.  Eager  to  convert 
also  his  family,  the  boy  destroyed  the  idols  and  wine- 
butts,  as  the  main  obstacles  to  the  desired  end,  only 
to  rouse  the  bloody  spirit  of  fanaticism  in  the  father. 
Half  dead  with  wounds,  the  young  iconoclast  escaped 
to  his  mother's  side.  The  infuriate  parent  pursued 
him,  nearly  killed  those  who  sought  to  interfere,  and 
cast  the  boy  into  a  fire.  Presently  he  drew  him  forth 
and  ended  the  flickering  life  with  dagger  blows.  Rage 
now  turned  to  fear,  the  body  was  buried  in  a  corner 
of  the  house,  and  other  precautions  were  taken  to 
keep  the  murder  secret.  The  friars  made  inquiries, 
however,  for  their  missing  pupil,  and  Axotecatl  was 
executed. About  the  same  time  two  other  Tlascal- 
tec  youths  were  killed  by  the  obstinate  idolaters  of 
an  adjoining  district,  while  assisting  two  Dominican 
missionaries.  Thus  the  little  republic  attained  dur- 
ing the  first  decade  the  glory  of  presenting  three 
widely  applauded  martyrs. 

Tlascala  enjoyed  the  additional  preeminence  of  giv- 
ing the  earliest  voluntary  converts  to  the  faith,  with 
one  or  two  exceptions,^*  and  in  the  persons  of  her 
leaders.  The  lords  of  the  adjoining  state  of  Huexo- 
tzinco  embraced  the  faith  under  the  name  of  Francisco 
de  Sandoval  y  Moreno  and  Juan  Juarez;  at  Mexico 
Quauhtemotzin  himself  thought  it  prudent  to  set  his 

^2  Different  versions  relate  that  the  body  of.  the  boy  was  cast  into  the  fire 
to  be  consumed,  but  the  flame  woukl  not  touch  the  sanctified  martyr.  The 
mother  was  killed  to  prevent  disclosures,  or  on  account  of  her  Christian  zeal. 
Camargo,  Hist,  Tlax.,  179-81.  It  is  also  said  that  a  quarrel  with  a  Spaniard, 
brought  before  the  courts,  led  to  the  apprehension  of  the  murderer.  MotoU' 
nia,  Hist.  Ind.,  220-3.  The  deed  took  place  at  Atlihuetza,  a  league  and  a 
half  from  Tlascala.  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.  No  Esp.,  208;  Mendieta,  Hist, 
Edes.,  236-45. 

^'^They  were  Antonio,  grandson  of  Xicotencatl,  and  his  servant  Juan. 
Their  bodies  were  cast  over  a  precipice  at  Quauhtinchan  or  Tecalpan.  Ubi 
sup.;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Fvnd.  SanVuKjo  de  Mex.,  60-74.  Camargo  states  that 
in  this  case  the  murderers  were  not  punished,  owing  to  the  implication  of  so 
many  and  prominent  people.  j 
See  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  558-60,  this  series. 


TEMPLE-BUILDING. 


181 


people  the  example,  while  at  Tezcuco  the  Flemish 
friars  had  already  gathered  a  rich  harvest,  chiefly 
among  the  children,  for  here  the  worthy  Gante  estab- 
lished the  first  public  school  in  Nev/  Spain,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  first  convent.  More  friars  arriving,  the 
work  of  conversion  was  forwarded  so  rapidly  that  soon 
hardly  a  village  in  the  lake  regions,  and  the  adjoining 
convent  districts,  was  without  its  church  or  chapel,^^ 
Gante  claiming  to  have  built  in  Mexico  city  alone, 
within  five  years,  more  than  one  hundred  temples. 

There  were  several  reasons  for  this  success,  won- 
derful in  its  extent,  though  shallow  at  first.  Fore- 
most stood  fear  and  policy,  for  it  was  dangerous  to 
disobey  the  conquerors,  while  favors  could  be  gained 
by  courting  them.  Then  came  the  undefined  belief 
with  many  that  the  religion  of  men  so  superior  in 
prowess  and  intelligence  must  contain  some  virtue, 
something  superior  to  their  own.  In  the  districts 
occupied  for  some  time  by  Spaniards  the  idea  of  their 
being  divine  had  long  since  faded;  still,  their  origin 
was  involved  in  obscurity:  the  land  whence  they 
came,  the  gilded  regions  of  the  rising  sun ;  the  august 
ruler  beyond  the  great  sea;  the  pontiff  who  repre- 
sented the  Infinite — all  this  loomed  dimly  forth  in 
mystic  grandeur  and  awe,  the  great  prompter  of  wor- 
ship, laid  its  influence  upon  their  mind.  In  the  newer 
districts,  where  Spanish  vices  and  weaknesses  were 
less  understood,  these  ideas  had  greater  effect,  and 
tended  to  infuse  greater  veneration  for  their  rites. 

Several  prominent  men  had  been  baptized  before  this  time  at  Tezcuco 
and  other  places,  by  Olmedo  and  his  companions,  and  young  princes  had 
been  taught  the  rudiments  of  secular  and  religious  knowledge,  but  impulse 
in  this  direction  was  first  given  at  Tezcuco  by  the  Flemings,  and  at  Mexico, 
Huexotzinco  and  Tlascala,  by  the  12  Franciscans.  When  Quauhtemotzin 
and  Ixtlilxochitl  received  baptism  is  not  clear,  though  it  must  have  been  before 
the  end  of  1524,  when  Cortes  took  them  to  Honduras.  A  convent  existed  at 
Tlascala  in  October  of  that  year,  but  the  permanent  edifice  was  still  building 
in  1526,  when  Chirinos  created  a  dispute  by  taking  refuge  there.  Herrera^ 
dec.  ii.  lib.  x,  cap.  xiii.j  Panes,  in  Momumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  73-5,  and 
later  references. 

Gante  claims  to  have  baptized,  with  aid  of  one  friar,  in  Mexico  province, 
more  than  200,000  souls.  Lettre,  in  Ternaux-Com'pans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  tom.  x. 
197,  202.  The  letters  of  Cortes  and  Albornoz,  in  Jcazhalceta,  Col,  Doc,  i. 
487-8,  also  bear  witness  to  the  progress. 


182 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


Further,  the  new  rites  and  doctrines  had  many  simi- 
larities to  their  own  to  commend  them  to  the  natives. 
Baptism  was  used  for  infants  generally,  and  purifying 
water  was  applied  also  by  ascetics;  the  communion 
was  taken  in  different  forms,  as  wafer  or  bread,  and 
as  pieces  from  the  consecrated  dough  statue  of  the 
chief  god,  the  latter  form  being  termed  teoqualo,  '  god 
is  eaten;'  confession  was  heard  by  regular  confessors, 
who  extended  absolution  in  the  name  of  the  deity  con- 
cerned. The  idea  of  a  trinity  was  not  unknown,  and 
according  to  Las  Casas'  investigations,  even  a  virgin- 
born  member  of  it;  the  flood  existed  in  recorded 
traditions,  and  Cholula  pyramid  embodied  a  Babel 
myth;  while  the  mysterious  Quetzalcoatl  lived  in  the 
hopes,  especially  of  the  oppressed,  as  the  expected 
Messiah.  Lastly,  the  cross,  so  wide-spread  as  a 
symbol,  held  a  high  religious  significance  also  here, 
bearing  among  other  names  that  of  'tree  of  life.'^^ 
Although  these  similarities  appeared  to  the  friars 
partly  as  a  profanation,  and  were  pointed  out  as  a 
perversion  by  the  evil  one,  nevertheless  they  failed 
*  not  to  permit  a  certain  association  or  mingling  of 
pagan  and  Christian  ideas  in  this  connection  with  a 
view  to  promote  the  acceptance  of  the  latter.  The 
Indians  on  their  side  availed  themselves  so  freely  of 
this  privilege  as  frequently  to  rouse  the  observation 
that  they  had  merely  changed  the  names  of  their 
idols  and  rites. 

Even  more  eflPective  than  the  preceding  features, 
from  the  permanent  allurement  it  oflered,  was  the 
ceremonial  pomp,  the  gorgeous  display,  in  connection 

A  very  similar  term  was  applied  to  an  Egyptian  cross  according  to  Lip- 
sius.  De  Cruce,  lib.  iii.  cap.  viii.  Several  more  similarities  of  rites  and 
beliefs  could  be  pointed  out,  but  for  such,  as  well  as  for  a  full  consideration 
of  the  above  points,  I  refer  to  my  Native  Baces,  particularly  volume  iii.,  bear- 
ing on  mythology. 

*La  Vierye  immacuUe. .  .c'est  I'image  qui  approche  le  plus  de  celle  de  la 
m6re  de  leur  dieu  HuUzilopuchiU,'  observes  Beltrami  in  this  connection. 
Mexique,  ii.  52.  Mexican  writers  also  find  objections  in  the  picture  used  by 
Indians.  Moniimentos  Domin.  Esp.,  3G0.  Viceroy  Mendoza  sought  to  remove 
one  obstacle  to  conversion  among  nobles  by  restoring  the  tecles  order  of  knight- 
hood. Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  201-2. 


PLEASING  WORSHIP. 


183 


with  the  services,  so  fascinating  to  the  cultured  Euro- 
pean, how  much  more  therefore  to  the  ruder  Mexi- 
can. The  effect  can  be  readily  estimated  by  compar- 
ing the  rapid  progress  among  the  northern  Indians  of 
Catholic  missionaries,  and  their  stronger  hold  upon 
them,  as  compared  with  Protestant  ministers.  With 
the  ruder  man,  as  with  children,  the  appeal  to  the  senses 
is  always  the  stronger.  When  the  eye  is  dazzled,  the 
ear  soothed,  the  emotions  of  the  heart  can  be  the  more 
readily  stirred  and  kept  awake  than  by  the  unaided 
efforts  of  oratory.  And  who  shall  question  the  legiti- 
macy of  such  aids  in  so  good  a  cause  as  the  substitu- 
tion of  a  gentle,  elevating  religion  for  a  bloody,  debasing 
ritual  ?  Religion  is  primarily  an  appeal  to  the  senses, 
and  even  the  cultivated  philosopher  who  may  enter- 
tain a  vague  pantheism  is  allured  by  the  object-lessons 
of  nature  to  thoughts  beyond  the  material. 

The  priests  took  pains,  therefore,  to  make  attractive 
the  place  of  worship :  the  altar  with  lace,  and  gold, 
and  flowers,  all  resplendent  with  lights;  pictures  and 
statues  with  colors  and  attitude  appealing  to  the  ten- 
derest  feelings;  solemn  chants  and  gorgeous  proces- 
sions, while  around  in  the  recesses  an  awe-inspiring 
half-gloom  impelled  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  the 
worshippers  yearningly  toward  the  enchanted  scene 
before  them.  The  numerous  feast-days  gave  the  friars 
frequent  opportunity  to  indulge  the  natives  with 
alluring  pageantry,  varying  in  its  nature  with  the 
significance  of  the  festival.  Christmas  came  with 
appropriate  and  brilliant  tableaux ;  epiphany  had  its 
representative  magi  following  an  imagined  star  to 
render  homage.  Palm-Sunday  revelled  in  flowers,  and 
easter-tide  followed  with  impressive  scenes  and  ser- 
vices. There  were  processions  brilliant  with  gala- 
dresses,  flowers,  plumes,  and  banners,  with  here  and 
there  crosses  and  saints'  images  borne  by  chiefs  and 
chosen  ones,  and  attended  by  large  escorts  of  candle- 
bearers.  The  priests  chanted  solemnly,  and  now  and 
then  the  refrain  was  taken  up  in  swelling  volume. 


184 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


Arches  rose  at  frequent  intervals,  and  embowered 
chapels.  Motolinia  describes  a  Corpus  Christi  cele- 
bration at  Tlascala  for  which  more  than  a  thousand 
floral  arches  had  been  erected  along  the  streets  taken 
by  the  procession,  with  ten  larger  arches  in  form  of 
naves,  and  four  artificial  scenes  of  wild  and  placid 
nature,  rocks,  trees,  moss,  and  lawns,  one  representing 
Adam  and  Eve  in  paradise,  a  second,  the  temptation 
of  Christ,  the  fourth.  Saint  Jerome  and  Saint  Francis, 
and  all  elaborated  with  surprising  skill,  and  with 
hunters  and  animals,  some  natural,  others  imitated. 
Many  pagan  ceremonies  were  introduced,  endeared  to 
the  congregation  by  long  association,  and  frolics  and 
dances  lent  a  cheerful  after-glow  to  the  solemnity,  and 
gilded  the  remembrance  of  the  feast. 

Another  factor  remains  to  be  considered  among  the 
causes  for  success  with  conversions :  the  saintly  char- 
acter of  the  friars;  their  benign  appearance;  their 
kindness  of  heart;  their  benevolent  acts;  their  exem- 
plary life;  all  so  worthy  of  admiration,  and  in  so 
striking  contrast  to  the  fiercer  aspect  and  bloody 
doings  of  the  native  priests,  in  harmony  truly  with 
their  horrid  idols  and  rites,  as  the  appearance  and 
acts  of  the  friars  accorded  with  the  gentle  virgin 
image  and  the  pious  teachings  of  their  faith.  The 
records  of  the  chroniclers  are  filled  with  glowing 
testimony  to  the  self-sacrificing  conduct,  in  private 
and  public  life,  of  these  missionaries,  misdirected 
though  they  often  were  from  a  more  active  and  use- 
ful path  by  excess  of  zeal,  and  by  hallucination,  which 
caused  too  many  of  their  heroic  acts  to  be  spent 
against  the  bare  cell  walls,  instead  of  furthering  the 
real  good  of  individuals  or  communities.  Yet  they 
remain  heroes  in  their  sphere,  ennobled  by  a  lofty 
though  empty  purpose.    Others  there  are,  like  Va- 

^^This  celebration  took  place  in  1538.  Motolinia  describes  several  others 
hardly  less  elaborate.  Hist.  Ind.,  73-81;  Torquemada,  iii.  230-1;  Ddvila  Pa- 
dilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Santiago,  79-84.  'Sou vent  quatre-vingts  et  mdme  cent 
mille  personnes  assistent.'  Bologne,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.^  s6rie  i.  torn. 
X.  220. 


MIRACLES. 


185 


lencia  and  Motolinia,  who,  heedless  of  hardships,  of 
dangers,  seeking  not  even  glory  save  perhaps  martyr- 
dom, passed  in  toil  and  travel  even  their  declining 
years,  when  comfort  lures  most  men  to  repose.  They 
penetrated  to  distant  provinces,  now  following  in  the 
wake  of  ruthless  invaders  to  act  the  part  of  Samari- 
tans; now  intruding  on  the  golden  arena  where  rival 
governors  were  ranging  the  forces  to  wage  hot  battle 
for  possession  of  the  shackled  native;  now  entering 
alone  on  some  primeval  scene  to  plant  the  crucifix, 
harbinger  of  a  gentle  culture,  even  though  it  serve 
only  too  often  to  guide  the  way  to  vultures,  in  the 
shape  of  rapacious  and  cruel  soldiers.  If  the  mission- 
aries could  not  prevent  this  evil,  they  could  at  least 
soften  it  by  interposing  at  times  the  shielding  arm  of 
the  chu:xh,  and  range  themselves  as  champions  of  the 
oppressed.  In  this  work  they  shine  with  brightest 
glory,  undimmed  even  by  that  thirst  for  gold  which 
overshadows  them  in  many  another  part.  Yet  even 
here  th  j  more  immediate  end,  at  least,  may  be  sum- 
moned to  justify  the  means,  embracing  also  doubtful 
mummery  and  miracles.  The  latter  were  not  so 
numerous  in  New  Spain,  says  Mendieta  with  unin- 
tentional significance,  for  the  reason  that  the  natives 
embraced  the  faith  readily  enough  without  much 
stimulant  of  that  nature.  There  are  records,  how- 
ever, of  rains  produced  or  stayed  by  carrying  around 
the  cross  and  saints'  images;  of  the  resurrection  of 
dead  persons,  and  the  like.'^^ 

Several  of  the  miracles  are  properly  attributed  to 
Father  Valencia,  as  the  chief  of  the  Franciscan  apos- 
tles, and  because  of  a  saintly  life.  While  most  exem- 
plary in  conduct,  and  rigid  in  the  observance  of  rules 
laid  down  by  the  order,  he  was  a  stout  defender  of 
the  prerogatives  of  the  church  and  of  the  oppressed 
natives,  and  on  more  than  one  occasion  assumed  a  bel- 
ligerent attitude  toward  the  local  authorities.  His 

Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  105,  145-6;  Mendieta,  Hist,  nicies.,  597-600,  and 
other  authorities. 


186 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


apostolic  zeal  was  so  great  that,  although  approaching 
the  age  of  seventy,  the  confined  limits  of  New  Spain 
were  evidently  too  narrow  for  him,  and  he  made 
more  than  one  attempt  to  go  to  China/^  As  if  dis- 
heartened by  the  failure,  he  retired  to  a  spot  near 
Tlalmanalco  to  meditate  and  mortify  the  flesh.  So 
severe  was  the  self-imposed  penance  that  he  fell  sick, 
and  on  being  removed  for  nursing  to  Mexico,  he  died 
on  the  way,  and  was  buried  at  Tlalmanalco/^  His 
dress  and  other  belongings  were  preserved  as  relics, 
and  his  grave  was  for  years  a  point  of  attraction  to 
worshippers/^    No  less  revered  figures  are  to  be  found 

The  plan  was  conceived  in  common  with  bishop  Zumarraga  and  the  Do- 
minican Betanzos.  The  first  attempt  was  frustrated  by  the  rotten  condition 
of  the  vessel  for  which  he  had  been  waiting  some  seven  months  at  Tehuante- 
pec.  Id.,  394-8,  584-8. 

^2  He  died  at  Ayotzinco,  the  21st  of  March,  1534,  and  was  taken  back  to 
Tlalmanalco  convent.  The  journey  to  Tehuantepec  in  1533,  barefooted,  had 
broken  his  health.  Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  158-9;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  595-6, 
601-2;  Vetancurt  makes  the  date  Aug.  31st.  Menolog.,  95. 

'''^The  corpse  was  several  times  disinterred.  In  1567  it  suddenly  disap- 
peared, by  a  miracle,  it  was  said,  as  a  chastisement  for  curiosity  and  lack  of 
reverence.  Up  to  that  time  it  had  shown  no  putrefaction,  Mendieta  writes 
that  only  one  of  his  several  letters  had  been  preserved,  but  in  Ternaux-Com- 
pans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  tom.  x.  224,  and  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  155,  are  oth- 
ers, speaking  well  for  his  zeal.  Authorities,  in  addition  to  those  elsewhere 
cited,  that  treat  wholly  or  in  part  of  church  history:  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  iv.  456,  568-9;  v.  449-50;  viii.  19;  xii.  281-3,  485;  xiii.  50-1; 
Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  pp.  xlv.-cxix.  487-8;  Puga,  Cedulario,  21,  40;  Gri- 
jalva,  Cr6n.  S.  Aug.,  1,  2;  Oviedo,  iii.  469-71;  Cartas  de  Indias,  54-6,  712, 
780-857;  Libra  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  65-6;  IxtUlxochitl,  Relaciones,  in  Kings- 
horough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  ix.  429-47;  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  9,  10,  41;  Ternaux- 
Cornpans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  tom.  x.  199-200;  Vazquez,  Chron.  Chat.,  2-3,  19,  20, 
527-35;  Col.  Doc  In6d.,  Ivii.  181;  Arcliivo  Mex.,  Doc,  i.  49-50,  92,  150-62; 
ii.  178-83;  Recop.  de  Indias,  i.  29  etc.;  Ramirez,  Proceso,  246-8,  299-302; 
Cortes,  Hist.  JST.  Esp.,  208,  389-95;  Peter  Martyr,  de  Iiisvlis,  145-6;  Prov. 
Sto  Evangelio,  pt.  i.  iii.  v.-vii.  xvii. ;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  63, 
255-79,  322,  360;  Mex.  Extr.  de  Cedulas,  MS.,  1;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles., 
45-65;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex.,  66-74;  Rivero,  Mex.  in  184^, 
225-7;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  20,  25,  74^5;  Frejes,  Hist.  Conq., 
70;  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orhis,  103,  112-14;  Medina,  Chrdn.  San  Diego,  9; 
Mex.,  Not.  Ciudad,  66;  Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  22-4,  98-110;  Alegre, 
Hist.  Comp.  de  Jesus,  i.  180-1;  Prescott's  Mex.,  ii.  96-8,  iii.  265-8,  380-9; 
also  notes  in  Mex.  eds.;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  26-7;  Cabrera,  Escudo  Armas, 
404-8;  Alam,an,  Disert.,  i.  198,  209,  app.  109-12;  ii.  109-91,  app.  26-48; 
Heredia,  Serm.  y  Disert.  Guad.,  pt.  i.  139;  Pizarro  y  Orellana,  Varones 
Ilvstres,  102-10;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  passim;  v.  168-71,  496;  Vetan- 
cvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  22;  Id.,  Menologia,  32,  54-105,  149,  297-304;  Id.,  Chrdn. 
Sto  Evangelio,  4-10;  Id.,  Teatro  Mex.,  ii.  146;  Mex.  Hieroqlyphical  Hist., 
113;  Granados,  Tardes  Am.,  270-4,  298,  327-9;  U.  S.  Cath.  Mag.,  IS44, 
488-93;  /(/.,  1846,  261^5;  Frost's  Pict.  Hist.  Mex.,  125-30;  Quart.  Ref^,  i. 
214;  Mayers  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  84-5;  Marshall's  Christian  Missions,  ii.  22^"^; 


TORIBIO  MOTOLINIA. 


187 


among  his  companions,  the  apostoUc  twelve,  whom  we 
shall  meet  frequently  in  the  course  of  our  history. 

Garcia,  Hist.  Beth.,  ii.  13,  14;  Mosaico  Mex.,  ii.  448-50;  Abbott's  Hex.  and 
U.  S.,  19-28;  Miller,  Reisen  in  Mex.,  iii.  178-80;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult., 
iv.  383-93;  v.  320-48;  Salazar  y  Olarte,  Conq.  Mex.,  ii.  207-11;  Salazar, 
Mex.  en  15U,  233-6,  248-50;  Hefel4,  Cardinal  Ximenez,  508-30;  Helps 
Cortes,  ii.  149;  Mexicanische  Zustdnde,  i.  278-81;  Brasseicr  de  Bourbourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  575-93,  712-30;  Doc.  EcUs.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  pt.  v.;  De- 
fensa  de  la  Verdad.,  4-6;  BurJce's  Europ.  Settl,  i.  124-9;  Camargo,  Hist. 
Tlax.,  158-60;  Hazart,  Kirchen-Gescliichte,  ii.  531-2;  Dice.  Univ.,  ii.  314-15, 
601;  V.  253;  vii.  227;  viii.  217-18;  x.  739-48;  Leyes,  VariasAnot.,  8-12;  Mag- 
llano's  St  Francis,  538-47;  Beltrami,  Mexique,  ii.  52-3;  Portilla,  Espana  in 
Mex.,  40-5;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  82;  Id.,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  i.  18;  Fricius, 
hid.  Religionstandt,  50-118;  Concilio  Prov.,  1555  and  1565,  pt.  iv.  1-10; 
Clemente,  Tobias  Chronoldg.,  227-8;  Bussierre,  L'Emp.  Mex.,  324-31;  Touron, 
Hist.  Gen.  Am.,  iv.  204-19;  v.  1,  2,  35-55. 

One  of  the  leading  authorities  on  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  Mexico  for 
the  first  period  succeeding  the  conquest,  is  Father  Toribio  de  Benavente, 
known  as  Motolinia,  whose  family  name  appears  to  have  been  Paredes,  for  so 
he  signs  the  preface  to  the  Historia  de  los  Indios.  He  was  born  at  Benavente 
in  Leon,  and  early  evinced  a  devout  disposition  and  a  leaning  for  the  priest- 
hood. After  entering  the  Franciscan  province  of  Santiago,  he  was  transferred 
to  that  of  San  Gabriel,  and  came  as  one  of  the  apostolic  twelve  to  Mexico. 
Hearing  frequently  from  the  wondering  Indians  who  clustered  along  their 
route  the  word  Motolinia,  and  learning  that  it  meant  *  poor, '  in  allusion  to 
their  threadbare  garments  and  careworn  appearance,  he  adopted  it  as  an 
appropriate  name  for  himself,  and  was  ever  after  so  called.  He  even  signed 
himself  Motolinia  Fr.  Toribio,  with  true  reference  to  the  meaning.  Vazquez, 
Chron.  Gvat.,  527,  534.  The  name,  indeed,  became  identified  not  alone  with 
a  man  of  profound  humility,  but  of  a  zeal  that  bordered  on  fanaticism, 
as  instanced  by  his  fiery  advocacy  of  forcing  conversion  with  the  sword, 
which  involved  him  in  bitter  altercation  with  Bishop  Las  Casas.  While  im- 
bued with  views  different  from  those  of  the  apostle  of  the  Indies,  he  was  no 
less  a  champion  of  the  oppressed  natives,  devoting  to  th^m  his  b'^'st  talents 
and  energy;  now  appearing  in  hot  contest  with  political  powers  in  their  be- 
half; now  shielding  them  from  cruel  taskmasters;  and  anon  following  with 
crucifix  in  hand  the  bloody  path  of  conquerors,  to  act  the  good  Samaritan. 
Already  during  the  first  decade  of  the  Conquest  he  had  penetrated  into  Cen- 
tral America,  wandering  through  Guatemala  and  Nicaragua,  and  adding 
thousands  to  the  list  of  converts  baptized  by  his  hand.  Vetancurt  allows 
him  to  have  baptized  400,000  during  this  tour  alone.  Menolog.,  85.  Torque- 
mada,  iii.  441,  makes  this  the  total  number  of  his  recorded  converts  '  por 
cuenta  que  tuvo  en  escrito. .  .sin  los  que  se  le  podrian  olvidar.'  On  his  return 
he  became  superior  at  Tezcuco;  later,  comisario,  and  vice-comisario  general 
for  Guatemala,  and  attained  to  the  dignity  of  sixth  provincial.  The  last 
years  of  his  life  were  spent  at  San  Francisco  convent  in  Mexico,  in  devout 
exercises,  and  during  the  performance  of  one  he  expired  in  1568,  says  Beri- 
stain,  probably  August  9th,  the  last  of  the  apostolic  twelve,  according  to  Men- 


188 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


dieta.  Hist.  Ecles.,  620-];  Beristain,  Bib.  Hisp.  Am.;  Ramirez,  in  Icazhahetay 
Col.  Doc,  i.  p.  cxviii.,  etc.;  Datos  Biog.,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  810;  Fernan- 
dez, Hist.  Ecles.,  52-3;  Salazar  y  Olarte,  Co7iq.  Mex.,  207-11.  His  robe  was 
kept  as  a  relic  of  a  saintly  man  to  whose  prayers  many  miraculous  happen- 
ings were  attributed.  His  intimacy  with  the  natives  led  to  a  careful  study 
of  their  customs,  religion,  and  history,  while  his  admirable  knowledge  of  Aztec 
caused  him  to  prepare  several  writings  for  their  instruction.  The  list  includes: 
De  morihus  Indorum,  used  to  a  great  extent  by  Torquemada;  Adventus  duo- 
decim  Patrum,  qui  primi  eas  regiones  devenerunt,  et  de  eorum  rebus  gestis;  giving 
an  account  of  the  apostolic  labors  of  himself  and  his  companions;  Doctrina 
Christiana,  in  Mexican,  for  the  benefit  of  the  converts,  to  which  Torquemada, 
iii.  386,  alludes:  'Hi9o  luego  una  breve  Doctrina  Christiana,  Fr.  Toribio 
Motolinia  lo  qval  anda  impressa;'  Guerra  de  los  Indios  de  la  Nueva  Esjpana; 
Camino  del  Espiritu;  Calendario  Mexicano,  to  which  Henrico  Martinez  makes 
reference.  Memoriales  Histdricos,  quoted  sometimes  by  Herrera  and  often  by 
Torquemada;  and  some  letters,  notably  that  of  January  2,  1555.  But  the 
most  important  of  Motolinia's  writings  is  the  Historia  de  los  Indios  de  la  Nueva 
Espafia;  to  which  Antonia  andPinelo,  Epitome,  ii.  711,  refer  under  the  original 
title  of  Relacion  de  las  cosas,  Idolatrias  Ritos,  i  Ceremonial  de  la  Nueva 
Espafia,  MS.,  fol.  It  forms  three  tratados,  the  first,  in  15  chapters,  relating 
to  the  idols  and  religious  ceremonies  of  the  Mexicans;  the  second,  in  10 
chapters,  to  missionary  labors,  and  acceptance  of  Christianity  by  the  natives; 
the  third,  in  20  chapters,  to  a  medley  of  civil  and  ecclesiastic,  scientific  points, 
resources,  towns.  One  of  these  chapters  was  intended  for  the  second  part. 
In  chapter  ix.  of  third  part  the  author  promises  a  fourth  tratado,  which  lie 
failed  to  add.  It  was  probably  intended  as  an  amplification  of  the  Adventus 
duodedm,  to  judge  by  the  productions  of  other  monk  chroniclers,  and  conse- 
quently of  great  value.  As  it  is,  the  treatise  contains  a  vast  amount  of 
information  of  which  later  writers  have  eagerly  availed  themselves,  based  as 
it  is  on  personal  inquiries  and  observation.  While  it  exhibits  a  rambling 
order,  and  a  naive  acceptance  of  the  marvellous,  yet  it  is  pervaded  by  a  vein 
of  candor  that  wins  confidence.  The  manuscript  circulated  in  several  copies, 
two  of  which  have  of  late  years  been  published,  in  Kingsborouglis  Mex.  Antiq., 
wherein  !;he  first  "iratado  by  the  duplication  of  a  chapter  number,  closes  with 
chapter  xiii.  instead  of  xiv.,  and  in  the  admirable  collection  of  Icazbalceta, 
prefaced  by  an  exhaustive  biography  from  the  pen  of  the  Mexican  scholar 
Ramirez. 

There  were  several  others,  who  with  a  longer  period  and  a  wider  range  of 
subjects  at  their  command,  assumed  a  more  important  position  as  chroniclers, 
such  as  Mendieta,  Torquemada,  Vetancurt.  They  will  be  noticed  in  more 
appropriate  places.  All  the  orders  had  their  annalists,  though  the  writings  of 
most  appeared  to  the  public  only  in  compiled  form,  in  the  books  of  favored 
ones.  Among  these,  Juan  de  Grijalva  early  appeared  as  the  historian  of  the 
order  of  San  Augustin,  which  enjoyed  a  comparatively  small  representation  in 
New  Spain.  The  writer  is  the  more  interesting  to  us  in  being  a  Creole,  born  in 
Colima  about  1559.  As  a  child  already  he  displayed  a  literary  taste,  and  as  a 
priest  he  delighted  the  public  with  his  oratorical  powers,  while  the  order  es- 
teemed him  as  authority  on  theologic  and  other  topics.    He  figured  successively 


GRIJALVA,  GARCIA,  DAVILA. 


189 


as  rector  of  San  Pablo  college,  as  definidor,  and  prior.  His  Cronica  de  la  Orden 
de  K.  P.  S.  Aiigustin  enlas  provincias  de  Nueva  Espana,  Mexico,  1624,  218  pp. 
folio,  in  four  tratados,  covers  the  labors  of  the  order  from  1533  to  1592,  and 
contains  a  number  of  biographies,  together  with  an  account  of  the  strife 
between  the  orders  and  the  secular  clergy  for  the  possession  of  parishes. 
Both  order  and  style  are  above  the  average  productions  of  contemporaries, 
and  less  rambling  is  apparent,  as  Pinelo  observes:  '  Es  Historia  bien  escrita  i 
que  no  sale  de  lo  que  en  el  Titido  promete.'  Epitome,  ii.  761,  839.  According 
to  Vetancurt,  he  also  wrote  the  book  on  which  Cisneros  founds  his  Hist,  de 
N.  Sra.  de  los  Eemedios.  A  special  history  of  the  Augustinian  sub-pro- 
\dncia  of  San  Nicholas  appeared  at  a  later  date,  under  the  title  of  Historia  de 
San  Nicholas  de  Tolentino  del  drden  de  San  Augustin  of  215  folio  pages  in  three 
libros,  wherein  is  recorded  the  mission  work  of  the  order  in  Michoacan  and 
adjoining  regions  from  1537  to  1646,  at  first  under  the  provinciales  of  Mexico, 
later  as  independent  provincia.  Half  the  space  is  devoted  to  the  lives  and 
particularly  the  virtues  of  the  missionaries,  the  remainder  to  the  founding 
and  progress  of  the  diflferent  convents  and  stations,  with  few  allusions  to 
political  and  civil  affairs. 

The  history  of  the  Bethlehemite  order  has  been  written  by  friar  Joseph  Gar- 
cia de  la  Concepcion,  who  had  acquired  some  fame  as  a  preacher  and  pro- 
fessor, and  it  exists  under  the  title  of  Historia  Bethlehemitica.  Vida  exemplar 
y  admirable  del  venerable  Betancvr.  Seville,  1723,  folio,  203,  173,  39  pp.  re- 
spectively. The  first  of  the  four  tratados  is  devoted  to  a  biography  of  Vetan- 
curt, who  founded  the  order  in  the  middle  of  the  17th  century;  the  second 
relates  to  the  life  of  Rodrigo  de  la  Cruz,  and  the  missions  in  Mexico  and  Centra] 
America;  the  third  and  fourth  to  minor  biographies  and  progress  of  the  order. 

More  attractive,  if  less  valuable  to  the  present  historic  field,  is  the  rare 
and  curious  Nova  Typis  Transacta  Navicjatio.  Novi  Orhis  Indice  Occidentalis, 
Admodvm  Rev.  Bvellii,  Avthore  Fr.  Honario  Pldlopono  (Monacho),  1621,  folio, 
which  relates  to  the  labors  of  Benedictine  missionaries  in  America  chiefly 
under  Buil,  the  vicar  of  the  pope,  and  the  first  patriarch  of  the  New  World, 
who  accompanied  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage  with  instructions  to  take 
charge  of  the  education  of  Indians,  and  who  afterwards  became  so  bitter 
against  the  admiral.  It  opens  with  a  treatise  on  ancient  knowledge  of  a 
western  world,  and  of  St  Brendan's  discoveries  in  this  direction,  and  treats 
of  the  aboriginal  beliefs  in  Mexico  and  other  regions.  On  the  finely  engraved 
title-page  are  given  full-length  portraits  of  St  Brendan  and  P.  Buil, 
engraved  by  Kilian,  who  furnishes  several  other  plates  illustrating  sea-mon- 
sters and  Indian  barbarities.  The  book  is  dedicated  to  Casparus  Plautius, 
the  abbd  of  the  Seittenstotten  convent,  to  which  the  author  belongs.  By 
some  the  two  are  regarded  as  identical.  Philoponus  takes  a  decided  stand- 
point in  several  places,  particularly  where  the  prerogative  of  his  cloth  is  con- 
cerned. In  a  reference  to  the  journey  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  for  instance,  he 
attacks  him  severely  for  daring  to  perform  miracles  among  Indians. 

Notwithstanding  the  extent  and  importance  of  the  church  in  the  New 
World,  it  was  not  till  1649  that  the  first  church  history  of  America  appeared 
in  Teatro  Eclesidstico  de  la  Primitiva  Iglesia  de  las  Indias  Occidentales.  By 
Maestro  Gil  Gronzalez  Davila,  Madrid,  1649-55,  2  vols,  folio — giving  an  account 


190 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


of  the  foundation  and  progress  of  the  church  in  each  province  of  Spanish 
America ;  its  officials  and  coats  of  arms,  together  with  the  biography  of  bish- 
ops and  pious  members ;  an  account  of  the  introduction  of  literature  and  art, 
and  some  valuable  vocabularies.  It  was  Ddvila's  first  work  as  chief  chroni- 
cler of  the  Indies  and  the  two  Castiles.  The  dedication  to  Felipe  IV.  refer- 
ring to  him  as  'mvy  alto  y  mvy  Catolico  y  por  esto  mvy  poderoso  Seiior  Rey, » 
shows  Ddvila  to  be  at  least  a  devout  reasoner,  since  the  subject  of  the  book 
and  the  character  of  the  age  hardly  permit  the  supposition  of  veiled  irony  in 
the  simple  *por  esto.'  For  a  royal  chronicler  the  work  is  very  carelessly 
written,  with  glaring  faults  on  all  hands,  and  in  poor  style.  Pinelo  gives 
1645  as  the  date  of  one  volume,  but  this  is  probably  mtended  for  the  Teatro 
Eclesldstico  de  las  dos  Castillas,  Madrid,  1645-50,  3  vols.,  with  a  4th  volume  in 
1700,  concerning  which  Ddvila  had  sent  to  the  king  a  memorial,  referred  to 
by  Pinelo.  This  and  his  Teatro  de  las  Grandegas  de  Madrid,  1623,  were 
probably  better  written,  since  they  must  have  aided  in  obtaining  for  him  the 
position  of  chronicler. 

A  rarer  and  earlier  work  than  Ddvila's  is  the  Historia  Eclesiastica  de  Nves- 
tros  Tiempos,  by  the  Dominican  Alonso  Fernandez.  Toledo,  1611,  folio.  The 
chief  object  of  which  claims  to  be  the  recording  of  the  glorious  deeds  of  zeal- 
ous sons  of  the  church  outside  of  Spain,  particularly  contemporaries,  with  a 
view  to  animate  her  children  to  remain  steadfast.  The  first  and  largest  of 
the  three  libros  is  occupied  with  America,  beginning  with  the  Antilles,  but 
soon  passing  to  Mexico  and  Central  America  as  the  main  field,  and  closing 
with  South  America.  The  entry  of  friars  and  the  progress  of  missions  and 
ecclesiastic  provincias  are  related,  with  innumerable  passages  on  miracles, 
martyrs,  and  saintly  men,  and  with  some  account  of  native  idolatry  and  of 
books  printed  in  native  idioms.  The  rest  treats  of  the  other  continents  and 
islands.  The  title-page  bears  an  engraving  of  the  madonna  adored  by  St 
Dominic  and  St  Francis. 

Another  general  work  on  the  church  is  the  Kerchelycke  Historie  van  de 
gheheele  Wereldt,  by  the  Jesuit  father  Cornelius  Hazart.  Antwerpien,  1667, 
4  vols,  folio.  Among  its  several  editions  the  most  notable  is  the  German 
Kirchen-Geschichte.  Wienn,  1678-1701,  3  vols.,  rearranged  and  improved  by 
M.  Soutermans  of  the  same  order.  Besides  giving  an  account  of  missionary 
labors,  particularly  by  Jesuits,  the  political  and  social  condition  of  each 
region  of  the  world  is  considered,  though  not  with  any  care  or  critique. 
Opening  with  Japan  the  first  volume  proceeds  to  treat  of  other  parts  of  Asia, 
while  Prester  John's  country  heads  the  second  volume  for  the  African  divi- 
sion. The  last  two  thirds  is  filled  with  the  New  World,  beginning  with  South 
America,  and  proceeding  with  Florida,  Canada,  Mexico,  and  Maranhan.  The 
hundred  pages  of  the  Mexican  section  treats  of  the  origin  and  belief  of  the 
Indians,  the  omens  preceding  the  Spanish  arrival,  the  conquest  and  descrip- 
tion of  Mexico,  and  the  conversion.  The  copperplates  are  chiefly  illustra- 
tive of  martyrdom,  with  fancifully  drawn  natives,  headed  by  a  portrait  of 
St  Francis  Javier,  not  only  as  missionary  apostle,  but  as  a  Jesuit,  one  of  the 
first  nine  companions  of  Loyola,  as  the  author  vehemently  maintains. 

Regardless  of  the  efibrts  made  by  the  church  historians  already  mentioned, 
and  by  others.  Father  Touron  of  the  order  of  Preachers  comes  forward  with 


FERNANDEZ,  HAZART,  TOURON. 


191 


a  Histoire  Gdnirals  de  VAm^rique,  Paris,  1768,  8  vols.,  12°,  wherein  he  proposes 
to  repair  the  neglect  of  general  histories  to  fully  record  the  important  branch 
of  spiritual  conquest.  Dividing  his  work  into  four  parts,  relating  to  the  juris- 
dictions of  Santo  Domingo,  of  Mexico,  of  Peru  and  Chile,  and  of  New  Granada, 
he  relates  under  three  epochs  for  the  three  centuries,  the  progress  of  Chris- 
tianity in  each  section.  Aware  of  the  necessity  of  rendering  ecclesiastic 
records  acceptable  to  'Lecteurs  dans  un  sifecle  d'autant  plus  frivole,'  he  re- 
solves to  '  marcher  sous  I'escorte  de  I'Histoire  Politique  et  Naturelle, '  in  short 
to  sugarcoat  the  pill.  While  several  religious  chronicles  have  been  the  guide 
for  the  main  subject,  the  rest  is  evidently  borrowed  from  one  general  history, 
without  much  digestion  of  either,  since  this  was  probably  deemed  irreverent 
with  respect  to  the  former  and  unnecessary  with  the  latter,  as  contributing 
merely  to  a  minor  topic.  With  the  progress  of  the  work  the  author  gradually 
throws  off  the  political  shackles  which  have  so  far  bound  the  guileless  student, 
and  leaving  him  adrift  he  abandons  himself  wholly  to  his  clerical  guide. 

In  connection  with  these  may  be  mentioned  the  Ceremonies  et  coutumea 
religieuses,  Amsterdam,  1723-43,  8  vols,  folio,  to  which  belongs  Superstitions 
anciennes  et  modernes,  1733-f,  2  vols.  It  opens  with  a  full  account  of  the 
Jewish  religion,  with  the  rites  and  social  institutions  in  connection  therewith, 
and  proceeds  with  the  Roman  Catholic,  to  which  are  appended  lengthy 
memoirs  on  the  rise  and  operations  of  the  inquisitions.  Then  comes  an  account 
of  American  religictis  and  features  relating  thereto,  particularly  those  pre- 
vailing in  New  France;  but  Mexico  receives  a  considerable  space,  followed  by 
South  America,  chiefly  Peru.  The  origin  of  the  Indians  is  naturally  considered, 
and  analogies  with  Old  World  customs  are  consequently  numerous.  The  nations 
of  East  India  and  other  countries  are  next  taken  up.  The  work  was  compiled 
by  J.  F.  Bernard  and  others,  and  owes  its  success  chiefly  to  the  fine  engravings 
after  Picart.  Among  the  several  editions  is  The  Religious  Ceremonies  and  Cus- 
toms of  the  Several  Nations  of  the  Known  World,  London,  1731-9,  7  vols.  The 
plates  are  the  same  bearing  the  mark  of  Van  der  Gucht. 

One  of  the  main  sources  for  the  history  of  missions  and  of  the  condition  of 
the  church  in  remote  lands  must  be  sought  in  Lettres  J^difiantes  et  Curieuses, 
£criies  des  Missiom  etrang^res  par  quelques  Missionaires  de  la  Compagnie  de 
Jesus.  Paris,  1702-76,  34  vols,  12°;  to  which  belongs  Memoires  des  Missions 
du  Levant,  9  vols.  As  indicated  by  the  title,  the  contents  is  a  series  of  letters 
by  Jesuit  missionaries  in  different  parts  of  the  world,  addressed  to  their 
superiors  and  to  one  another,  describing  the  progress  of  conversion,  together 
with  historic  events,  native  customs,  geography,  and  other  scientific  matter. 
Bibliographers  are  greatly  pt  variance  as  to  the  date  of  the  set,  owing  to  the 
different  title  of  the  first  volume,  published  in  1702  as  Lettres  de  quelques  Mis- 
sionaires, etc.,  for  which  the  sanctions  of  the  Jesuit  provincial  and  king  are 
dated  1702.  These,  followed  by  the  Lettres  i^difiantes,  were  reprinted  in  1717, 
forming,  according  to  Charlevoix,  the  first  whole  issue  of  the  set.  An  English 
translation  of  the  first  three  volumes  appeared  in  1707.  In  1758  the  work  was 
interrupted  with  the  28th  volume,  owing  to  the  persecution  of  the  Jesuits  in 
France;  but  it  was  resumed  in  1773.  Another  cause  of  confusion  is  in  the  several 
reprints  and  abridgments  of  sets  or  partial  sets,  among  them  the  issue  in 
1780-3,  in  26  volumes,  of  the  first  systematically  arranged  edition,  and  for 


192 


APOSTOLIC  LABORS. 


this  reason  esteemed  above  others.    A  continuation  was  issued  in  1818-23  as 

Nouvelles  Lettres  ^dijiantes,  which  also  enters  into  several  foreign  editions  in 
connection  with  the  first  set.  The  Spanish  translation  is  interesting  from  the 
fact  that  it  shared  in  the  troubles  which  fell  upon  the  original,  and  stopped  in 
consequence  with  vol.  16.  Cartas  Edijicantes.  Madrid,  1753-7.  It  was  com- 
piled by  P.  Davin  from  the  Lettres  as  well  as  the  Memoires  du  Levant,  and 
prefaced  in  each  volume  with  a  review  of  the  contents,  and  of  mission 
progress.  The  letters  of  the  original  collection  were  published  as  soon 
as  a  sufficient  number  had  accumulated,  without  regard  to  the  country 
they  related  to,  so  that  a  lamentable  want  of  order  resulted,  which  had 
to  be  rectified  in  later  editions.  In  that  of  1819  they  are  separated  into 
sets  called  Memoires  du  Levant  d^Amerique,  etc.;  but  are  otherwise  not 
well  arranged.  In  the  earlier  volumes,  for  instance,  relating  to  America, 
IV.  is  devoted  to  the  north-east  coast  of  the  northern  continent,  and  to 
South  America.  The  latter  region  extends  over  the  greater  part  of  V., 
wherein  is  given  also  a  memoir  on  Lower  California.  P.  Charles  le  Gobien 
was  the  first  editor,  succeeded  by  the  talented  P.  Du  Halde,  well  known 
through  his  History  of  China,  and  after  them  came  Ingoult,  de  Neuville,  and 
Patouillet.  The  value  of  the  letters  to  science  as  well  as  to  history  becomes 
apparent  from  a  mere  consideration  of  the  extensive  learning  and  zeal  of  the 
Jesuits,  and  their  power  of  observing  and  of  acquiring  influence  with  rulers 
and  people.  But  the  valuable  material  is  interwoven  with  a  mass  of  prosy 
tedious  details,  chiefly  of  a  religious  nature,  and  it  is  to  be  noticed  that  the 
contributions  of  the  Spanish  and  Italian  fathers  appear  more  exaggerated  and 
credulous  than  those  written  by  men  from  Prance  and  adjoining  countries  in 
the  north.  The  needless  prolixity  was  the  chief  cause  of  the  many  abridg- 
ments which  taxed  the  forbearance  of  the  worthy  editors  by  their  irreverent 
omissions,  and  by  frequently  giving  no  credit  to  the  original.  The  Memoires  GeO' 
graphiqiies,  etc.,  Paris,  1767,  4  vols.,  afl"ords  an  instance.  A  more  ungrateful 
borrower  is  Lockman,  who,  in  condensing  the  first  ten  volumes  of  the  Letters 
in  his  Travels  of  the  Jesuits,  announces  that  he  omits  prosy  accounts  of  miracles 
and  conversions  as  '  ridiculous  to  all  persons  of  understanding. '  The  prom- 
ised continuation  of  the  work  failed  to  appear,  to  the  delight  of  the  pious 
fathers,  who  no  doubt  saw  in  this  non-success  a  condign  punishment  of  blas- 
phemy. 


CHAPTER  X. 


DTTEIGUES  AGAINST  CORT^:S. 
1524. 

Inteigties  oi*  Disappointed  Officials — Insinuations  against  Cortes — 
His  Fourth  Letter — The  Silver  Cannon — Convoy  System — Deferred 
Contract  with  the  Sovereign — Cortes  under  a  Cloud — Prepares 
FOR  THE  March  to  Honduras — Acting  Governors  Appointed — Machi- 
nations OF  Salazar — The  Hypocrite  and  the  Tool — Atteimpt  to 
Oust  the  Treasurer — Subtle  Duplicity — Zuazo  Made  Prisoner — 
Casas  and  Gonzalez  Appear  on  the  Scene. 

Roused  by  the  glowing  reports  of  soldiers,  the  royal 
officials  had  come  to  Mexico  full  of  high  anticipations 
concerning  the  great  treasures  obtained  from  native 
princes,  a  small  portion  of  which  had  sufficed  to  dazzle 
the  court  of  Spain.  They  were  disappointed,  like 
most  of  the  crowd,  yet  with  the  men  of  Velazquez 
they  clung  to  their  belief  Gold  existed;  but  where  ? 
Directed  by  gossip,  they  looked  upon  Cortes  as  pos- 
sessing countless  coffers  filled  with  the  fabled  wealth 
of  Montezuma,  and  others  filling  with  the  constant 
stream  of  tributes  and  presents  from  cities  and  prov- 
inces. Such  a  man  must  be  won;  and  straightway 
they  began  to  fawn  upon  the  captain-general.  Though 
pompous  with  their  own  importance  and  power  among 
the  colonists,  they  readily  sank  all  pride  in  bending  to 
Croesus.  They  were  quite  willing  to  hide  from  the 
crown  and  others  the  deposits,  if  they  were  but  allowed 
a  share  for  themselves;  and  this  regardless  of  their 
duty  as  royal  officials.  They  had  not  left  comfortable 
h«")mes  in  Castile  to  brave  the  dangers  of  the  sea, 
and  the  hardships  of  a  new  settlement,  only  to  swell 

Hist.  Mez.,  Vol.  II.  13  ( 193 ) 


194 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  CORTES. 


the  royal  coffers ;  they  must  have  something  foi  them- 
selves. But  Cortes  neither  possessed  the  treasures, 
nor  was  he  inclined  to  share  his  receipts  with  the 
cormorants.  He  preferred  to  extend  the  inflowing 
revenues  on  further  expeditions,  whereby  to  enhance 
his  fame  and  his  credit  with  the  king.  So,"  they 
said,  "this  upstart  ignores  us;  then  shall  he  sufler." 
And  while  still  bending  low  to  pour  the  oil  of  flat- 
tery, they  prepared  a  venomous  sting  behind  his  back. 
Soon  rivalry  was  displayed  in  their  efforts  to  cata- 
logue his  defects,  and  build  a  reputation  for  zeal  in 
his  overthrow.  In  this  work  of  libel  the  vanity  and 
presumption  of  the  royal  bastard  Estrada  were  added 
to  the  insidious  caution  of  Albornoz,  and  the  subtle 
cunning  and  ambition  of  Salazar,  supported  by  Chiri- 
nos.  Though  divided  among  themselves  they  were 
united  in  their  opposition  to  Cortes. 

Despatches  were  sent  by  every  opportunity  partly 
in  cipher,^  repeating  every  tale  that  could  in  any  way 
injure  their  opponent.  The  treasures  of  Montezuma, 
and  those  lost  during  the  retreat  from  Mexico,  were 
all  in  his  possession,  they  said,  to  the  value  of  three 
or  four  millions,  buried  in  different  spots,  and  vessels 
were  building  in  the  South  Sea  to  carry  them  to 
France  or  to  lands  that  were  to  be  wholly  under  his 
control.  Countless  provinces  with  vast  rent-rolls  had 
been  seized  for  himself ;  caciques  were  made  to  swell 
his  wealth  with  presents,  and  common  natives  to  work 
in  the  mines  for  his  benefit,  while  to  the  king  he  sent 
a  few  jewels  which  might  please  the  royal  fancy.  He 
thwarted  their  every  effort  to  increase  the  royal  rev- 
enue, partly  by  marking  his  gold  with  false  stamps,  so 
as  to  avoid  paying  the  fifth.  ^  Worse  than  this,  he 
was  preparing  vast  armaments  which  could  not  be 

^  'Arcanse"vero  ac  particulares  litterse  a  solo  computatore  Albornozio,  regie 
a  secretis,  veuiunt  sub  ignotis  caracteribus,  quos  Zif ras  iiuncupat  usus. '  Peter 
Martyr,  dec.  viii.  cap.  x. 

Ixtlilxochitl  of  Tezcuco  had  given  him  presents  worth  60,000  castellanos, 
and  since  this  was  a  royal  province,  the  acceptance  of  such  gifts  was  robbery. 
These  and  bimilar  statements  are  given  also  in  Cortes,  Residenda,  i.  209. 


JEALOUSY  AND  DENUNCIATIONS. 


195 


intended  for  Indian  warfare,  though  such  was  the 
pretence,  and  with  this  rebelHous  aim  he  had  even 
seized  over  sixty  thousand  pesos  de  oro  from  the  royal 
treasury.  The  natives  looked  upon  Cortes  as  a  king, 
and  would  follow  him  anywhere,  and  so  would  the 
soldiers,  whom  he  had  attracted  by  his  magnetism  or 
won  with  his  gold.  This  strength,  supplemented  by 
manifold  resources,  had  made  him  so  ambitious  and 
imperious  that  he  gave  no  heed  to  royal  orders,  but 
dealt  with  the  country  and  the  offices  as  if  they  were 
his  own.  A  change  was  urgent,  or  all  would  be  lost 
to  the  king.  The  best  means  was  to  give  them  author- 
ity to  proceed  against  him,  withdraw  his  arms,  and 
gradually  dispossess  him  of  the  government.  He 
should  be  ordered  to  do  nothing  without  the  approval 
of  the  royal  officials,  and  blank  commissions  should 
be  sent  for  them  to  distribute  to  loyal  men  so  as  to 
strengthen  their  party,  and  they  should  be  given  a 
place  among  the  regidores,  whose  votes  were  at  pres- 
ent controlled  by  their  patron  Cortes.^  Authority 
shoul«ji  also  be  given  them  to  make  a  fresh  reparti- 
miento  of  the  natives  who  had  been  appropriated  by 
the  supporters  of  the  captain-general.* 

In  this  tirade  of  denunciations  they  spared  not  one 
another,  and  foreseeing  the  evil  effect  of  such  jealousy, 
the  wily  Salazar  intimated  that  Cortes  was  creating 
discord  between  them  for  his  own  purposes;  adding 
that  he  had  sent  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand 
pesos  to  Spain  wherewith  to  bribe  the  members  of  the 
council,  and  to  his  father  other  large  sums  embezzled 
from  the  royal  treasury. 

^  The  king  had  ordered  regidores  and  other  officials  to  be  appointed 
annually  by  the  governor  and  royal  agents,  but  this  had  not  been  done,  says 
Albomoz,  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  495,  implying  that  Cort6s  pre- 
ferred to  keep  liis  retainers  in  these  controlling  positions.  His  adherent  Lope 
de  Samaniego  was  the  bearer  of  the  charges,  directed  also  to  the  powerful 
Comendador  Cobos,  the  patron  of  the  officials. 

* '  Y  que  se  permitiesse,  que  ellos  pudiessen  tener  Encomiendas.'  Herreray 
dec.  iii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  ii.  To  hold  encomiendas  had  been  expressly  forbidden 
the  royal  officers,  yet  they  had  eagerly  scrambled  for  a  share.  It  was  also 
charged  that  the  followers  of  Cortes  appropriated  all  the  daughters  of  nobles 
for  mistresses,  so  that  honorable  men  could  obtain  no  wives.  Bernal  DiaZy 
Hist.  Verdad.,  192. 


196 


rN-TRIGUES  AGAINST  CORTES. 


Aware  of  the  machinations  of  the  officials,  having 
learned  much  in  his  relation  with  the  Velazquez 
party,  Cortes  takes  pains  in  his  fourth  letter  to  the 
king  to  point  out  many  things  that  may  explain 
charges,  yet  he  cannot  peer  into  those  cipher  de- 
spatches and  counteract  all.  To  promote  the  subjuga- 
tion of  the  country  he  has  expended  all  his  funds, 
over  one  hundred  thousand  pesos  de  oro,  and  has  been 
obliged  to  take  a  sum  from  the  treasury,  though  this 
would  be  recovered  a  hundred-fold  after  securing  such 
provinces;  he  has  also  borrowed  thirty  thousand  pesos 
wherewith  to  buy  in  Spain  arms,  implements,  plants, 
and  other  needful  material  for  the  colony.  He  asks 
that  the  royal  officials  be  ordered  to  recognize  these 
expenditures  and  repay  his  outlay,  or  he  would  he 
unable  to  settle  his  debts. 

In  a  special  letter  of  the  same  date,  15  th  of  Octo- 
ber 1524,  he  thanks  the  sovereign  for  ignoring  the 
caiiimnies  of  his  enemies  and  favoring  him  as  he  had 
done.  He  submits  a  number  of  proposals  for  bene- 
fiting the  country  and  the  natives,  particularly  the 
introduction  of  more  friars  to  educate  and  pacify  the 
natives,  and  he  urges  that  the  royal  officials  be  told 
not  to  meddle  with  his  affairs.  This  he  supplements 
by  letters  to  his  friends  and  agents,  relating  how  Al- 
bornoz,  for  instance,  has  become  implacable  because 
he  does  not  receive  all  the  encomiendas  and  noble 
maidens  he  desires.^ 

With  his  usual  prudence  he  resolved  to  strengthen 
his  observations  with  such  glittering  tokens  as  he 
could  gather,  including  a  quantity  of  silver  from 
Michoacan,  some  pearls,  and  gold- work,  besides  feath- 
ers, skins,  and  fabrics,  and  a  revenue  remittance  of 
seventy  thousand  pesos  de  oro.  These  presents,  he 
observes,  were  far  inferior  to  those  sent  before,  but 
their  capture  by  the  French  made  him  desirous  of 
tendering  some  compensation.    The  object  of  Cortes 

^  All  these  letters  went  in  duplicates  so  that  if  the  bishoj)  of  Burgos  seized 
one  set,  the  other  might  reach  its  destination,  lb. 


THE  SILVER  CANNON. 


197 


being  to  attract  attention  to  himself  and  to  his  repre- 
sentation, he  recognized  that  the  presents  were  inade- 
quate, and  bestirred  his  ingenuity  to  discover  a  means 
to  enhance  their  value.  Finally  he  hit  upon  the  idea 
of  forming  the  silver  into  a  cannon  of  about  twenty- 
three  hundred  weight,  costing  nearly  thirty  thousand 
pesos  de  oro.^  It  was  engraved  with  several  artistic 
designs  ''to  be  worthy  of  appearing  before  so  high 
and  excellent  a  prince.'"^ 

The  chief  ligure  was  a  phoenix  in  relief,  with  the 
inscription : 

Sprung  from  out  fire,  a  peerless  thing 

Type  of  the  services  I  bring 

To  thee,  unrivalled  mighty  king.^ 

Cortes  also  sent  twenty-five  thousand  castellanos  in 
gold,  and  over  fifteen  hundred  marcos  in  silver,  to  his 
father,  with  instructions  to  buy  arms,  dresses,  plants, 
and  other  effects  for  the  colony.  In  charge  of  the 
presents  was  Diego  de  Soto,  accompanied  by  Diego 
de  Ocampo  and  Francisco  de  Monte  jo,  procuradores 
for  Cortes  and  New  Spain.^ 

Orders  had  been  issued  from  Spain  to  send  only  a 
limited  amount  of  treasure  in  one  vessel,  so  that  the 
loss  might  not  be  great  in  case  of  capture ;  but  Cortes 

^Twenty-four  quintals  and  2  arrobas  of  silver  were  used,  some  lost  in 
Ihe  double  smelting,  the  metal  costing  24,500  pesos  de  oro,  at  5  pesos  de 
Dro  for  the  marco,  of  which  2  went  to  the  pound.  Engraving  and  smelting 
cost  3,000.  CorUSy  Cartas,  317.  '  Por  este  precio  se  ve  que  la  plata. .  .estaba 
mezclada  con  cosa  de  una  tercera  parte  de  cobre,'  observes  Alaman,  Disert., 
i.  194.  Oviedo,  iii.  468,  who  saw  it  at  the  palace  in  Spain,  calls  it  '  media 
culebrina  de  metal  rico  de  oro  e  plata. '  A  list  of  the  other  presents  is  given 
in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xii.  339-52. 

''  It  was  among  the  last  specimens  of  native  art,  for  about  this  time  work- 
ers in  precious  metals  were  forbidden  to  exercise  their  calling  in  New  Spain. 
This  order  was  afl&rmed  in  a  special  decree  of  the  9th  of  November  1526, 
wherein  the  i>enalty  of  death  was  applied  to  its  infringement.  Puga,  Cedula- 
rio,  16,  20.  Proclaimed  at  Mexico  on  the  31st  of  July  1527.  Libro  de  Cahildo, 
MS.  Mexican  writers  lament  this  as  one  of  the  greatest  blows  at  native 
culture. 

8  Aquesta  nacio  sin  par, 
yo,  en  seruir  oa  sin  segundo : 
vos,  sin  ygual  en  el  mundo. 

None  ever  made  a  silver  gun,  save  Cortes,  I  trow,  observes  Gomara,  and  many 
Bought  in  vain  to  form  a  similar  verse.  Hist.  Mex.,  241.  Bernal  Diaz  begins 
the  first  line,  Estaaue. 

*  Herrera  states  that  a  son  of  Montezuma  accompanied  them,  and  waa 
placed  with  the  Dominicans  at  Talavera.  dec.  iii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  i. 


198 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  COETES. 


chose  to  disregard  the  injunction  in  view  of  the  press- 
ing need  for  money  at  the  court,  as  he  pleads.  Soto 
reached  the  Azores  in  safet}^,  and  receiving  news  of 
French  cruisers  off  the  coast  he  resolved  to  stay  there 
awhile,  together  with  half  a  dozen  other  vessels,  some 
bringi^^g  valuable  collections  of  pearls.  Great  waa 
the  alarm  in  Spain  among  the  traders,  whose  ship- 
ments of  merchandise  to  and  from  the  Indies  were 
gradually  assuming  large  proportions.  Convoys  had 
been  provided  for  several  years  to  protect  their  fleets, 
but  owing  to  trouble  in  collecting  the  convoy  tax, 
and  other  causes,  the  protection  had  been  withheld 
for  some  time.  Strong  eflbrts  wext  made  to  reestab- 
lish the  convoy,  which  were  successful,  and  a  regular 
board  was  formed  to  assume  the  management  of  this 
department,  known  as  the  Contaduria  de  Averia:  to 
collect  the  averia  tax  from  the  merchant- vessels,  and 
attend  to  its  distribution  for  the  benefit  of  the  ships- 
of-war.^° 

The  first  fleet  under  the  new  arrangement  consisted 

The  officials  of  the  department  consisted  in  course  of  time  of  four  conta- 
dores  de  averia  ^  or  accountants,  appointed  for  life,  two  being  proprietary,  a 
contador  mayor,  equivalent  to  superintendent,  a  j^.ceptor,  or  receiver,  and  a 
few  sub-officials.  The  office  was  situated  in  the  Casa  de  Contratacion,  and 
subject  to  its  president  and  judges^  who  assigned  much  of  the  work,  and 
decided  in  cases  of  dispute.  One  cf  the  officials  of  the  Casa,  termed  juez  oji- 
cial,  who  attended  at  the  departure  of  the  fleets,  together  with  visUado7'es,  or 
inspectors,  to  watch  over  their  outfit  and  despatch,  gave  also  a  certain  super- 
vision in  the  interest  of  the  averia  department.  The  veedores  and  pagadores, 
inspectors  and  paymasters,  t.ni  other  officials  of  the  fleets,  attended  to  the 
collection  of  the  tax,  and  renaered  account  to  the  averia  office.  The  levy  wa3 
at  first  not  regular,  but  on  the  formal  establishment  of  the  office  it  was  fixed 
at  one  per  cent.  In  1528  this  was  increased  to  five  per  cent,  and  subse- 
quently to  a  higher  figure,  reaching  at  times  14  per  cent,  according  to  the 
risk  and  loss  involved.  This  was  collected  from  every  part  of  the  cargo,  in- 
cluding the  royal  treasures,  and  in  course  of  time  also  from  every  passenger, 
without  exception.  The  fund  was  increased  by  certain  fines,  seizures,  and 
prizes,  and  kept  in  a  strong  box  under  three  keys.  All  warrants  for  disburse- 
ments must  be  drawn  by  the  president  and  judges  of  the  Casa  de  Contrata- 
cion. With  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  aveda  tax  proper 
appears  to  have  ceased,  and  the  expenses  of  the  convoys  were  covered  by  the 
public  treasury;  but  in  1732  the  government  was  so  pressed  as  to  accept  an 
offer  of  the  merchants  to  convert  the  former  averia  into  a  contribution  of  four 
per  cent  on  gold,  silver,  and  first-class  cochineal.  Yet  one  per  cent  of 
averia  continued  to  be  collected  till  1778  to  pay  the  expenses  of  mail  and 
despatch  boats  to  the  Indies.  After  this,  only  a  half  per  cent  was  collected. 
For  details  of  the  laws  governing  the  office,  see  JRecop.  de  Lidias,  iii.  89-120; 
Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  UU.,  i.  490-7;  Montemayor,  Svmarios  de  Ccdulas,  143;  also 
Jlerrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  i.,  and  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  282-3,  this  series. 


A  KING'S  HEWARD. 


199 


of  five  vessels  under  Sancho  de  Herrera,  obtained 
from  different  grandees,  and  reenforced  by  three  Por- 
tuguese cruisers.  Meanwhile  the  French  fleet  was 
destroyed  by  a  storm,  and  without  waiting  for  escort 
a  score  of  trading-vessels  hastened  to  escape  from 
their  confinement  at  San  Liicar.  So  did  the  treasure- 
ship  at  the  Azores,  and  Soto  reached  San  Liicar,  May 
20,  1525. 

All  this  time  the  affairs  of  Cortes  had  been  p?oiii> 
nently  before  the  court.  Now  his  deeds  were  extolled, 
and  again  his  fame  was  sullied  by  malicious  reports, 
or  tossed  about  by  contradictory  rumors.  In  response 
to  the  appeal  of  the  king  for  money,  in  1523,  Cortes 
had  empowered  his  agents  Juan  de  Ribera  and  Friar 
Melgarejo  to  meet  the  demand  and  secure  advantages 
for  himself  In  the  early  part  of  1525,  accordingly, 
they  offered  to  provide  two  hundred  thousand  pesos 
de  oro  within  a  year  and  a  half,  partly  through  the 
regular  channels  of  royal  revenue,  partly  in  the  form 
of  loans.  The  two  agents  pledged  themselves  to  fit 
out  three  vessels,  and  in  them  proceed  to  New  Spain 
and  procure  the  money.  To  this  end  letters  were  to 
be  given  them  for  the  leading  Spaniards  and  chiefs  in 
the  colony,  some  unaddressed,  to  support  their  appeal.^^ 
In  return  the  king  promised  to  duly  remember  the 
services  of  Cortes.  The  welfare  of  the  country  and 
natives  being  left  to  his  care,  he  might  make  what 
appointments  he  thought  fit,  and  exercise  the  pardon- 
ing power  in  connection  with  certain  crimes  and  in- 
fringements. In  addition  to  previous  dignities  he  was 
to  be  made  adelantado  of  New  Spain,  with  the  title 
of  Don,  and  the  habit  of  the  Santiago  order,  a  coat 
of  arms  commemorative  of  his  achievements  being 
also  granted.      It  was  cheap  recompense,  truly,  for 

^1  Any  sum  over  50,000  sent  to  Spain  after  the  date  of  this  agreement  was 
to  be  oounted  as  part  of  the  200,000;  the  6,000  ducats  to  be  spent  on  fitting 
oat  the  vessels  should  be  repaid  from  the  treasury. 

12  This  was  conferred  in  a  special  despatch  dated  March  7,  1525,  wherein 
are  recounted  with  some  minuteness  the  services  and  deeds  of  the  captain 
during  the  conquest.    It  consisted  of  a  quartered  shield  bearing  on  the  upper 


200 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  CORTfiS. 


cue  who  had  performed  such  services,  achieving  vast 
ccnq nests  without  cost  to  the  crown.^^ 

After  all  this  had  been  arranged/*  the  letters  came 
from  the  royal  officials,  so  full  of  abuse  and  insinua- 
tions against  Cortes  that  the  king  began  to  doubt 
what  course  to  pursue.  The  intimation  that  immense 
treasures  had  been  collected  by  the  conquerors,  con- 
firmed by  the  liberal  offers  of  Ribera,  indicated  that 
equal  or  larger  contributions  might  be  obtained  with- 
out this  agreement.  It  was,  besides,  dangerous  to  con- 
fer more  authority  upon  a  man  whose  ambition  leaned 
toward  an  empire  of  his  own,  over  a  pliant  and  numer- 
ous people,  aided  by  a  host  of  devoted  soldiers.  The 
charges  of  the  Velazquez  party  had  proved  exag- 
gerated, yet  the  suspicions  scattered  by  them  kept 
smouldering,  now  to  burst  into  flame  on  the  arrival 
of  confirmatory  statements  from  all  of  the  four  royal 
officials.  About  this  time  also  a  quarrel  arose  between 
Ribera  and  the  father  of  Cortes  concerning  some  funds 
which  the  former  had  failed  to  deliver,  and  finding  his 
master  falling  in  favor  the  secretary  thought  it  best 
to  secure  himself  by  keeping  the  money  and  currying 
favor  with  the  opposition  by  offering  damaging  testi- 
mony.^^ 

Under  such  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that 
the  king  took  alarm;  he  might  lose  great  treasures 

right-hand  division  a  double-headed  black  eagle  on  a  white  field,  the  arms  of 
the  empire;  in  the  lower  division  a  golden  lion  on  a  red  field,  significant  of 
Cortes'  deeds.  In  the  upper  left  division,  three  golden  crowns  in  pyramidal 
position  on  a  black  field,  denoting  his  subjugation  of  three  sovereigns;  in  the 
lower  division  a  representation  of  Tenochtitlan  city.  The  yellow  border  dis- 
played seven  heads  of  leading  chiefs  linked  by  a  chain  with  a  padlock.  A 
plumed  closed  helmet  surmounted  the  shield.  Real  Cedula,  in  Col.  Doc.  In6d.^ 
iii.  196-204. 

^3  The  agents  received  a  proportionately  greater  reward,  Melgarejo  being 
appointed  royal  preacher  with  permission  to  call  himself  of  the  Council  of  the 
Indies,  and  Ribera  was  made  royal  treasurer  of  the  South  Sea,  *por  continue, 
de  su  casa,'  with  50,000  maravedis  in  pay,  and  permission  to  wear  an  open 
helmet  in  his  coat  of  arms.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  iv. 

^*  'Se  les  dieron  los  despachos  dependientes  desta  capitulacion,'etc.  Id. 

^^While  engaged  in  defaming  Cortds  he  died  from  overeating,  saysGomara. 
*Comio  vna  noche  vn  torrezno  en  cadahalso,  y  nmrio  dello.'  Hint.  Mex.,  275. 
Bernal  Diaz  gives  him  a  bad  character.  Bist.  Verdad.,  190-1.  His  premature 
death  is  doubtful,  for  the  Libra  de  Cabildo,  March  1,  1527,  mentions  Juan  de 
Ribera  as  regidor  of  Mexico,  evidently  the  same  man. 


CONQUEROHS  AS  GOVERNORS. 


201 


and  the  New  Spain  empire  also.  It  had  been  found 
prudent  in  other  cases  to  replace  a  conqueror  by  crown 
agents,  so  as  to  guard  against  the  control  and  influence 
acquired  by  military  leaders  in  distant  provinces. 
Even  the  Great  Captain  was  recalled  from  Naples 
with  delusive  promises  lest  he  should  grow  too  power- 
ful. With  others  it  was  often  deemed  sufficient  to  let 
an  agent  suddenly  appear  and  take  the  command  from 
the  leader,  unsupported  by  any  other  power  than  the 
royal  commission,  which  in  those  days  received  devout 
obedience.  The  complaints  of  the  humbled  conquis- 
tador met  with  little  consideration  where  the  interests 
of  the  crown  were  at  stake.  In  pursuance  of  this 
policy  it  was  decided  to  supersede  Cortes,  and  at  the 
same  time  ofler  the  government  as  a  peace-oflering  to 
Diego  Colon,  who  through  his  offices  as  admiral  and 
viceroy  pretended  to  certain  claims  over  New  Spain 
as  well  as  other  regions. Since  Cortes  with  his  im- 
periousness  and  large  armaments  might  run  1st  a  re- 
moval. Colon  must  take  with  him  an  army  sufficient 
to  enforce  respect. 

These  measures  were  not  made  public,  lest  Cortes 
should  receive  w^arning  and  prepare  for  resistance,  yet 
they  leaked  out,  and  created  no  little  conflict  of  opin- 
ions. Even  the  opposition  clamored  against  Colon  as 
head  of  so  large  a  government,  to  the  acquisition  of 
which  he  had  contributed  nothing.  The  father  and 
agents  of  Cortes  were  greatly  alarmed.  Fortunately 
they  possessed  a  powerful  friend  in  Alvarado  de 
Zimiga,  duke  of  Bejar,  with  whose  niece,  Juana  Are- 
llano, a  marriage  had  already  been  arranged  for  Cortes, 
for  the  famous  conqueror  of  Mexico,  the  rumored  pos- 
sessor of  millions,  controlling  the  grei-iest  empire  in 
the  western  Inde,  was  an  acceptable  suitor  even  in 
the  house  of  a  duke.  Attended  by  a  number  of 
friends  and  Martin  Cortds,  this  grandee  appeared  be- 

'El  Almirantazgo  de  la  Nueua  Espana.'  Id.,  193. 
"  The  cost  of  which  was  to  be  recovered  from  Cortes,  says  Bemal  Diaz. 
If  guilty  he  was  to  be  beheaded. 


202 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  CORT^IS. 


fore  the  king  to  protest  against  the  intended  injustice 
to  a  man  who  had  gained  such  vast  domain  and  treas- 
ures for  the  crown,  and  whose  loyalty  was  impugned 
solely  by  greedy  and  jealous  intriguers.  He  showed 
the  letters  of  Cortes  to  his  father  and  agents,  breath- 
ing the  most  devoted  sentiments  for  the  king,  and  re- 
vealing the  cunning  artifices  and  hostility  on  the  part 
of  the  royal  officials.  Finally  he  offered  himself  with 
all  his  estates  as  surety  for  his  protege. 

With  such  influential  and  explanatory  representa- 
tions the  king  was  induced  to  await  further  develop- 
ments, particularly  as  Soto  arrived  at  this  juncture 
with  the  fifths  and  the  presents.  In  good  truth," 
says  Gomara,  *4t  was  this  gold  that  saved  Cortes 
from  removal."  This  was  not  literally  true,  however. 
The  money  value  of  the  presents  could  have  had  little 
eftect  on  the  decision  of  the  king,  in  view  of  the  pecul- 
iar nature  of  his  suspicions.  Moreover,  he  seized  the 
private  remittances  of  Cortes  to  his  father,  and  with 
little  scruple,  since  this  money  was  declared  to  be  stolen 
from  the  crown  and  intended  for  armaments  where- 
with to  strengthen  his  position.  The  seizure  was 
made  under  pretence  of  a  loan,  with  a  promise  of  re- 
payment never  intended  to  be  kept.^^  The  strength 
of  the  treasure  shipment  lay  wholly  in  the  silver  gun, 
and  it  no  doubt  assisted  with  its  boastful  and  flatter- 
ing volley  to  make  a  breach  in  the  barricade  of  preju- 
dice raised  against  its  sender.  Brought  to  the  palace, 
it  created  great  attention,  from  the  novelty  and  the 
inscription,  as  Cortes  had  intended.  Not  a  few  took 
umbrage  at  the  pretentious  triplet,  even  among  his 
friends,  though  the  greatness  of  his  achievements  was 
conceded. 

The  silver  gun  may  have  embodied  also  a  propitia- 
tory idea,  for  at  the  time  of  sending  it  Cortds,  con- 

^^Long  after  his  final  return  to  Spain,  in  1540,  Cortes  was  still  pressing  for 
the  fulfilment  of  the  royal  promise.  Col.  Doc.  Inid. ,  iv.  227.  Other  persona 
in  the  same  vessel  as  Soto  were  allowed  to  retain  their  property,  observes 
Herrera,  loc.  cit. 


IGNOBLE  IDLENESS. 


203 


trary  to  the  wishes  of  the  colonists,  was  preparing  to 
enter  upon  fresh  paths,  which  were  to  lead  to  com- 
plications no  less  troublesome  thau  those  menacing 
him  at  the  court.  Hampered  on  all  sides  by  med- 
dling officials,  and  annoyed  by  begging  intruders  with 
exorbitant  demands  and  illusory  expectations,  his 
position  was  becoming  less  enviable.  The  Pdnuco 
affair  was  now  settled,  and  accustomed  to  the  stir  of 
battle  and  the  adventures  and  novelties  of  the  march, 
his  spirit  began  to  feel  the  pressure  of  monotony,  to 
pine  for  new  scenes,  allured  also  by  reports  of  the 
victorious  advance  in  Guatemala  under  Alvarado. 
Still  greedy  for  gold  and  glory,  he  longed  to  secure 
to  himself  the  fame  of  such  conquests,  or  excel  them; 
and  while  excited  by  glowing  rumors  w^hich  filled  the 
region  to  the  south  with  great  cities  and  treasures, 
he  desired  above  all  to  be  the  discoverer  of  the  long:- 
sought  strait.  "It  seemed  to  me,"  he  writes  to  the 
king,  ''that  my  person  had  long  been  idle,  without 
performing  anything  new  in  your  Majesty's  service. "^^ 
When  news  came  of  Olid's  defection,  he  felt 
prompted  to  go  in  person  against  him;  but  owing  to 
certain  pressing  duties,  and  the  remonstrances  of 
iViends,  the  task  of  reducing  the  rebellious  lieutenant 
was  intrusted  to  Francisco  de  las  Casas,  his  relative, 
and  a  man  of  valor  and  energy.^^  Soon,  however,  he 
bethought  himself  of  Olid's  skill  as  a  leader  and  the 
li amber  and  devotedness  of  his  followers;  and  he 
began  to  doubt  the  ability  of  the  comparatively  un- 
tried Casas  to  effect  his  object.  Therefore,  yielding 
to  his  fears  and  to  the  allurements  held  forth  by  a 
roving  fancy,  he  prepared  for  his  departure.  At  once 
arose  an  outcry  both  among  adherents  and  opponents, 
What  would  become  of  the  country  without  its  direct- 
ing spirit,  its  bulwark!  Dissensions  would  ensue, 
perhaps  anarchy,  and  the  still  unquiet  natives  might 

i»  Letter  of  September  3,  1526.  Cartas,  395-6. 

20  For  a  full  accoTint  of  this  expedition,  see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.j  i.  528-34, 
this  series. 


204 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  CORT^IS. 


take  advantage  of  this  to  rise  and  exterminate  the 
Spaniards.  His  mere  presence  sufficed  to  prevent  all 
this.  The  road  to  Honduras  was  unknown  and  full 
of  danger;  the  punishment  of  Olid  belonged  to  the 
king,  though  Casas  might  by  this  time  have  effected 
it.  The  royal  officers  also  considered  it  their  duty  to 
remonstrate  against  an  expedition  which  must  take 
away  so  many  of  the  much  needed  soldiers,  and  en- 
danger the  safety  of  all.  They  no  doubt  felt  delighted 
at  the  blow  struck  by  a  rebellious  lieutenant  at  one 
whom  they  both  feared  and  envied,  and  would,  under 
ordinary  circumstances,  have  preferred  to  see  him  de- 
part. 

Cortes  had  expected  these  remonstrances,  and  re- 
plied that  prompt  chastisement  was  needed  to  prevent 
other  officers  from  revolting  and  creating  disorder, 
with  a  loss  to  himself  of  respect  and  territory.  He 
.  would  take  due  steps  for  the  government  and  safety  of 
Mexico.  This  was  not  deemed  satisfactory,  however, 
and  a  formal  protest  was  lodged,  which  Cortes  could 
not  altogether  ignore.  He  pretended  to  yield,  and 
declared  that  he  would  merely  proceed  to  the  Goaza- 
coalco  region,  where  troubles  demanded  his  presence. 
He  even  wrote  to  the  king  that  he  had  yielded  to 
the  general  desire. 

As  rulers  during  his  absence  he  appointed  Treasurer 
Estrada  and  Licentiate  Zuazo,  the  latter  more  prop- 
erly as  justicia  mayor,  to  control  all  matters  pertain- 
ing to  justice.  It  may  appear  strange  that  he  should 
have  overlooked  his  many  faithful  followers  in  this 
selection,  and  it  must  be  assumed  that  the  reason  lay 
greatly  in  the  mistrust  created  by  the  conduct  of  Olid, 
who  had  been  one  of  his  three  most  intimate  friends. 
To  prevent  jealousy  he  must  have  given  the  preference 
to  the  leading  captains  of  the  conquest,  and  with  their 
military  skill  and  authority  among  natives  and  colo- 
nists they  might  become  dangerous.  The  appointees 
held  neither  experience  as  soldiers  nor  great  popularity, 
while  the  selection  of  a  royal  officer  would  be  a  proof 


THE  HONDURAS  EXPEDITION. 


205 


before  the  sovereign  of  his  loyalty,  and  might  aid  to 
conciliate  a  libellous  clique.  It  must  be  mentioned 
that  Estrada  was  the  least  obnoxious  of  the  officials, 
less  false  in  his  friendship  than  the  others,  and  Zuazo 
was  a  most  estimable  man,  for  whom  Cortes  had 
great  respect  and  admiration.  To  promote  good 
feeling,  a  distribution  of  natives  was  made  to  the 
officials  and  other  persons.  Francisco  de  Solis  was 
appointed  commandant  of  the  arsenal,  with  control  of 
the  fleet  and  sufficient  arms  for  an  emergency,  and  to 
Rodrigo  de  Paz,  his  own  cousin,  a  rather  turbulent 
fellow,  Cortes  intrusted  the  care  of  his  house  and 
property,  as  mayordomo  mayor,  with  the  offices  of 
alguacil  mayor  and  regidor.^^ 

For  greater  security  he  took  with  him  the  three 
late  sovereigns  of  Mexico,  Tlacopan,  and  Tezcuco, 
also  the  actual  ruler  of  Acolhuacan,  Ixtlilxochitl,  and 
several  of  the  leading  caciques,  nearly  all  destined  to 
succumb  to  the  hardships  of  the  march,  or  perish  by 
the  hand  of  the  executioner,  as  in  the  case  of  Quauh- 
temotzin  and  Tetlepanquetzal.^^  The  patriotism  and 
influence  of  the  former  had  ever  rendered  him  an  ob- 
ject of  suspicion,  particularly  after  his  unjust  torture, 
and  he  must  fall  a  victim  to  the  first  adverse  circum^- 
stance  that  seemed  to  threaten  the  safety  of  the  Span- 
iards from  his  side.  His  seeming  strength  and  his 
friends  caused  his  fall,  for  their  muttered  remonstrances 

21  His  formal  installation  as  alguacil  mayor  did  not  take  place  till  February 
17,  1525.  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS. 

2^  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  charges  against  them,  and  their  execution, 
see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  551-6,  this  series.  Among  the  other  hostages,  as  they 
may  be  called,  are  named  Oquitzin,  lord  of  Azcapuzalco;  Panitzin,  lord  of 
Ecatepec;  Andres,  lord  of  Mexicaltzinco,  a  brother  of  the  king  of  Mi- 
choacan;  the  cihuacoatl,  or  lieutenant  of  Quauhtemotzin;  Tlacatecatl,  a 
brave  and  spirited  chieftain.  As  lieutenants  for  the  three  sovereigns, 
or  nominally  so,  were  appointed  Mexicaltecuhtli  at  Mexico,  Cohuatecatl 
at  Tlacopan,  and  Alonso  Itzcuincuani  at  Tezcuco.  None  of  them  mem- 
bers of  the  royal  families,  it  seems,  who  were  excluded  for  the  very  rea- 
sons that  caused  hostages  to  be  taken  with  the  expedition.  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Rel,  435,  446,  who  gives  the  above  names,  rather  tardily  admits  this  motive, 
after  offering  several  unlikely  reasons.  According  to  Chimalpain,  Hist. 
Conq.,  ii.  120,  153,  Don  Andres  Motelchiuhtzin  was  elected  by  the  Mexicans 
as  their  cajjtain-general  in  place  of  the  cihuacoatl.  See  also  Herrera,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  vi.  cap.  x.;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  246;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  31. 


206 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  CORT^IS. 


in  behalf  of  themselves  and  their  leaders,  under  the  dif- 
ficulties of  the  march,  rose  as  damaging  evidence,  while 
their  number,  overwhelming  as  compared  with  the  sol- 
diers, made  a  severe  example  appear  necessary.  The 
control  of  the  natives  of  Mexico  was  left  partly  to  the 
influential  friar  Olmedo,  with  the  injunction  to  pro- 
tect them  and  promote  their  conversion,  which  he 
faithfully  did  during  the  short  term  of  life  left  him. 

The  preference  given  Estrada  in  the  appointment 
of  rulers  was  a  source  of  bitter  annoyance  to  the  other 
officials;  and  rather  than  be  subject  to  him  Salazar 
and  Chirinos  oflered  to  accompany  the  expedition, 
much  as  they  disliked  it.  Albornoz  would  probably 
have  joined  them,  but  he  fell  sick,  it  is  said,  and  the 
factor  suggested  that,  since  he  must  remain,  a  share 
in  the  government  ought  to  be  accorded  him.  This 
was  done  with  the  malicious  expectation  of  creating 
mischief,  for  he  w^ell  knew  that  the  treasurer  and  con- 
tador  nursed  a  strong  dislike  and  jealousy.  Cortes 
could  not  have  been  wholly  unaware  of  this,  yet  he 
acquiesced.^^  The  appointment  was  most  mischievous, 
for  Estrada,  who  prided  himself  on  being  an  offspring 
of  the  Catholic  king,  despised  Albornoz,  and  felt  not 
a  little  annoyed  at  the  partnership,  while  Albornoz  re- 
garded himself  as  under  no  obligation  for  an  appoint- 
ment tardily  granted  at  the  instance  of  others.'^* 

Cortes  set  out  from  Mexico  in  the  latter  part  of 
October,  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  Spanish 
followers,  chiefly  horsemen,  and  three  thousand  natives, 
both  largely  reenforced  on  the  way.^^  During  the 
march  news  overtook  him  of  repeated  disagreements 

23  *  Como  fue  importunado,  y  desseaua  complazer. .  .lo  hizo,'  says  Herrera, 
loc.  cit.  Gomara  assumes  that  Cortes  took  the  accompanymg  officials  with  him 
of  his  own  accord,  to  soothe  them.  In  the  acts  of  the  municipality  all  three 
rulers  are  termed  tenientes  por  el  gobernador,  Zuazo  standing  at  the  head. 
Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  24-5;  Zumdrraga,  Carta,  in  Facheco  and  CdrdenaSf 
Col.  Doc,  xiii.  109. 

2*  Alluding  to  this  appointment,  in  a  letter  written  after  the  reported  death 
of  Cortes,  he  relents  so  far  as  to  admit  the  loyalty  indicated  thereby.  Carta, 
in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  487.  Albornoz  had  been  worsted  by  Cortds  in  a 
love  affair  previous  to  the  conquest,  and  he  never  forgave  him. 

25  For  a  full  account  of  the  expedition,  its  strength,  sufferings,  and  achieve- 
ments, see  Iliat.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  537-83,  this  series. 


ESTPAMOUS  OFFICIALS. 


207 


between  Estrada  and  Albornoz,  who  on  one  occasion 
went  so  far  as  to  draw  the  sword  on  each  other  before 
the  town  council.  They  were  warned  to  desist,  or 
their  commissions  would  be  revoked.  This  had  no 
effect,  and  on  reaching  Espiritu  Santo,  Cortes  received 
an  urgent  demand  for  a  remedy  in  the  matter;  his 
presence  was  imperative.  Salazar  and  Chirinos  were 
not  displeased  at  the  success  of  their  machinations. 
The  condition  of  affairs  was  now  more  favorable  for 
their  return,  and  they  certainly  would  never  proceed 
farther  than  Goazacoalco.  By  stirring  the  discord 
and  using  their  influence  over  the  weaker  Albornoz, 
they  might  emerge  into  a  commanding  position.  There 
were  even  better  prospects,  for  if  they  could  so  readily 
procure  the  appointment  of  their  associate,  their  own 
could  be  obtained,  and  for  this,  indeed,  they  had  been 
striving.  None  could  have  shown  greater  attention 
to  Cortes  than  they,  particularly  Salazar,  who  always 
doffed  his  hat  in  addressing  him,  says  Bernal  Diaz; 
ever  obsequious  and  intent  on  flattery.  Finding  his 
importunities  unavailing  for  Cortds'  return,^^  he  did 
not  fail  to  detract  from  the  character  of  the  rulers  at 
Mexico,  and  to  insidiously  urge  his  own  ability  and 
devotion. 

Cortes  was  a  good  judge  of  human  nature,  much 
of  his  success  being  in  fact  due  to  this  instinct,  yet  he 
often  misplaced  his  confidence.  Like  many  men  of 
genius,  he  was  irregular,  erratic  in  certain  lines  of 

26  According  to  the  custom  he  gave  them  a  poetic  form,  singing: 
Ay  tio,  ■boluamonos, 
Ay  tio,  boluamonos. 

To  which  Cortes  replied: 

Adelante  mi  sobrino, 
Adelate  mi  sobrino, 
Y  no  creais  en  agueros, 
Que  sera  lo  (jue  Dios  quisiere, 
Adelante  mi  sobrino. 

Which  may  be  translated: 

Alas,  uncle,  let  us  return, 
Alas,  uncle,  let  us  return. 

Reply: 

Onward,  my  nephew, 
Onward,  my  nephew, 
In  vain  omens  put  no  trust: 
What  God  wills  to  happen,  must. 
Onward,  my  nephew. 

Bernal  Diaz,  HisL  Verdad.,  196. 


208 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  CORTES. 


action,  and  allowed  weaker  traits  to  overcome  his 
judgment.  Such  missteps  are  noticeable  in  the  career 
of  the  most  illustrious  leaders,  and  create  astonish- 
ment even  in  commonplace  minds.  Generally  it  is 
the  result  of  miscalculation,  often  of  preoccupation. 
In  this  instance  Cortes  was  too  absorbed  by  his  im- 
mediate projects  to  sound  their  hollow  deceit,  though 
he  accepted  but  little  they  said  as  true.  At  any  rate 
he  was  persuaded  to  issue  a  commission  for  Salazar 
and  Chirinos  to  rule  jointly  with  the  other  lieuten- 
ants at  Mexico;  and  further,  to  give  them  a  secret 
mandate  to  suspend  the  treasurer  and  contador,  if  still 
creating  trouble,  and  to  rule  jointly  with  Zuazo  alone. 

Cortes  is  said  to  have  been  warned  against  these 
men,  particularly  by  the  friars,  to  whom  he  ever  lent 
an  attentive  ear,  but  their  voice  had  not  the  influence 
of  good  Olmedo.  He  could  not  endure  the  idea  of 
returning  to  Mexico  to  settle  the  difiiculty,  for  this 
involved  not  alone  delay,  but  a  probable  abandonment 
of  the  expedition.  Agents  must  be  sent,  and  he  did 
not  see  the  danger  of  selecting  these  officials  who 
besides  were  proving  irksome  witnesses  to  his  acts  and 
movements.  Their  appointment  might  prove  a  bond 
of  gratitude,  and  an  additional  commendation  before 
the  sovereign.  It  is  not  unlikely,  as  Herrera  suggests, 
that  he  also  hoped  through  their  dissensions  to  find 
his  own  conduct  and  policy  placed  in  a  more  favorable 
light,  by  contrast  and  by  the  discredit  to  be  thus  cast 
upon  their  testimony.  The  officials  were  eager  to 
hurry  away  with  the  precious  commissions,  and  on 
taking  leave,  says  an  eye-witness,  Salazar  sobbed  as 
he  embraced  his  dear  friend,  Cortes,  the  commissions 
heaving  in  sympathy  from  the  breast-pocket.^^ 

27  *Para  que  castigassen  los  excesses  del  Tesorero,  y  Contador. .  .pero  con 
limitacion,  qui  si  los  hallassen  conformes,  no  tratassen  de  castigo,  sino  que 
todos  juntos  gouernassen.'  Herrera^  dec.  iii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xi.  Bernal  Diaz 
intimates  that  Ibe  commissions  were  made  out  by  a  secretary  friendly  to  Sal- 
azar. Hist,  Verdad.y  196. 

2^  Even  Salazar  is  said  to  have  made  some  faint  objections  to  the  distribu- 
tion of  power  among  so  many.  Herrera,  ubi  sup.  Torquemada,  i.  589. 

2^  '  Que  parecia  q  queria  llorar  al  despedire,  y  co  sus  prouisiones  en  el  seno 
de  la  manera  q  6l  las  quiso  notar.'  Bernal  Diaz,  loc.  cit. 


CONSPIRACY  AOT)  TREACHERY. 


209 


On  reaching  Mexico,  during  the  Christmas  hohdays, 
they  found  Estrada  and  Albornoz  in  harmony;^''  but 
since  this  did  not  suit  their  plans,  concocted  on  the 
way,  they  exhibited  merely  the  secret  commission 
empowering  them  to  remove  these  two  officials  and 
to  assume  their  places.  On  the  29th  of  December 
1524,  accordingly,  they  were  received  by  the  cabildo 
as  sole  rulers  in  connection  with  Zuazo.  Soon  the 
trick  became  apparent,  however,  probably  through 
letters  from  the  camp,^^  and  presenting  themselves 
before  the  town  council,  Estrada  and  Albornoz  de- 
manded to  be  reinstalled  as  lieutenant-governors.  The 
case  was  referred  to  Zuazo,  as  one  learned  in  law  and 
at  the  head  of  the  tribunal,  and  he  deciding  in  their 
favor,  they  were  admitted  as  joint  rulers  with  the 
others  on  the  25th  of  February. Salazar  and  Chi- 
rinos  had  sought  to  win  Zuazo  to  their  side,  but  he 
was  incorruptible,  and  in  their  disappointment  they 
vowed  vengeance.  To  resist  the  decision  of  the 
council  was  out  of  the  question,  for  this  body  way 
really  more  powerful  than  the  combined  lieutenants. 
It  could  be  made  an  instrument,  however,  through  the 
power  possessed  by  the  governor  to  appoint  regidores. 
The  present  members  being  of  Cortes'  selection,  his 
word  and  interests  were  law  to  them.  By  and  by 
the  new  rulers,  through  intrigue  and  forcible  appoint- 
ments, managed  to  obtain  a  controlling  voice  in  the 
assembly,  and  consequently  the  power  to  carry  out 
their  own  schemes. 

Matters  went  smoothly  for  some  time,  during  which 
Salazar,  seconded  by  Chirinos,  was  maturing  plans  for 
the  removal  of  his  obnoxious  partners  in  the  govern- 
ment.   The  most  influential  man  in  Mexico  at  this 

'°They  had  become  reconciled  the  very  day  after  the  sword-drawing. 
Memoria,  in  Jcazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  512.  A  document  attributed  to  Estrada. 

2^  Zumdrraga  states  that  on  arrival  the  twain  had  taken  Albornoz  into 
their  confidence,  and  he  offered  to  withdraw  from  the  government  so  as  to  pro- 
mote the  removal  of  Estrada  and  thus  be  revenged  upon  him.  Soon  they 
became  friends  again,  and  now  Albornoz  demanded  the  reinstallation  of  both. 
Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  109-10. 

^'Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  25,  31-8. 
Hi8T.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  U 


210 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  CORTES. 


period  was  Kodrigo  de  Paz,  who,  as  relative  of  Cortds, 
in  charge  of  his  vast  interests,  and  figuring  as  alguacil 
mayor,  stood  the  conceded  leader  of  his  controlling 
party.  The  success  of  Salazar's  schemes  required  the 
cooperation  of  such  a  man;  but  he  was  the  friend  of 
Zuazo  and  Estrada.  The  first  step,  therefore,  must 
be  to  alienate  him  from  them.  Finding  that  some 
old  offence  of  Paz  still  remained  unpunished,  Salazar 
demanded  that  the  joint  governors  should  sign  an 
order  for  his  arrest.  Estrada  suspected  sinister 
design  on  the  part  of  his  opponent,  and  objected, 
declaring  the  offence  insufficient  for  (.he  proposed 
penalty.  The  others  were  persuaded,  hcjwever;  the 
joint  signature  was  obtained,  and  the  alguacil  mayor 
found  himself  suddenly  carried  off  in  shackles  to  Sal- 
azar's house.  This  selection  of  a  prison  was  part  of 
the  plan. 

After  allowing  time  for  his  feelings  to  foment, 
Salazar  presented  himself.  "  This  is  rather  severe 
treatment  your  friends  subject  you  to,  senor,"he  said. 

Had  you  been  so  devoted  to  me  as  to  them,  I  never 
would  have  permitted  such  an  outrage."  Nor  did  he 
fail  to  paint  their  motives  in  colors  as  black  as  their 
deeds;  he  declared  his  aversion  to  them  and  his  sym- 
pathy for  him,  and  finally  proposed  an  alliance.  He 
would  liberate  him,  cost  what  it  might,  and  jointly 
they  would  drive  the  others  from  the  government  and 
share  it  between  themselves.  The  prisoner  acquiesced. 
Within  two  hours  their  compact  was  ratified  by  solemn 
oaths  and  tokens,^^  and  within  two  days  the  other  gov- 
ernors had  been  prevailed  upon  to  allow  the  liberation 
of  the  prisoner. 

Rumors  of  the  compact  reaching  the  ears  of  Sala- 
zar's partners,  they  challenged  his  conduct.  He  de- 
nied the  accusation,  and  pretended  to  be  angry  with 
Paz,  and  proposed  a  combination  for  his  overthrow. 
To  strengthen  the  proposal,  and  lull  their  suspicions, 

^3  Bello,  chaplain  to  Salazar,  administered  the  oaths.  Paz  surrendered  a 
valued  ring  as  token.  Memoria,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  514-15. 


THE  CONSPIRATORS  IN  COUNCIL. 


he  joined  them  at  communion,^*  and  on  Easter  Sun- 
day he  dined  with  Estrada.  Next  day  the  three  con- 
spirators proceeded  to  the  council,  where  Paz  had 
managed  to  win  the  majority  to  his  side,  and  had 
arranged  for  the  exclusion  of  Estrada  and  Albornoz 
from  the  government,  partly  on  the  plea  that  they 
were  seeking  to  ignore  the  authority  of  Cortes.  On 
the  19th  of  April  1525^^  they  were  accordingly  de- 
clared excluded,  on  the  strength  of  the  secret  com- 
mission already  so  effectually  used  by  Salazar  and  his 
companion.  Zuazo  protested,  as  did  the  minority  in 
the  council,  and  the  excitement  became  so  great  in 
the  city  that  bloodshed  was  feared.  Indeed,  Pedro, 
a  brother  of  Paz,  came  to  blows  with  Albornoz.  Es- 
trada rushed  to  the  rescue,  and  Rodrigo  de  Paz  joined 
in  the  melee  with  a  large  force,  showering  stones. 
Peace  was  restored,  and  Pedro  placed  under  arrest, 
only  to  be  released  by  his  patrons. 

Francisco  Davila,  one  of  the  alcaldes,  now  issued  a 
proclamation,  forbidding  any  recourse  to  arms  under 
heavy  penalties.  This  being  directed  against  the 
Salazar  faction,  they  indignantly  attacked  him,  broke 
his  staff,  and  carried  him  to  prison.  Here  an  effort 
was  made  to  win  him  to  their  side,  and  this  failing, 
an  assassin  was  instructed  to  remove  him.  He  es- 
caped, however,  to  a  place  of  refuge,  and  his  pursuers 
wreaked  their  vengeance  on  his  property.^''  Estrada 
and  Albornoz  continued  to  sign  documents  as  lieuten- 
ant-governors, regardless  of  the  injunction,  and  orders 
were  issued  for  their  arrest.  Fearing  more  trouble, 
the  Franciscans  interposed  and  prevailed  on  them  to 
submit.^^  This  effectually  excluded  them  from  the 
government. 

2*  *  Para  que  su  conformidad  fuesse  mas  notoria  al  pueblo,  y  nadie  se  atre- 
uiesse  a  assistir  a  Rodrigo  de  Paz. '  Herrera,  loc.  cit. ;  Memorial  ubi  sup. 
^'^Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  41-5. 

2°  Pedro  de  Paz  intended  to  kill  Albornoz,  three  of  whose  companions  were 
wounded.  Memoria,  in  Icazbalceta,  CoL  Doc,  i.  516. 

3'  He  was  reinstated  under  the  later  rule  of  Estrada.  Lihro  de  Cabildo ^ 
MS.,  February  22,  1526. 

2^  At  their  respective  residences,  under  the  guard  of  Paz.  Zumdrraga, 
Cartay  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  110-11.  ' 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  CORTES. 


The  removal  of  Zuazo  was  equally  desired,  but  this 
could  not  be  effected  for  want  of  grounds.  It  so 
happened,  however,  that  a  cddula  arrived  demanding 
the  licentiate's  presence  in  Cuba  to  undergo  residencia 
in  connection  with  his  administration  there.  This 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Paz  in  opening  the  despatches 
for  his  master,  and  was  only  too  eagerly  seized  upon 
to  further  his  plans.  On  the  evening  of  May  23d, 
Zuazo  was  summoned  to  confer  with  Salazar  and 
Chirinos,  and  in  their  presence  the  alguacil  mayor 
exultingly  snatched  from  him  the  staff  of  chief-jus- 
tice,  and  he  was  ordered  to  be  immediately  removed 
as  a  prisoner  to  Medellin,  there  to  await  the  first 
departure  for  the  Islands.  ^'I  thank  God  for  taking 
me  from  a  country  so  rife  with  discord,"  he  exclaimed, 
as  the  guard  bore  him  away.^^ 

This  treatment  of  a  man  so  irreproachable  and  so 
universally  respected  created  no  little  excitement;,  and 
many  residents  prepared  to  abandon  the  city,  but  Paz 
came  forward  with  the  cedula  and  reassured  them.^^ 
Shortly  afterward  news  was  received  of  the  approach 
of  Casas  and  Gil  Gonzalez,  on  the  way  from  Honduras 
to  report  to  Cortes  their  overthrow  of  Olid.  While 
they  were  advancing  along  the  easy  highways  of  con- 
quered Guatemala,  their  chief  was  marching  in  the 
opposite  direction,  along  the  eastern  borders  of  Vera 
Paz,  wading  through  marshes,  climbing  rugged  ranges, 
and  cutting  his  way  through  dense  forests,  struggling 
with  famine,  disease,  and  discontent,  and  all  in  pur- 

According  to  Oviedo  200  men  surrounded  his  dwelling  at  midnight. 
Having  a  number  of  armed  men  with  him,  he  prepared  to  resist,  but  Paz  aa 
*his  friend'  persuaded  him  to  surrender,  promising  that  his  person  and  prop- 
erty would  be  respected.  Casas  joined  him  at  Medellin  with  200  cavalry, 
and  offered  to  install  him  at  Mexico  as  sole  ruler,  but  Zuazo  refused  to  create 
trouble.  All  this  is  unlikely.  He  was  embarked  at  San  Juan  in  shackles,  in 
the  middle  of  August,  for  Habana,  where  all  vied  to  do  him  honor.  He 
passed  the  residencia  without  a  stain,  and  was  thereupon  appointed  oidor  of 
the  audiencia  at  Santo  Domingo  with  a  pay  of  300,000  maravedis.  There  he 
died  in  1539,  rich  and  honored.  Oveido,  iii.  518-21,  i.  542;  Navarrete,  in  Col. 
Doc.  InM.,  ii.  376-9. 

*°  Estrada  and  Albomoz  appear  to  have  been  among  the  alarmed  ones,  and 
to  have  gone  in  hiding  in  the  suburb,  while  the  forces  of  Paz  scoured  the  city 
for  them.  Memoria,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  516. 


CASAS  AND  GONZALEZ. 


213 


suit  of  an  object  already  accomplished.  Estrada  and 
Albornoz  were  the  first  to  receive  the  information, 
and  with  a  view  to  obtain  news  of  Cortes,  and  to  take 
counsel  with  Casas  about  the  policy  to  be  pursued, 
they  proposed  to  meet  them.  As  they  could  not 
leave  the  city  without  permission,  they  obtained  this 
on  the  plea  of  conveying  a  quantity  of  gold  to  Medellin 
for  shipment  to  Spain.  No  sooner  had  they  gone 
than  Chirinos  also  learned  of  Casas  approach,  and 
hurrying  after  them  with  a  squad  of  men  he  brought 
them  back  to  their  houses,  seizing  their  arms  and 
horses.^^ 

A  week  later  Casas  and  Gonzalez  arrived  in  the 
city,  and  proceeded  to  Estrada's  residence.  Rumors 
of  their  intention  were  rife,  and  formal  charges  against 
them  were  made  before  the  notary,  concocted  prob- 
ably by  the  lieutenant-governors,  who  resolved  not  to 
afford  time  for  conspiracies.^^  That  very  night  they 
appeared  before  their  house  and  demanded  the  sur- 
render of  certain  armed  men  harbored  by  Estrada 
contrary  to  orders.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
projects  of  the  treasurer  and  his  guests,  they  were 
not  prepared  to  resist  this  prompt  summons,  sup- 
ported by  a  strong  force  with  artillery,  nor  did  Casas 
feel  it  proper  to  oppose  Paz,  the  relative  and  repre- 
sentative of  Cortes,  and  so  the  gate  was  opened.^^ 
All  the  arms  were  now  seized,  even  those  of  Casas' 
party,  and  five  armed  adherents  of  Estrada  were  car- 
ried off  to  be  lashed  and  exiled,  regardless  of  their 
rank  as  hidalgos.    Salazar  did  not  fail  to  wreak  his 

*^  The  hostile  object  of  their  journey  was  confirmed  by  the  absence  of  the 
royal  treasure  which  they  pretended  to  convoy.  Ocana,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc. ,  i.  524r-5.  This  is  stated  also  by  other  witnesses.  Estrada  declares  the 
Casas  meeting  to  be  an  invented  charge,  and  states  that  they  did  convoy  gold, 
yet  with  the  object  also  of  sending  private  despatches  to  Spain.  Memoria,  in 
IcL,  516.  Herrera  says  the  friars  interfered  to  prevent  bloodshed  when 
Chirinos  overtook  them. 

*2  Estrada  proposed  to  seize  them,  including  Paz,  and  assume  the  govprrx- 
ment,  with  Casas  for  alcade  mayor.  Testimonio,  in  Cort6s,  Razidencia,  i. 
217.    Ocana,  ubi  sup.,  was  the  notary  who  recorded  the  charges. 

'This  was  done  at  the  instance  of  Casas,'  says  Herrera,  yet  other  testi- 
mony intimates  that  he  would  have  been  ready  to  aid  Estrada  in  resisting. 
,CorU8,  Eesidencia,  i.  77,  402. 


214 


INTRIGUES  AGAINST  COET^S. 


hatred  on  Casas  in  abuse  and  insinuation,  and  the 
latter  being  a  high-spirited  cavaher  retorted  in  no 
measured  terms/*  Such  insolence  was  beyond  endur- 
ance, but  as  it  was  conveyed  by  a  relative  of  Cortes, 
whom  Paz  would  most  likely  protect,  the  factor  was 
obliged  to  nurse  his  wrath  for  the  present.  Casas 
thought  it  prudent,  however,  to  leave  for  his  estates 
in  Oajaca.*^ 

He  even  ventured  to  attack  Salazar's  party  one  day,  and  maltreat  Al- 
bomoz,  whose  vacillating  demeanor  did  so  much  to  aid  the  former.  Gomaray 
Hist.  Mex.,  248.  He  would  hardly  have  dared  to  raise  his  hands  against 
Salazar.  Bernal  Diaz  gives  some  doubtful  details  about  Casas'  conduct  against 
Salazar.  Hist.  Verdad.,  210-11.  He  was  not  present.  E.iT.T'c-ila  was  confined 
in  another  house,  and  Albornoz  in  the  arsenal.  3femoria,  in  Icazbcdceta,  Col. 
Doc,  i.  519. 

'Exiled  by  Salazar,'  says  a  witness  in  Cortes,  Residencia^  i.  403. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AND  O'vTRTHROW. 
1525-1526. 

OVERTHKOW  OF  PaZ — HiS  TERRIBLE  FaTE — PERSECUTION  OF  THE  FrIENDS 

OF  Cortes — Alvarado  Considers  the  Matter — Search  for  Cor- 
tes— His  Funeral  Honors — Spoliation  of  his  Property — Lashing  a 
Wife — Tyrannical  Proceedings  of  Salazar — It  Leads  to  Revolt — 
General  Alarm — Expeditions  against  Rebels— Chirinos'  Fiasco — 
The  Friars  Hurl  Anathemas — The  Governors  Humbled — The  Mys- 
terious Messenger — Rising  of  the  Men  of  Cortes — Election  op 
Estrada  and  Albornoz— Assault  on  the  Government  House — Sa- 
lazar Encaged — Conspiracy  to  Release  Him. 

After  aiding  Salazar  in  the  achievement  of  his 
plots,  Paz  was  no  longer  indispensable ;  indeed,  he 
was  an  obstacle  to  the  free  sway  of  the  lieutenants. 
Their  longing  for  uncontrolled  action  was  fostered 
partly  by  rumors  of  disasters  to  Cortes,  borne  from 
the  natives  of  the  south,  and  all  the  more  alarming  in 
the  absence  of  news  from  him.  The  ruling  faction 
did  not  hesitate  to  magnify  these  reports  and  to  cir- 
culate fantastic  stories  about  Cortes,  Marina,  and  San- 
doval having  been  seen  burning  in  vivid  flames  in  the 
Tlateluco  church-yard.^  Machinations  against  the 
immediate  adherents  of  Cortes  could  accordingly  be 
ventured  upon,  but  their  leader  must  above  all  be  re- 
moved. An  additional  incentive  existed  in  the  wealth 
of  the  captain-general,  of  which  Paz  was  the  guardian, 
and  in  the  enmity  of  Chirinos,  who  had  lost  to  him 
at  the  gambling-table  the  greater  part  of  his  fortune.^ 

^  The  man  who  saw  it  became  sick  with  horror.  Their  ghosts  were  seen 
also  at  Tezcuco.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  210. 

^  Some  20,000  pesos  de  oro.  Estrada  assumes  this  to  have  been  the  prin- 
cipal cause  for  the  plots  against  Paz.  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  519-20. 

(215) 


216  SALAZAR'S  USUE-PATIOK  AND  OVERTHROW. 


In  futlierance  of  tlie  design,  the  devoted  friends  of 
Cortes  had  been  gradually  replaced  by  more  pliable 
members.  An  able  adviser  and  promoter  of  these 
machinations  existed  in  Diego  de  Ocana,  who  had 
lately  arrived  as  royal  notary,  probably  at  the  recom- 
mendation of  Cobos,  the  powerful  patron  of  his  prin- 
cipals.^ 

Paz  had  given  umbrage  to  the  Franciscans  by  a 
neglect  of  religious  duties  and  want  of  respect  for  the 
friars,  a  proceeding  which  was  aggravated  by  his  pas- 
sionate and  reckless  nature.  Salazar  represented  this 
to  Father  Valencia,  the  custodian,  and  agent  for  the 
Inquisition,  and  proposed  that  authority  be  given  to 
seize  and  arraign  him.  The  friar  replied  that  the 
anger  of  the  church  had  been  propitiated  by  humble 
penitence,  and  that  Paz  stood  absolved.  This  answer 
may  have  been  dictated  partly  by  a  repugnance 
toward  the  applicant,  whose  every  proposal  seemed  to 
cover  some  deep-laid  plot,  and  whose  reverence  for 
the  cloth  was  by  no  means  conspicuous.  Thus  foiled, 
Salazar  turned  to  another  quarter. 

After  the  treatment  received  from  Paz,  neither 
Estrada  or  Albornoz  could  be  expected  to  harbor 
any  good- will  for  him,  and  they  were  readily  induced 
to  join  in  the  not  altogether  improper  demand  upon 
the  mayordomo  of  Cortes  to  exhibit  what  treasures 
his  master  had  sent  to  Spain,  so  that  the  royal  fifth 
might  be  collected  where  still  due ;  and  further,  since 
Cortes  was  evidently  dead,  to  repay  to  the  treasury 
the  sixty  thousand  pesos  de  oro  taken  by  him.  Paz 
naturally  objected,  and  his  refusal  was  made  to  appear 
as  contempt  for  the  officials  of  the  king,  strongly 
indicative  of  treason.  With  loud  words  about  the 
necessity  for  protecting  the  royal  interests,  Salazar  and 

^In  Tcazhalceta,  Col  Doc,  i.  524-37,  is  printed  a  letter  of  this  person, 
addressed  probably  to  officials  of  the  Casa  de  la  Contratacion,  with  which  he 
seems  to  have  been  connected.  It  is  full  of  malicious  charges  and  insinua- 
tions against  Cortes  and  his  party,  and  reveals  him  as  a  base  hypocrite,  as  old 
in  wickedness  as  in  age,  whereof  he  claimed  over  sixty  years. 


HIDDEN  TREASURES. 


217 


Chirinos  began  to  summon  men  to  their  support, 
promising  repartimientos  and  other  favors  to  some, 
and  assuring  others  that  no  harm  should  come  to  Paz 
himself.  Observing  this  movement,  the  latter  also 
began  to  muster  for  defence.  A  proclamation  was 
issued  forbidding  any  one  under  heavy  penalties  to 
resist  the  royal  cause.  Nevertheless,  when  the  lieu- 
tenant-governors appeared  before  his  house  on  the 
19th  of  August,  Paz  had  quite  a  force  within.  Es- 
trada now  spoke  to  him,  and,  representing  the  treason- 
able appearance  and  danger  of  resisting  royal  officials 
in  discharge  of  their  duty,  he  prevailed  upon  him  to 
yield,  after  receiving  the  solemn  oath  of  Salazar  and 
Chirinos  that  his  person  should  be  respected.* 

After  disarming  and  dismissing  the  opposing  force, 
and  sending  Paz  to  the  arsenal,  the  four  royal  officers 
took  possession  of  the  residence  of  Cortes.  An  ex- 
amination of  the  premises  folio v/ed,  and  a  number  of 
valuables  at  once  disappeared,  while  the  native  prin- 
cesses and  ladies  of  noble  birth  there  living  as  wards 
were  grossly  insulted,  to  the  deep  humiliation  of  their 
people.  The  belief  was  that  vast  treasures  lay  hidden 
in  or  beneath  the  palace,  and  Estrada  and  Albornoz 
were  directed  to  retire  so  that  the  lieutenants  might 
have  no  official  witness  to  their  further  search.  The 
better  to  promote  their  designs  these  worthies  caused 
themselves  on  the  2 2d  of  August  to  be  sworn  in  as 
lieutenant-governors  for  the  king,  till  his  Majesty 
should  decide,  with  the  same  power  as  that  possessed 
by  Cortes  in  his  offices  of  chief  justice  and  captain- 
general.^  A  devoted  adherent  named  Antonio  do 
Villaroel  was  at  the  same  time  installed  as  alguacil 

*This  oath,  termed  'pleito  homenage,  was  tendered  before  several  cavaliers 
and  friars  in  the  presence  of  Jorge  de  Alvarado  and  Andres  de  Tapia.  Both 
of  these  being  afterward  proscribed,  Salazar  may  have  considered  the  oath 
less  valid.  Gil  Gonzalez  was  among  those  who  persuaded  Paz  to  yield,  says 
the  Memoria,  in  Id.,  520. 

^  The  council  swore  to  obey  them  as  *  Tenientes  de  Capitan  General  6  Go- 
bemador  y  Justicia  mayor  de  esta  N.  E.  por  SSMM.'  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS., 
70-6.  '  Till  Cortes  should  return,'  was  one  of  the  clauses.  Henceforth  they 
are  spoken  of  as  governors,  though  the  record  title  remained  lieutenant-gov- 
ernors. 


218 


SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AND  OVERTHROW. 


mayor,  in  place  of  Paz,  and  the  subservient  council 
was  made  to  issue  permission  to  the  new  governors  to 
take  an  inventory  of  the  property  of  Cortes. 

The  search  for  treasures  proved  comparatively  bar- 
ren, though  every  corner  was  examined  and  the  ground 
dug  up  beneath  and  around  the  palace.  They  were 
fully  convinced,  however,  that  treasures  existed  some- 
where, for  a  belief  in  the  wealth  of  Cortes  was  too 
wide-spread  not  to  be  true,  and  it  seemed  incredible 
that  he  should  have  neglected  his  opportunities  to 
enrich  himself  The  only  question  was  about  the 
hiding-place.  Paz  must  know,  and  must  be  made  to 
speak.  Pegardless  of  their  oath  they  submitted  him 
to  torture,  applying  among  other  means  boiling  oil  to 
his  feet,  which  were  then  slowly  roasted  before  a  fire. 
In  his  agony  he  declared  that  Cortes  had  taken  his 
treasures  with  him:  he  knew  of  none.  This  answer 
was  not  accepted,  and  the  torturing  continued  till  the 
toes  fell  off,  and  the  feet  were  charred  to  the  ankles.^ 

Regarding  it  as  unsafe  to  leave  alive  an  enemy  so 
terribly  outraged,  to  bear  convicting  evidence  against 
them,  the  governors  concocted  fresh  charges  against 
him,  notably  that  he  intended  to  excite  an  insurrec- 
tion, and  condemned  him  to  death.  The  popular 
feeling  was  strongly  in  favor  of  the  prisoner,  and 
efforts  were  made  to  enforce  the  appeals  against  the 
sentence;  but  the  safety  of  his  persecutors  demanded 
its  execution,  and  effective  precautions  had  been  taken 
to  cloak  the  proceedings  in  the  royal  name,  and  sup- 
port them  with  a  considerable  force,  while  stringent 
orders  existed  against  armed  gatherings  on  the  part  of 
ordinary  citizens.  Still  hoping  to  extort  a  confession, 
Salazar  held  out  to  Paz  the  delusive  promise  of  pardon 
if  he  would  reveal  the  treasures.  I  have  none," 
replied  the  outraged  victim,    and  I  implore  Cortds  to 

^  '  Di^ronle  grandes  tormentos  de  agua  6  de  cordeles  6  de  fuego. '  Memoria^ 
in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.^  i.  521.  This  authority  believes  the  treasures  to  have 
been  sent  away  before  Paz  came  to  serve  Cortes,  a  year  previous.  '  Con  hierro, 
y  fuego  le  atormetarO. '  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xii.  *  De  que  no  podia 
vivir.'  Testimonio  Mex.y  in  Pacheco  and  GdrdenaSy  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  34. 


EXECUTION  OF  PAZ. 


219 


pardon  me  for  saying  in  my  agony  that  he  had  taken 
them  away;  it  is  not  true."  Unable  to  walk  he  was 
carried  to  the  square  on  an  ass,  and  hanged/  What 
a  fall  was  this  of  the  haughty  leader  of  a  faction  which 
but  a  few  weeks  before  controlled  the  destinies  of  an 
empire  I  How  far  removed  were  such  proceedings  from 
those  of  savages?  It  is  a  singular  coincidence  that 
the  representative  of  Cortes  should  have  suffered  the 
same  torture  for  the  same  end  as  Quauhtemotzin,  and 
have  been  hanged  about  the  same  time  as  this  prince, 
under  a  similar  pretext.^ 

Pedro,  the  brother  of  Paz,  was  seized  to  please 
Albornoz,  but  he  escaped  from  prison  and  took  refuge 
in  the  sanctuary  of  San  Francisco,  followed  by  a  num- 
ber of  adherents  of  Cortes,  such  as  Jorge  de  Alvarado 
and  Andres  de  Tapia,  for  none  knew  where  the  tyrants 
would  stop,  or  whom  they  had  marked  for  their  next 
victim.  The  desire  was  now  paramount  to  find  Cortes 
if  peradventure  he  still  lived,  as  the  only  one  who 
could  save  them  and  the  country.  Aware  of  this 
feeling,  the  governors  ordered  the  sails  of  vessels  at 
the  gulf  ports  to  be  removed,  so  that  none  might  go 
without  their  knowledge.^  Efforts  were  made,  how- 
ever, to  send  intelligence  through  Guatemala,  and 
Pedro  de  Alvarado  was  urged  to  come  to  the  rescue 
and  assume  the  government.  The  proposition  fell  on 
no  heedless  ears,  for  this  leader  was  only  too  willing 
to  figure  as  the  savior  of  a  country  he  had  assisted 

'  *  Estuvo  en  piemas  6  desnudo  6  un  pano  sucio  tocado  en  la  cabeza. .  .todo 
un  dia. '  Memoria,  loc.  cit.  During  his  imprisonment  of  a  month  and  a  half 
his  property  was  appropriated  by  Salazar  and  Chirinos,  partly  to  repay  the 
gambling  losses  of  the  latter.  Albornoz,  who  had  been  left  as  his  heir,  says 
Herrera,  ubi  sup. ,  with  little  probability,  failed  to  receive  any  of  the  property. 
Villaroel  claimed  12,000  pesos  of  it  won  from  him  at  the  gambling-table.  Paz 
was  evidently  fortunate  on  the  green  cloth. 

^  Patriotic  Mexicans  did  not  fail  to  recognize  in  this  occurrence,  and  in  the 
spoliation  of  his  estates,  the  divine  vengeance  for  the  torture  and  execution  of 
the  Aztec  emperor  by  Cortds. 

^Gomara  writes  that  Casas  had  done  a  similar  thing,  shortly  before,  to 
prevent  Salazar  from  sending  false  reports  to  Spain,  or  transmit  royal  moneys 
in  his  own  name.  Hist.  Mex. ,  248.  Bernal  Diaz  states  something  similar,  and 
adds  that  it  was  mainly  this  that  drew  upon  him  the  persecution  of  the  gov- 
ernors. Hist,  Verdad.,  210. 


220  SALAZAR'S  USUHPATION  AND  OVERTHROW. 


to  conquer,  and  if  Cortes  proved  to  be  dead  it  was 
necessary  to  foster  his  own  pretensions  to  independent 
sway  in  Guatemala.  He  accordingly  prepared  to  set 
out  with  a  small  escort.  At  the  last  moment,  how- 
ever, the  trip  was  abandoned,  partly  because  it  became 
apparent  that  a  larger  force  was  needed  for  the  project 
than  could  be  spared  from  Guatemala,  and  partly  be- 
cause his  interests  at  court  might  be  imperilled  by  an 
armed  demonstration  against  officials  cloaked  in  royal 
authority  and  protected  by  the  powerful  Cobos.^^ 

Shortly  before  this,  Diego  de  Ordaz  had  arrived 
from  Spain,  proudly  bearing  the  new  coat  of  arms 
commemorating  his  famous  ascent  of  the  Popocate- 
petl volcano.  He  was  naturally  interested  in  the  fate 
of  his  former  chief,  and  rumors  coming  from  Xicalanco 
of  the  death  of  Cortes  in  that  region  Salazar  agreed 
that  he  should  sail  down  the  coast  with  two  vessels 
to  investigate.  On  reaching  the  Usumacinta  he  ob- 
tained confused  versions  of  disaster  to  the  forces  both 
by  land  and  water,  the  latter  under  Cuenca  and  Me- 
dina having  been  destroyed  near  the  coast.  Among 
those  captured  was  Medina  who  met  a  fearful  death 
as  a  sacrifice  to  the  idols.  Wooden  splinters  were 
stuck  into  his  body,  and  fired.  Thus  bristling  with 
torches  he  was  made  to  walk  in  solemn  pace  round  a 
hole,  till  he  dropped  from  agony  and  exhaustion,  and 
was  then  burned  to  death.^^  This  story  by  no  means 
encouraged  Ordaz  to  penetrate  the  country,  and  ascer- 
tain the  truth  of  the  reports  that  Cortes  and  his  land 

^°  Brasseur  de  Bonrbourg  assumes  that  a  great  outcry  -was  raised  against  his 
departure,  but  the  municipal  records  show  nothing  of  the  kind,  an  escort 
"being  actually  ofifered  him  on  October  4,  1525.  Ar6valo,  Adas,  Ayunt.,  Guat.y 
15.  See  also  Bemesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  7.  Bemal  Diaz,  loc.  cit.,  writes  that  he 
returned  on  receiving  fresh  news  of  Salazar's  despotic  measures  and  evident 
strength.  Chirinos'  expedition  against  Oajaca  about  this  time  is  supposed  to 
have  been  intended  chiefly  to  intercept  him.  Testimonio  Mex. ,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  40. 

^'  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  2^1,  relates  that  he  met  his  fate  when  going  in  search 
of  Cortes.  See  also  liemesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  164.  But  Medina  was  of  Cortes' 
party,  as  shown  by  his,  companion  Bernal  Diaz.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.j  i.  543-4, 
this  series. 


COHT^S  REPOETED  DEAD. 


221 


party  had  been  killed  some  seven  moons  before  at  a 
city  in  the  interior.  He  contented  himself  with  ac- 
cepting the  reports,  and  returned  to  curry  favor  with 
the  new  ruler,  who  rewarded  his  devotion  with  the 
office  of  alcalde  mayor. 

Salazar  and  Chirinos  eagerly  circulated  his  state- 
ments with  the  authoritative  declaration  that  Cortes 
was  indeed  dead.  To  impress  this  upon  the  people 
solemn  funeral  honors  were  ordered  by  the  local 
authorities  to  be  held  throughout  the  country.  The 
sermons  on  the  occasion  were  duly  tempered  in  defer- 
ence to  the  hostile  feeling  of  the  ruling  faction.  At 
Mexico  a  monument  was  erected  in  the  parish  church, 
and  a  sum  of  money  was  assigned  from  the  estate  of 
Cortes  to  pay  for  masses.^* 

The  evident  effort  to  enforce  the  acceptance  of  this 
view,  and  by  men  of  Salazar's  intriguing  nature,  ex- 
cited doubts  among  many.  Such  suspicions  were 
regarded  as  mischievous  to  their  projects,  and  the 
governors  forbade  their  expression  under  heavy  pen- 
alty. Juana  Ruiz  de  Marcilla,  wife  of  Valiente,  sec- 
retary to  Cortes,  not  only  criticised  the  permission  to 
marry  granted  to  women  whose  husbands  had  left  on 
the  Honduras  expedition/^  but  loudly  declared  that 
the  followers  of  Cortes  were  not  such  poltroons  as 

^2  Albornoz  gives  the  report  with  detail.  Cortes  had  maltreated  the  lord 
of  Cuzamelco,  a  lake  city,  seven  days'  journey  from  the  coast — evidently  Itza — 
and  the  natives  had  resolved  to  be  avenged.  At  the  next  camp  they  fell 
upon  the  sleeping  forces  with  sword  and  fire,  and  slew  the  greater  number. 
The  remainder,  including  Cortes,  were  sacrificed,  not  a  man  escaping.  Cartay 
in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  485-6. 

^^Lebro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  November  2,  1525.  *Afirm6  que  era  muerto  y 
trajo  ciertos  Indios  que  lo  decian.'  Ocaiia,  Carta,  in  Id. ,  526.  He  swore  before 
Cortes  afterward  that  he  never  affirmed  the  death  of  his  party;  he  merely 
reported  the  native  rumors.  He  sailed  on  to  Cuba.  Hist.  Verdad.,  221.  Her- 
rera  intimates  that  Ordaz  pretended  to  have  made  greater  investigations  than 
he  did,  in  order  not  to  be  regarded  as  intimidated  by  the  natives.  He  com- 
ments on  Salazar's  neglect  to  properly  search  for  a  party  engaged  on  royal 
service,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xi. 

When  Cortes  sued  for  the  recovery  of  this  and  other  funds,  Juan  de 
Cdceres,  nicknamed  the  rich,  bought  the  masses  for  his  benefit !  Bernal  Diaz, 
loc.  cit. 

Chiefly  with  a  view  for  the  governors  to  obtain  possession  of  two  of 
these  women.  Their  new  husbands  were  given  repartimientos,  and  con- 
veniently withdrew  from  the  city.  Herreray  dec.  iii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xii. 


222  SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AKD  OVERTHROW. 


the  soldiers  of  Cliirinos,  to  allow  a  horde  of  natives 
to  cut  them  down.  This  contumacy  must  not  be  tol- 
erated. Regardless  of  her  sex,  position,  and  wealth, 
she  was  ordered  to  be  publicly  lashed,  as  a  warning 
to  others. 

A  certain  portion  of  the  estate  of  Cortes  which 
could  not  well  be  secretly  appropriated  by  the  despoil- 
ers  had  been  placed  in  the  depository  for  the  property 
of  deceased  persons.  Salazar  now  ventured  to  have 
this  sold  at  any  price,  and  appropriated  the  proceeds 
to  the  payment  of  real  or  fictitious  claims  by  himself 
and  friends,  also  cancelling  any  of  their  indebted- 
ness to  the  estate.  So  rapidly  did  the  property  dis- 
appear that  when  the  royal  treasurer  made  his  claim 
for  the  sums  which  had  served  as  pretext  for  the 
spoliation,  there  was  not  enough  left  to  pay  them.^^ 
When  remonstrated  with  for  this  reckless  manage- 
ment both  of  private  and  royal  interests,  he  declared 
that  the  king  did  not  know  what  orders  were  issued, 
nor  the  Council  of  the  Indies  what  was  observed.  Be- 
sides, he  had  authority  to  seize  Cortes,  should  he  ever 
return,  and  might  even  hang  him,  a  piece  of  bombast 
which  tended  to  intimidate  quite  a  number. 

January  4,  1526.  She  received  100  lashes,  accordmg  to  her  own  formal 
complaint  presented  on  the  return  of  the  husband.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas^ 
Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  198-223.  Cortes  made  amends  by  carrying  her  in  procession 
on  his  horse,  followed  by  all  the  cavaliers  of  the  city,  and  by  ever  afterward 
giving  her  the  noble  title  of  Doua.  Rhymster  scofhngly  alluded  to  this  en- 
noblement. '  Dixeron  por  alia  q  le  auian  sacado  el  don  de  las  espaldas,  como 
narizes  del  braco.'  Gomara,  Hist.  3Iex.,  248.  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Es- 
trada made  this  amend.  He  relates  that  Gonzalo  Hernandez  of  Goazacoalco 
narrowly  escaped  hanging  for  expressing  a  doubt.  On  humbly  declaring  this 
a  falsehood  told  to  console  a  sorrowing  widow  he  was  rewarded,  but  made  to 
leave  the  city.  Hist.  Verdad.,  211.  Cortes  was  later  accused  of  having  as- 
sumed the  privilege  to  confer  knighthood  on  several  followers.  Cortes,  Resi' 
dencia,  i.  163-4;  ii.  119. 

This  is  Estrada's  formal  declaration,  yet  the  obsequious  Albomoz  inti- 
mates that  the  royal  claims  could  be  covered  by  the  real  estate  yet  remain- 
ing, valued  at  200,000  castellanos.  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  503. 
Cort6s  estimates  his  losses  through  the  spoliation  at  300,000  ducados.  Hel. 
Servicios,  in  Cortds,  Escritos  Sueltos,  224-6.  Salazar  borrowed  large  sums, 
which  were  sent  to  a  safe  place  in  Spain,  says  Zumdrraga.  Carta,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  113.  Certain  gold  deposited  by  Cortes  in  the 
cofiers  of  the  sanctuary  was  also  seized.  Herrera,  ubi  sup. 

^^'Aunque  Fernando  Cortes  fuese  vivo,  y  bolviese,  no  le  recibirian,  sino 
que  lo  avian  de  ahorcar.'  Torquemada,  i.  593.  Testimonio  Mex.,  in  Pachtco 


HIGH-HANDED  PROCEEDINGS. 


Not  only  the  estates  of  Cortes,  but  the  offices, 
lands,  and  Indians  of  his  followers,  were  appropriated 
for  the  benefit  of  the  governor's  friends,  and  many 
who  had  failed  to  take  refuge  in  the  sanctuary  were 
arrested.  This  created  a  further  dispersion,  and  not 
a  few  fled  to  the  mountain  regions,  preferring  to  trust 
themselves  among  the  half-revolted  Indians  rather 
than  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  executioners  of 
Paz.  In  this  persecution  Casas  and  Gil  Gonzalez 
were  not  overlooked,  the  former  indeed  being  too  dan- 
gerous. They  were  arraigned  for  the  murder  of  Olid 
and  condemned  to  death;  to  decapitation  in  this  in- 
stance, since  the  culprits  were  by  their  rank  exempt 
from  the  ignoble  noose.  Their  appeal  to  the  sover- 
eign was  at  first  disregarded,  but  their  friends  were 
sufficiently  influential  to  prevail  upon  the  governors 
to  modify  the  decision  and  order  their  removal  to 
Spain  for  judgment. 

By  the  vessel  in  which  Gonzalez  embarked,  the 
governors  sent  a  paltry  remittance  to  the  king,  and  a 
large  number  of  costly  presents for  friends  and  their 
patron,  whose  favor  and  efforts  in  their  behalf  would 
be  more  effective  than  any  services  they  could  perform 
for  the  crown.  The  fate  of  the  chivalrous  Vasco 
Nunez,  and  the  success  of  the  nefarious  schemes  of 
the  tyrant  Pedrarias  had  proved  a  lesson  to  many 
another  besides  Salazar,  and  the  sovereign  suffered 

and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.^  xiii.  35.  He  came  not  only  as  factor,  but  to  seize 
Cort6s,  and  would  have  done  so  had  he  not  departed  for  Honduras.  Zumdr- 
raga,  ubi  sup. 

Gonzalez  gave  bonds  on  November  22,  1525,  as  knight  of  Santiago,  to 
embark.  Concerning  his  fate,  see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  534,  this  series. 
Although  most  authorities  assume  that  Casas  also  embarked,  this  is  doubtful, 
for  he  is  said  to  have  been  with  Cortes  shortly  after  his  return  in  the  middle 
of  1526.  Testimony,  in  Cortds,  Besidencia,  i.  310,  etc.  He  probably  re- 
mained in  hiding  on  his  estates  inOajaca.  Herrera  includes  Hurtado  de  Men- 
doza  in  the  condemnation. 

20  These  went  in  charge  of  Juan  de  la  Pena,  with  instructions  how  best  to 
promote  the  governors'  interests.  The  remittance  to  the  king  was  merely 
12,000  ducados  says  Loaisa,  in  Oviedo,  iii.  523.  Albomoz  enumerates  two 
remittances  of  20,000  and  21,000  castellanos  in  gold,  and  102  marcos  of  silver, 
sent  in  August  and  December  by  way  of  Espanola.  He  remarks  on  the  insig- 
nificance of  even  these  amounts,  due  to  reigning  disorder.  Carta,  in  Icazbal- 
ceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  501-2. 


224  SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AND  OVERTHROW. 


deservedly  for  listening  to  partisans  to  the  discourage- 
ment of  loyal  and  zealous  servants.  For  support  of 
their  pretensions  the  governors  convoked  the  delegates 
of  the  Spanish  settlements  in  the  country,  as  well  as 
the  town  council  of  Mexico,  and  by  subterfuge  and 
intimidation  compelled  them  to  sign  a  representation 
to  the  king  recommending  their  confirmation  as  gov- 
ernors in  lieu  of  the  defunct  Cortes.^^  The  same  per- 
sons were  made  to  elect  as  agents  or  procuradores  in 
Spain  two  of  Salazar's  friends,  Bernardino  Vazquez 
de  Tapia  and  Antonio  de  Villaroel,  to  replace  those 
appointed  by  Cortes.  They  reached  Spain,  though 
the  vessel  was  wrecked  on  Fayal  Island  with  the  loss 
of  the  treasure  and  most  of  the  documents,  including 
the  process  against  Casas  and  Gonzalez.^^ 

With  a  view  to  render  themselves  secure,  the  gov- 
ernors fortified  their  residence  with  artillery  and  arms 
from  the  arsenal,  appointing  Luis  de  Guzman  captain 
of  the  battery,  and  several  others  as  captains  of  their 
guard  and  house.^^  The  apparent  devotion  of  their 
followers  made  them  quite  overweening  in  their  con- 
fidence, and  they  ventured  to  sneer  even  at  demands 
and  regulations  connected  with  the  royal  interest,  de- 
claring that  any  royal  judge  who  might  arrive  and 
presume  to  interfere  with  them  would  find  it  difficult.^* 

21  Francisco  Cortes  and  other  procuradores  of  settlements  swore  that 
they  never  affixed  their  signature  to  the  document  for  their  appointment 
as  governors.  Ortega,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxix.  93.  The 
authorities  of  Mexico  in  their  representation  to  the  king,  February  1526, 
declare  that  they  were  obliged  to  sign  documents  without  learning  their  con- 
tents. Testimonio  Mex.,  in  Id.,  xiii.  36-8.  Though  confirmed  by  the  dele- 
gates as  governors  for  the  king,  the  municipal  acts  allude  to  them  as 
lieutenant-governors.  Libro  de  Cahildo,  MS.,  December  16,  1525,  etc.  In 
January,  however,  the  absent  Chirinos  is  called  simply  by  his  royal  ofl&ce  of 
veedor,  while  Salazar  figures  as  the  'gobernador.' 

Ti  jfcrrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xii.  Yet  Loaisa,  loc.  cit.,  states,  'salrdse 
el  oro.'  The  agents  were  further  secured  with  large  salaries  and  fees,  Villaroel 
recovering  12,000  pesos  of  gambling  losses  from  the  estates  of  Paz,  says  Her- 
r'sra.    His  office  of  alguacil  mayor  was  conferred  on  Ordaz. 

23  Arteaga  was  made  captain  of  the  guard,  Gin^s  Nortes  received  another 
important  trust,  etc.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  211. 

2*  Alcalde  Bonal  of  Villa  Rica  declared  that  he  had  orders  from  Salazar  to 
arrest  any  royal  judge  who  might  arrive,  and  send  him  back  to  Spain.  Her- 
rera,  ubi  sup. 


OFFICIAL  ROBBERY. 


225 


They  hampered  the  treasurer  and  contador  hi  their 
duties,  and  transferred  crown  lands  and  diverted  reve- 
nues into  different  channels  whereby  they  and  their 
friends  might  profit,  going  even  so  far  as  to  appropriate 
them  partly  as  presents  to  influential  friends  at  court.^^ 
In  this  process  of  enrichment  the  defenceless  natives 
were  subjected  to  every  extortion.  Salazar's  agents 
scoured  the  provinces,  and  entering  the  houses  of  all 
who  appeared  rich,  carried  off  every  object  of  value, 
maltreating  those  who  failed  to  satisfy  their  expec- 
tations. Many  caciques  out  of  fear  or  self-interest 
assisted  to  extort  property  from  their  wealthy  sub- 
jects. Itzcuincuani,  the  lieutenant  at  Tezcuco,  aided 
to  sack  the  palaces  of  his  royal  master  Ixtlilxochitl, 
absent  on  the  Honduras  expedition,  and  to  persecute 
his  family,  distributing,  besides,  his  lands  and  reve- 
nues, in  the  belief  that  he  must  be  dead.^^  All  this 
greatly  excited  the  natives,  and  in  a  number  of  dis- 
tricts the  feeling  led  to  serious  demonstrations.  Yet 
a  general  revolt  was  prevented  through  the  numerous 
matrimonial  alliances  established  with  the  conquerors 
and  colonists,  and  through  rivalry  between  tribes, 
classes,  and  caciques,  for  the  hostile  feeling  of  pro- 
vincial peoples  against  those  of  the  lake  valleys  was 
still  bitter,  the  former  clinging  to  the  white  leaders 
who  had  guided  them  to  the  long-desired  victory,  or 
vying  for  the  favors  which  flowed  through  them  alone. 
The  frairs  also  had  acquired  great  influence,  and  knew 
how  to  apply  their  warnings  and  counsel,  informed  as 
they  were  by  the  children,  of  the  projects  of  their 
elders. 

2^  Some  treasures  discovered  in  a  certain  building,  and  properly  claimed  for 
the  king,  were  appropriated  by  Salazar  on  the  ground  that  the  house  adjoined 
his  own.  Id.  Estrada  presents  a  doleful  complaint  against  the  criminal  mis- 
management and  treasonable  conduct  of  these  rulers.  They  are  prepared  to 
do  anything  against  the  king.  Mernona,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  1.  522-3. 
Ocana  defends  their  management,  as  may  be  expected.  Id. ,  526. 

'^^Ixtlilxochitl,  Rel,  446. 

2^  The  lingering  doubt  about  the  death  of  Cortes  had  also  an  effect.  '  Mas 
esperauan  que  Quahutimoc  se  lo  embiasse  a  dizir, '  says  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 
250,  in  allusion  to  the  proposed  revolt  of  this  prince  during  the  march  to 
Honduras. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  15 


226  SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AND  OVERTHROW. 


As  it  was,  the  natives  did  rise  in  several  directions, 
notably  in  Oajaca,  Goazacoalco,  and  Panuco  regions, 
attacking  the  Spaniards  not  only  on  the  road  and  in 
the  mines,  where  isolated,  but  in  the  settlements. 
Quite  a  number  were  killed,  and  many  under  the 
most  atrocious  tortures  that  gradually  accumulated 
wrongs  could  exact  or  invent.  Some  were  kept  with- 
out food  until  famished;  then  one  of  their  legs  or 
arms  was  cut  off  and  cooked  and  eaten  before  their 
eyes.  Some  were  flayed  alive,  or  roasted  over  slow 
fires ;  others  were  used  as  targets. 

The  absence  with  Cortes  of  so  many  of  the  influen- 
tial conquerors  tended  to  increase  the  alarm,  and  the 
colonists  retired  to  the  larger  settlements,  particularly 
to  Mexico,  to  prepare  for  what  might  happen.  As 
it  would  not  answer  to  encourage  the  natives  by  a 
neutral  or  vacillating  policy,  several  expeditions  were 
formed  to  chastise  the  revolted  districts,  and  to  keep 
the  others  in  awe.  One  party  of  sixty  men,  under 
Captain  Vallecillo,  proceeded  in  the  direction  of  Ta- 
basco, there  to  encounter  great  hardships,  the  leader 
among  others  becoming  incapacitated  for  active  ser- 
vice. Under  these  distressing  circumstances,  one 
man,  Juan  de  Lepe,  ventured  to  find  his  way  to 
Medellin  alone,  and  thence  to  Mexico,  where  his  ap- 
peals were  responded  to  with  a  fresh  force,  under 
Captain  Baltasar  de  Gallegos,  bearing  extra  supplies 
and  arms.  The  conquest  was  now  completed;  the 
country  was  divided  among  the  soldiers,  and  near  the 
spot  where  Cortes  had  gained  his  first  victory  in  New 
Spain  a  town  was  founded  under  the  commemorative 
name  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Victoria.^^ 

2^  In  Tutntepec  region,  toward  the  North  Sea,  a  number  of  captives  were 
placed  in  a  yard  enclosed  by  a  stone  wall,  and  goaded  with  pointed  poles, 
like  bulls.  Some  climbed  the  walls  to  receive  a  quicker  death;  others  knelt 
in  resignation.  Remesal,  Hist.  Cliyajpa,  164.  Fifteen  were  killed  at  one  town. 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xii.j  Testimonio  Mex.,  in  Pacheco  and  Carc^e- 
nas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  39. 

■■^^  Torqijemada,  iii.  57,  assumes  that  before  the  influx  Mexico  contained 
but  200  defenders,  but  this  is  evidently  too  low  a  figure,  as  will  be  seen. 

One  league  from  the  sea,  where  vessels  could  load  close  to  the  bank, 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  iii.    The  name  applied  by  Cortes  to  the  na- 


REVOLT  IN  OAJACA. 


227 


The  chief  expedition  sent  out  in  consequence  of 
the  revolt  was  directed  to  Oajaca,  where  the  most 
serious  slaughter  of  colonists  had  taken  place,^^  in  the 
Coatlan  Mountains.  The  party  consisted  of  about 
two  hundred  men,^^  commanded  by  Chirinos,  who 
prided  himself  on  his  military  qualities,  and  preferred 
to  figure  as  captain-general,  while  Salazar  was  only 
too  glad  to  rule  as  sole  governor.  In  these  inclina- 
tions and  qualities  of  the  worthy  pair,  respectively 
soldier  and  diplomat,  may  be  found  an  explanation 
for  their  continued  harmony,  when  all  other  bonds 
were  disregarded.  Chirinos  had  evidently  been  con- 
tent to  cede  the  first  place  to  his  partner  in  civil  mat- 
ters, receiving  in  turn  supreme  control  in  the  military 
department.  A  still  stronger  bond  was  perhaps  that 
both  were  proteges  of  the  king's  secretary,  to  whom 
they  owed  everything.  The  leading  men  in  Mexico 
attributed  the  present  elaborate  expedition  chiefly  to 
the  prospect  of  an  encounter  with  Pedro  de  Alvarado, 
who  was  also  supposed  to  have  incited  the  revolt  in 
Oajaca.^^  However  this  may  have  been,  Chirinos 
found  occupation  enough  with  the  rebels,  who,  unable 
to  face  him  on  the  plains,  took  refuge  in  the  hills  with 
their  treasures,  and  finally  concentrated  on  the  penol 
Coatlan.  This  was  impregnable,  or  nearly  so,  and  the 
party  was  obliged  to  invest  it.  The  siege  continued, 
with  gambling  and  feasting  in  the  camp,  until  the  na- 
tives were  almost  forgotten.  The  besieged  were  more 
watchful,  and  one  night  they  surprised  the  camp  and 
killed  a  number  of  men  before  they  were  driven  back. 

tive  town  here  appears  to  have  been  slightly  changed.  See  Hist.  Mex. ,  i.  92, 
this  series.  Bernal  Diaz  names  Baltasar  Ossorio,  an  hidalgo  of  Seville,  as 
the  leader  sent  by  Aguilar  to  settle  Tabasco.  Hist,  Verdad.,  221.  Aguilar 
ruled  after  July  1526. 

Fifty  Spaniards  and  from  8,000  to  10,000  slaves  being  killed  in  the 
mines.  Oviedo,  iii.  518.  It  is  more  likely  that  the  10,000  slaves  killed  the  50 
taskmasters.  Gomara  places  the  incident  in  Huaxacac  and  Zoatlan.  Hist. 
Mex.,  247. 

'^'^  Oviedo,  iii.  514.  The  Testimonio  Mex.  has  *  60  infantry  and  50  cavalry,' 
which  may  be  the  force  taken  from  Mexico  city  alone,  as  Herrera  places 
the  total  at  300,  of  which  100  were  horsemen. 

'  Su  principal  motivo  fue  ir  a  resistir  el  capitan  Pero  de  Albarado.'  Tes- 
timonio Mex.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  40. 


228  SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AND  OVERTHROW. 


Shortly  afterward  the  Spaniards  awoke  to  find  the 
penol  evacuated,  and  all  the  effects,  including  a  serpent 
of  pure  gold,  carried  away.  Circumstances  now  com- 
pelled Chirinos  to  take  a  hasty  departure,  leaving  in 
command  Andres  de  Monjaraz,  who  had  lately  ar- 
rived with  reenforcements.^* 

Affairs  had  been  gradually  assuming  a  different 
aspect  at  Mexico,  where  the  overweening  confidence 
and  attendant  excesses  of  the  usurping  rulers  were 
preparing  the  way  for  their  downfall.  Particularly 
unpleasant  to  their  sight  were  the  refugees  in  the 
San  Francisco  sanctuary,  whose  mere  presence  there 
seemed  a  defiance  of  their  power,  against  which  they 
were  known  to  be  plotting.  Repeated  orders  were 
issued  for  them  to  leave  the  temple  and  return  to 
their  homes,  but  this  demand  implied  in  itself  some 
nefarious  project,  and  after  the  disregard  shown  by 
the  authorities  for  solemn  oaths,  none  could  trust 
himself  in  their  hands.  The  obsequious  council  now 
assisted  in  condemning  the  refugees  as  traitors,  with 
confiscation  of  property.^^  In  his  bitterness  Salazar 
even  went  so  far  as  to  forcibly  take  them  from  the 
sanctuary. Friar  Valencia,  the  custodian,  protested 
against  this  desecration,  and  no  heed  being  given  to 
his  words,  he  laid  the  whole  city  under  excommunica- 
tion, and  departed  from  it  with  his  Franciscans,  carrying 
away  also  the  sacred  vessels  and  other  paraphernalia. 
Imagine  the  excitement  created  by  this  withdrawal  of 
the  divine  favor !  The  church  was  no  longer  so  om- 
nipotent as  in  the  days  of  Hildebrand,  who  compelled 
the  mighty  Henry  to  creep  for  mercy  at  his  feet,  yet 
among  the  Latin  races  it  still  appeared  as  an  arbiter 
invested  with  superhuman  attributes,  by  whose  decree 

2*  The  news  of  Cortes  being  alive  contributed  to  their  reduction  soon  after. 
Bernal  Diaz,  HisL  Verdad.,  215;  Loaisa,  in  Oviedo,  iii.  524;  Herrera,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  vii.  cap.  viii. 

2^  Their  houses  would  be  torn  down  and  salt  scattered  upon  the  site.  Lihro 
de  Cahildo,  MS.,  December  IC,  1525. 

To  despatch  them  to  Spain,  says  Herrera;  yet  it  is  probable  that  some 
were  intended  for  a  worse  fate. 


CORTES  MAY  BE  ALIVE. 


229 


a  world  was  partitioned,  and  by  whose  servants  mil- 
lions of  souls  were  redeemed  from  paganism.  Men 
who  had  tamely  submitted  to  Salazar,  even  yielding 
their  leader  to  his  executioner,  now  dared  to  raise 
their  voices,  so  that  his  adherents  wavered  and  fell 
back.  Comparatively  free  from  the  passion  of  the 
others,  the  governor  had  failed  to  weigh  the  effect  of 
his  step.  It  dawned  upon  him  with  the  first  protest ; 
but  he  was  too  proud  to  retract.  Now  he  must  yield, 
however,  and  with  curses  on  his  lips  he  bent  to  implore 
forgiveness  of  the  friars.  The  prisoners  were  restored, 
and  he  received  absolution.^^ 

This  humiliation  of  the  tyrant  brought  about  a 
revulsion  of  feeling,  as  he  probably  had  feared,  for 
the  result  of  the  excommunication  revealed  how  slight 
was  his  hold  on  the  community,  despite  his  seemingly 
unbounded  sway.  Men  who  had  hitherto  shunned 
their  neighbors  with  suspicious  fear  now  began  to 
reveal  their  feelings,  encouraged  also  by  the  mute 
support  of  the  friars.  Opinions  were  revived  that 
Cortes  was  alive,  and  these  appear  to  have  been  based 
not  alone  on  hope,  or  a  longing  for  relief,  but  on  a 
letter  from  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  and  probably  on  re- 
ports from  the  Islands,  whither  Cortes  had  despatched 
vessels  from  Honduras,  in  the  early  part  of  the  sum- 
mer. The  friends  of  Cortes  grew  confident  again,  and 
began  to  collect  arms  and  discuss  the  best  means  for 
removing  the  usurpers,  whether  by  the  hand  of  an 
assassin,  or  by  declaring  open  war.  Salazar  became 
alarmed,  and  proportionately  profuse  with  favors  and 
promises  to  his  adherents.  So  serious  did  he  regard 
the  movement  that  he  convoked  a  meeting  of  citizens 
to  consider  repressive  measures,  and  sought  at  the 
same  time  to  propitiate  them  by  tendering  an  enter- 

'Con  poca  reverencia  de  la  Iglesia,  diciendo  muchas  injurious.'  Torque- 
mada,  i.  593;  iii.  57-8.  The  friars  had  gone  to  Tlascala.  He  and  other 
chroniclers  comment  on  the  frequent  service  the  friars  rendered  by  their  inter- 
ference, but  he  forgets  that  this  very  meddling  frequently  allured  the  best 
men  from  the  determined  action  demanded  against  nefarious  schemes.  Moto- 
linia,  Hist.  Ind.,  20-1. 

^  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  571-2,  this  series. 


230  SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AND  OVERTHROW. 


tainment  at  his  gardens,  a  league  from  Mexico, 
whither  he  led  them  with  great  pomp.^^ 

In  the  midst  of  this  turmoil,  on  the  night  of  Sun- 
day, the  28th  of  January,  1526,^^  a  man  in  laborer's 
attire,  knocked  at  the  gate  of  San  Francisco  convent, 
and  was  admitted.  In  a  close  conference  with  the 
inmates  he  revealed  himself  as  a  messenger  from 
Cortes.  He  related  how  poignant  had  been  his  mas- 
ter's grief  and  anger  on  receiving  from  the  exiled 
Zuazo  an  account  of  the  outrages  and  misrule  in 
Mexico ;  how  he  had  prepared  to  come  in  person  to 
restore  order,  but  had  been  deterred  by  a  succession 
of  mishaps  wherein  he  perceived  the  desire  of  God 
for  him  to  remain  and  achieve  the  conquest  of  Hon- 
duras.^^  He  had  accordingly  contented  himself  with 
sending  instructions  by  the  hand  of  his  groom,  Mar- 
tin de  Orantes,  a  man  of  great  intelligence,  who  left 
Trujillo  during  the  new-year  celebrations,  accompanied 
by  several  cavaliers  and  chiefs,  through  whom  the 
statement  of  the  messenger  might  be  verified.  The 
captain  and  pilots  of  his  vessel  had  been  well  paid  to 
observe  every  precaution,  and  Orantes  was  landed 
alone,  some  distance  above  Vera  Cruz,  while  his  com- 
panions sailed  onward  to  the  safer  district  of  Panuco. 
Disguising  himself  as  a  workingman,  in  bushy  beard, 
with  the  despatches  concealed  round  his  body,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Mexico  on  foot,  avoiding  Spaniards  as  much 
as  possible.  The  despatches  which  he  now  exhibited 
revoked  the  existing  gubernatorial  commissions,  and 
invested  Casas  with  the  supreme  command.  In  case 
of  his  absence,  Pedro  de  Alvarado  should  govern. 
If  neither  appeared,  Orantes  was  to  institute  inquiries, 

^^On  January  19,  1526,  several  gardens  were  granted  by  the  council  to 
Chirinos,  Salazar,  and  other  prominent  persons,  those  of  the  former  lying  at 
San  Cosme.  Lihro  de  Cahildo,  MS. 

Salazar's  own  letter  gives  it  with  great  precision  as  3  A.  M.  on  Monday. 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxix.  95. 

*^'Dixo:  Al  ruin  ponelde  en  mando,  y  vereys  quienes.'  Gcmiara,  Hist. 
Mex.,  270. 

■*2  For  a  full  account  of  these  singular  mishaps  and  their  result,  see  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.f  i.  573-G,  this  series. 


CORTES  LIVES. 


231 


guided  by  the  friars,  in  whose  judgment  and  devotion 
Cortes  reposed  great  faith,  and  if  Estrada  and  Albor- 
noz  appeared  in  accord  and  trustworthy,  to  surrender 
to  them  the  despatches  and  command.*'^ 

The  treasurer  and  contador  were  accordingly  sum- 
moned, together  with  the  refugees  of  the  Cortes 
party,  among  whom  Andres  de  Tapia  and  Jorge  de 
Alvarado  were  the  leading  spirits.  These  two  imme- 
diately summoned  the  less  hostile  members  of  the 
council  and  the  reputed  adherents  of  their  party,  and 
sent  to  traders  and  friends  for  lances  and  other  arms. 
A  sufficient  number  having  gathered,  including  thirty 
horsemen,  Alvarado  led  them  through  the  city  in  the 
moonlight,  shouting  Yiva  el  rey !  and  calling  upon  the 
citizens  to  assemble  at  the  convent  in  the  service  of 
the  king.  The  news  had  spread  by  this  time,  and 
soon  a  large  crowd  was  gathered.  As  Tapia  read 
the  letters  of  Cortes,  cheers  upon  cheers  rent  the 
air,  revealing  clearly  enough  the  popular  feeling.  He 
thereupon  reviewed  the  usurpation  and  despotic  rule 
of  the  incumbents,  now  dispossessed  by  their  chief, 
and  indicated  his  wishes  in  the  appointment  of  Es- 
trada with  Albornoz,  who  had  governed  so  acceptably 
before.  This  selection  was  by  no  means  to  the  liking 
of  a  large  number ;  but  the  evident  wishes  of  Cortes 
must  be  respected ;  and  it  would  have  been  difficult 
to  find  one  more  fitting  for  the  position  than  Estrada ; 
for  the  condition  of  affairs  demanded  a  man  of  influ- 
ence, like  the  leading  royal  official,  upon  whom  the 

Such  is  the  intimation  of  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  213,  and  of  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex.,  248-9,  both  of  whom  must  have  known  the  facts;  yet  Herrera 
writes  that  Andres  de  Tapia  and  Jorge  de  Alvarado  received  the  confidence 
and  despatches  of  Orantes,  and  that  Tapia  in  particvilar  managed  to  impress 
upon  the  adherents  of  Cortes  summoned  to  the  sanctuary  the  necessity  for 
choosing  Estrada  and  Albornoz  as  rulers,  since  Casas  was  absent,  dec.  iii.  lib. 
viii.  cap,  v.  This  is  probably  taken  from  the  memoirs  of  Tapia,  to  judge  by 
the  prominence  given  him  for  several  pages.  Zuazo  had  not  failed  to  speak 
favorably  of  his  f ellow-suflferers  Estrada  and  Albornoz,  whose  government  had 
progressed  smoothly  till  Salazar  overthrew  them,  and  although  he  preferred 
such  able  military  men  as  Casas  and  Alvarado  under  the  circumstances,  yet 
there  could  have  been  no  reason  for  him  to  set  aside  these  royal  officials.  The 
acts  of  the  town  council  allude  to  no  appointee  save  Casas,  but  Cortes  could 
not  have  failed  to  signify  several  selections,  by  which  the  council  must  have 
been  guided. 


232  SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AKD  OVERTHROW. 


majority  could  unite  without  the  reproach  or  jealousy 
which  might  have  tended  to  division  and  consequent 
failure  if  any  of  the  refugees  had  been  chosen.  The 
objections  centred  probably  in  Albornoz,  and  the 
feeling  was  not  diminished  when  he  was  met  shortly 
after,  coming  from  the  house  of  Salazar,  whom  he  had 
hastened  to  warn  of  what  was  brewing,  promising  to 
take  no  active  part  against  him.  Not  possessing 
sufficient  confidence  in  the  strength  of  the  new  party, 
even  to  voluntarily  accept  the  position  then  offered 
of  joint  governor,  he  insisted  that  they  should  take 
him  prisoner,  so  as  to  give  an  appearance  of  compul- 
sion to  his  election.^* 

The  meeting  before  the  convent  having  declared  in 
favor  of  Estrador  and  Albornoz,  and  having  promised 
to  assist  in  overthrowing  the  usurpers,  Tapia,  Alva- 
rado,  and  Alvaro  de  Saavedra  Ceron,  a  cousin  of 
Cortes,  were  chosen  captains  to  plan  the  operation 
and  lead  the  party.  While  a  portion  scoured  the  city 
to  obtain  fresh  arms  and  supporters,  Tapia  proceeded 
with  the  rest  to  the  house  of  Regidor  Luis  de  la 
Torre,  to  which  the  council  members  had  been  already 
summoned.  Having  nothing  more  to  gain  from  Sala- 
zar, the  majority  of  these  were  readily  induced  to 
listen  to  a  deputation  so  numerous  and  well  armed, 
appearing,  besides,  under  the  auspices  of  the  mighty 
Cortes.  The  two  candidates  were  accordingly  sworn 
in  as  lieutenants  of  the  real  governor  and  captain- 
general,^^  and  they  in  turn  strengthened  their  position 

1  1  '  Para  que  si  la  parte  contraria  ven9iesse,  pudiesse  de9ir  que  yba  f  or9ado.  * 
Loaisa,  in  Oviedo,  iii.  524. 

^^The  members  who  elected  them  were:  Alcalde  Juan  de  la  Torre,  and 
regidores  Garcia  Holguin,  the  captor  of  Emperor  Quauhtemotzin,  Comen- 
dador  Leon  de  Cervantes,  Hernan  Lopez  de  j^vila,  Luis  de  la  Torre,  and 
Francisco  Verdugo.  The  new  governors  appointed  Cervantes  alcalde  in  place 
of  the  hostile  Diego  de  Valdenebro,  Rodrigo  Rangel  receiving  his  vacated 
office  of  regidor,  and  Andres  de  Barrios  that  of  an  obstreperous  regidor  named 
Carbajal.  Arriaga  and  Tirado,  the  procurador  and  mayordomo  of  the  city, 
were  removed  in  favor  of  Miguel  Diaz  and  Hernando  de  Villanueva,  and  the 
irascible  notary  Ocana  was  dispossessed  in  favor  of  Hernan  Perez,  while  his 
garden  was  given  to  Orantes.  Libro  de  Cahildo,  MS.,  Jan.  29,  Feb.  3,  9,  1526, 
The  plea  for  the  election  of  the  governors  was  that  they  had  held  the  office 
before,  by  the  appointment  of  Cortes,  and  that  the  choice  would  obviate  dis- 
orders. 


INSURRECTION. 


233 


and  rewarded  supporters  by  appointing  Bachiller  Juan 
de  Ortega  alcalde  mayor  of  the  country,  Andres  do 
Tapia,  alguacil  mayor,  Jorge  de  Alvarado,  alcalde  of 
the  arsenal,  and  Saavedra  Ceron,  lieutenant  at  Vera 
Cruz  and  adjoining  ports,  while  the  council  was 
strengthened  with  two  new  men  to  take  the  place  of 
obstreperous  members,  Comendador  Cervantes  being 
promoted  to  joint  alcalde  with  Juan  de  la  Torre. ^ 

On  leaving  the  council,  the  party  joined  the  gath- 
ered citizens,  now  about  five  hundred  strong,  and 
marched  to  the  residence  of  Salazar.  The  new  gov- 
ernors were  kept  in  the  centre,  Tapia  and  Alvarado 
led  the  van,  and  a  notary  and  a  crier  attended  to 
attest  and  announce  the  new  order  of  affairs.  On 
reaching  the  house  they  found  it  held  by  some  two 
hundred  men,  protected  by  a  strong  battery.^'  After 
arranging  for  the  distribution  of  his  force,  Tapia 
demanded  a  parley.  Although  he  and  his  comrades 
had  been  deeply  injured,  they  bore  no  malice,  but 
desired  peace.  Salazar  had  declared  himself  empow- 
ered to  arrest  Cortes.  •  Let  him  exhibit  this  and  other 
orders  from  the  authorities  in  Spain,  and  they  would 
obey  him.  If  he  possessed  no  such  authority,  it 
behooved  all  loyal  men  to  adhere  to  Cortes,  or  his 
substitute,  as  the  legal  representative  of  the  king. 
Salazar  replied  that  he  had  no  such  orders,  but  had 
acted  as  he  thought  best  under  the  circumstances. 
He  would  continue  to  rule  or  perish  in  the  attempt. 
"Gentlemen,  you  hear!"  cried  Tapia  to  those  attend- 

*^  Tapia  claims  to  have  been  invested  with  the  office  of  captain-general,  or 
rather  with  the  control,  under  the  governors,  of  the  military  department. 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  v.  Ortega  was  afterward  arraigned  for  ac- 
cepting the  office  of  alcalde  mayor.  He  was  a  graduate  of  Salamanca  Univer- 
sity and  about  50  years  of  age.  Ortega,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. , 
xxix,  7.  Ocana,  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  527,  and  witnesses  in 
Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  81,  stamp  the  changes  made  by  the  new  movement  as 
effected  by  intimidation  and  f  orca  According  to  them  two  regidores  and  one 
of  the  alcaldes  were  placed  under  arrest.  One  of  these  regidores  was  Mejia, 
probably  an  alternate,  who  figures  shortly  after  among  the  loyal  ones  in  direct- 
ing a  statement  to  the  king  against  Salazar.  Testimomo  Mex.,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  34—45. 

Loaisa,  in  Ovvedo^  iii.  525.  Herrera  raises  the  number  to  1,000,  with  12 
camiou. 


234  SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AND  OVERTHROW. 


ing  Salazar.  "Seize  him,  for  you  cannot  afford  to  be 
traitors  to  your  king!"  "Be  still,  or  I  will  fire!" 
shouted  the  other,  at  the  same  time  taking  up  a 
match.  No  less  resolute,  Tapia  gave  the  signal  for 
attack,  whereupon  his  opponent  applied  the  match, 
calling  on  all  to  rally  round  him.  The  men  of  Cortes 
had  watched  the  movement,  and  had  opened  a  path 
along  the  range  of  the  cannon,  so  that  the  ball  sped 
harmless  into  the  church  wall.  The  next  moment 
they  rushed  forward  amidst  ringing  cheers.  Little 
resistance  was  offered,  for  no  sooner  had  the  waver- 
ing supporters  of  the  usurper  observed  the  number 
and  determination  of  the  assailants  than  they  threw 
their  arms  right  and  left  and  turned  to  escape,  a  large 
proportion  joining  the  opposite  party.  Among  the 
first  to  desert  was  Guzman,  captain  of  the  artillery, 
whose  example  was  followed  by  some  other  leading 
men,  hitherto  vying  with  one  another  for  the  favors 
of  their  chief,  now  jostling  at  the  windows  for  an 
exit,  or  scrambling  for  the  roof.  Only  about  a  dozen 
followers  remained  true,  with  whom  Salazar  retired 
to  a  less  exposed  position,  only  to  delay  for  a  brief 
moment  the  inevitable  capture,  yet  not  till  Tapia  had 
received  a  sharp  reminder  in  the  form  of  a  stone- 
throw,  which  knocked  him  down,  though  not  perma- 
nently injuring  him.*^ 

The  feeling  against  the  resolute  captive  was  intense, 
and  but  for  the  protection  afforded  him  by  the  new 
governors  and  leaders  he  would  have  been  killed. 
There  was  no  restriction  as  to  abuse,  however,  which 
flowed  in  endless  tirade  as  he  was  led  through  the 
streets  by  a  chain.  Nor  did  it  stop  with  that  day,  for 
he  was  not  conducted  to  the  regular  prison,  but  was 
placed  in  a  cage  of  strong  timbers,  under  two  keys  and 

^^Bernal  Diaz  names  a  few  of  those  who  remained  with  Salazar.  He 
assumes  that  Salazar  was  seized  before  he  could  fire  the  gun.  Hist.  Verdad., 
214.  Zamarraga  implies  a  considerable  resistance,  by  saying  that  the  adher- 
ents of  Cortes  had  to  force  an  entrance  with  artillery.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  xiii.  114.  During  the  parley,  or  immediately  before,  Guzman 
withdrew  his  artillery  into  the  building  to  prevent  its  capture.  Herrera,  loc. 
cit.;  Oviedo,  iii.  518,  524;  Cortc6,  BeaiUeiicia,  i.  171. 


THE  TYRANT  CAGED. 


235 


a  faithful  guard,  there  to  be  submitted  like  a  wild 
beast  to  public  gaze  and  jeers.  To  this  ordeal  his 
associate  Chirinos  had  also  to  submit.  This  leader 
had  hastened  from  Oajaca  at  the  first  report  of  troubles 
to  aid  Salazar,  but  learning  the  result,  he  fled  to  Tlas- 
cala  and  took  refuge  in  the  monastery.  This  being- 
still  in  the  hands  of  the  builder,  his  pursuers  declared 
that  it  could  not  be  regarded  as  sacred  protection,  and 
carried  off"  the  refugee,  placing  him  in  a  cage  adjoining 
that  of  his  ally.  Not  long  after  it  was  decided  to 
restore  him  to  the  monastery.*^ 

The  citizens  repeatedly  demanded  the  condemnation 
to  death  of  the  two  prisoners  for  their  treatment  of 
Paz,  and  for  other  ofiences,  and  Estrada  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  averse,  but  Albornoz  had  a  wholesome 
respect  for  their  powerful  patron  at  court,  and  so  they 
were  allowed  to  live.  He  resolved  not  to  commit  him- 
self in  behalf  of  a  man  with  such  precarious  favor  at 
court  as  Cortes,  for  whose  downfall  he  himself  had 
ardently  labored. 

Notwithstanding  the  obstacles  interposed  by  this 
man,  several  reforms  were  carried  out.  The  officials 
of  Cortes  were  in  many  instances  restored,  among 
them  the  procuradores  in  Spain,  and  sequestrated 
property  was  released,  while  that  of  despoilers  passed 
into  the  hands  of  trustees.  During  this  spoliation 
the  governors  did  not  fail  to  profit  by  the  example 
of  their  predecessors  in  striving  to  obtain  the  lion's 
share  of  offices  and  wealth  for  themselves  and  their 
friends.    Their  tenure  of  power  might  not  last  long, 

*^  Their  safety  was  intrusted  to  Villafuerte  whom  they  had  kept  under 
arrest.  Ocana,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc. ,  i.  528.  Cortes  claims  that  he  restored 
to  sanctuaries  several  persons  taken  forth  by  Estrada,  and  this  he  did  to  avoid 
the  imputation  of  passionate  judgment  in  his  own  interest.  Carta,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xii.  482.  Commenting  on  the  evil  of  these  turmoils, 
Zumarraga  observes:  'Tanto  escandalo,  alboroto  y  riesgo,  que  en  no  perderse 
aquel  dia  la  tierra  parece  i,  los  que  lo  vieron  cosa  miraculosa,  porque . . .  los 
indios  estavan  tan  alborotados. '  Carta,  in  Id.,  xiii.  115.  Carpenter  Torres 
received  seven  pesos  de  oro  for  work  on  the  cages.  Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS. , 
191.  The  abuse  of  sanctuary  immunity  was  considerably  reduced  in  accordance 
with  an  appeal  from  the  crown  to  the  ecclesiastics,  dated  March  29,  1532. 
By  law  of  April  12,  1592,  the  privilege  was  further  restricted.  Hecop.  de 
Indms,  i.  35. 


236  SALAZAR'S  USURPATION  AND  OVERTHROW. 


a  fear  which  to  the  disgusted  adherents  of  Cortes 
became  a  hope. 

So  fierce  was  the  raid  against  the  late  party  that 
a  revulsion  set  in  among  them,  strongly  in  sympathy 
with  their  liberal  chiefs.  Indeed,  a  conspiracy  was 
formed  to  restore  them  to  power.  With  this  object 
the  ruling  men  were  to  be  killed,  including  Ortega, 
who  as  alcalde  mayor  had  shown  a  pronounced  zeal 
for  the  interests  of  Cortes,  and  the  caged  leaders  re- 
leased so  that  they  might  assist  in  carrying  the  move- 
ment to  a  successful  issue.  Since  the  cages  could  not 
well  be  broken,  keys  were  needed,  and  application  was 
made  to  a  locksmith  named  Guzman,^^  a  supposed  ad- 
herent of  Salazar,  but  above  all  devoted  to  his  own 
interests.  With  expressions  of  sympathy  he  secured 
their  confidence,  and  on  the  easter  eve  set  for  the 
attack  revealed  the  plot.  A  number  of  the  conspir- 
ators were  arrested,  largely  composed  of  deserters 
from  Guatemala,  and  seven  of  the  ringleaders  suf- 
fered death,  the  rest  being  lashed  and  exiled,  with 
loss  of  property/^ 

Son  of  a  Seville  Jew,  who  took  this  name  from  his  godfather.  He  wa3 
an  adept  in  making  cross-bows  and  locks.  Oviedo,  iii.  525. 

In  Ortega,  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxix.  6-45,  three  hidal- 
gos are  named  as  the  leaders,  who  were  beheaded;  three  others  were 
hanged,  and  one  was  dragged  to  death.  More  would  have  been  executed  but 
for  the  arrival  of  Cortes.  Testimony  in  Cortes,  Residenda,  i.  244.  Bernal 
Diaz  states  that  Albornoz  knew  of  the  revolt,  and  had  an  interest  in  it, 
according  to  the  confession  of  prisoners.  Estrada  therefore  arrested  the 
culprits  without  informing  him.  Hist.  Verdad.,  214.  But  this  may  be  but 
rumor.  In  addition  to  the  authorities  already  quoted  in  this  chapter,  I  may 
mention  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  387-8;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii. 
318-403,  486;  xiii.  32-49,  70-1,  109-11,  368-9,  394-400;  xxix.  95-6;  Icaz- 
halceta,  Col.  Doc,  1.  20-1,  470-537;  Puga,  Cedulario,  16,  20;  Cortes,  Escritos 
Sueltos,  105,  224-6;  Archivo  Mex.  Doc,  i.  75-82,  147,  177-8,  215-18,  244, 
et  seq.;  ii.  16,  208,  etseq.;  Col  Doc  Ined.,  i.  101-2;  ii.  378-9;  iv.  227;  Re- 
mesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  13,  164;  Oviedo,  i.  542;  iii.  468,  510-25,  549;  Recop., 
de  Indias,  i.  35;  Ixtlilxocliitl,  Relaciones,  in  KingshorougK s  Mex.  Antiq., 
ix.  435^6;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  31-56,  70-1;  Ternaux-Gompans,  Voy.,  serie 
ii.  tom.  V.  7-19,  47-50;  Chiinalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  115-25,  147-54,  181; 
Torquemada,  i.  524-6,  569,  588-96;  Ramirez,  Doc,  MS.,  275-89;  Alaman, 
Disert.,  i.  172,  194-5,  222-45,  app.  24-6,  162-214;  ii.  51,  312,  app.  3-14; 
Solis,  Hist.  Mex.  (Madrid  ed.  1843),  471-8;  Prescotfs  Mex.,  iii.  300-6;  also 
notes  in  Mex.  eds. ;  Helps'  Cortds,  ii.  330-41;  Brasseur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  706-22;  Salazar  y  Olarte,  Conq.  Mex.,  318-23,  393-7,  416-26; 
Montemayor,  Svmanos,  11,  12;  Pizarro  y  Orellana,  Varones  Ilvstres,  118-19; 
Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa^  i.  45;  Id.y  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  19-22;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult., 


AUTHORITIES. 


237 


iii.  589-93;  Sandoval,  Hist.  Carlos  V.,  i.  593;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  iv. 
233-52,  327-57;  Armin,  AUe  Mex.,  362-6;  Bussierre,  L'Emp.  Mex.,  340-54; 
Bustamante,  Gab.  Mex.,  ii.  46;  Escosura,  Conjuracion,  i.  pp.  v.-xcvi.:  La- 
cunza,  Disairsos  Hist.,  pt.  xxxiii.  452-3;  Mendoza  and  Homo,  Nooioms 
Cronoldg.,  287-8;  Mex.  Not.  Ciudad,  264-6;  Mesa  y  Leompart,  Hist.  Am., 
i.  235-9;  Viagero  Univ.,  xxvii.  188-9;  Gottfried,  Bey  sen,  iv.;  Museo  Mex., 

iv.  454-63;  Gordons  Anc.  Mex.,  ii.  215-18;  Aa,  Naauheurige  Versameling, 
xi.  8-21,  59-65,  94-104;  Granados,  Tardes  Am.,  274-8;  Domenech,  Hist. 
Mex.,  i.  241-9;  Voyages,  Selectioii  of  Curious,  661. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


THE  PONCE  DE  LEON  EPISODE. 
1526. 

Altamirano  Sent  to  Bring  Cortes — His  Arrival  at  Medellin — De- 
monstrative Reception — Reform  Measures — A  Juez  de  Residencia 
Sent  to  New  Spain — Ponce  de  Leon  and  his  Instructions — How 
Cortes  Received  the  Blow — The  Banquet — A  Scheming  Friar — 
Ponce  de  Leon  Assumes  the  Government  —  The  Residencia  of 
Cortes — Death  of  Ponce  de  Leon — Aguilar  Succeeds  Him — His 
Unfitness  and  Death. 

However  promising  the  new  administration  might 
have  been,  it  could  never  be  regarded  even  by  the 
most  confident  of  the  adherents  of  Cortes  as  anything 
but  temporary.  Cortes  alone  would  be  able  to  restore 
order  and  save  the  country.  The  efforts  to  accom- 
plish his  return  were  therefore  continued,  and  while 
some  wrote  to  Pedro  de  Alvarado  to  go  in  search  of 
him,  others  persuaded  to  the  same  end  Father  Diego 
Altamirano,  cousin  of  the  great  captain,  and  a  man  of 
sagacity,  who  had  also  followed  the  profession  of  arms. 
Family  interests  did  much  to  prevail  upon  the  cousin, 
and  chartering  a  vessel  at  Medellin  he  reached  Hondu- 
ras, there  to  find  his  kinsman  absorbed  in  glowing  visions 
of  conquest.  Kindly,  yet  firmly,  he  remonstrated  with 
him  for  abandoning  actual  possessions  and  neglecting 
his  duty  to  family,  friends,  and  sovereign,  for  shadowy 
gains.  Interference  with  governments  already  con- 
ferred on  others  would  surely  meet  with  condemna- 
tion, and  further  injure  his  tottering  interests  at  court. 
He  had  already  achieved  as  conqueror  of  Mexico  a 
reputation  far  above  that  of  any  man  in  America,  and 

(238> 


ARRIVAL  OF  CORTES. 


239 


he  must  not  imperil  it  by  doubtful  projects.  He  must 
return,  assume  the  dignity  due  to  his  position,  and 
exact  reverence  from  subordinates  and  recognition 
from  his  king. 

The  sagacious  Altamirano  succeeded  in  every  par- 
ticular, and  Cortes  embarked  at  Trujillo  on  the  25th 
of  April,  1526,  with  a  few  followers  and  a  number  of 
natives.^  When  off  Yucatan  a  gale  compelled  him  to 
seek  a  not  distasteful  refuge  at  Habana,  where  several 
days  were  passed  in  the  society  of  former  comrades. 
A  voyage  of  eight  days  brought  him  on  the  24th  of 
May  to  the  port  of  San  Juan,  whence  he  proceeded  on 
foot  to  Medellin.^  It  was  midnight  when  he  reached 
the  spot,  and  all  had  retired;  but  the  door  of  the 
church  stood  open,  and  the  weary  wanderers  entered 
to  give  thanks  for  their  safe  return.  The  sacristan 
had  heard  their  heavy  tread,  however,  and  rushed 
forth  to  alarm  the  settlers,  who  soon  appeared  in  a 
body.  Hardships  and  fever  had  so  changed  their 
chief  that  he  was  not  known  until  his  voice  revealed 
him.  Then  all  crowded  round  him  to  kiss  his  hand, 
overjoyed  at  his  presence.  He  was  escorted  in  triumph 
to  the  best  house  in  the  town,  where  night  was  turned 
into  day  with  lights  and  bustle.  Messengers  were 
immediately  despatched  to  carry  the  news,  and  in  a 
special  letter  to  the  town  council  of  Mexico  Cortes 
commended  their  adhesion  to  Estrada  and  Albornoz, 
and  requested  that  in  view  of  the  unquiet  condition 
of  the  country  none  should  leave  the  city  to  meet  him, 
except  perhaps  when  he  approached  it.^ 

Great  as  was  the  joy  among  the  colonists  at  his  arri- 
val, that  of  the  natives  appeared  to  surpass  all  bounds. 
Malinche  was  cherished  by  them,  not  alone  for  his 
brilliant  qualities  as  a  military  leader,  so  alluring  to 
any  race,  especially  to  a  people  constituted  as  were 

^For  details,  see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  580-2,  this  series. 

2  Bernal  Diaz  writes  that  they  met  a  pack-train  en  route  with  passengers 
i'or  San  Juan.  This  carried  them  to  Medellin.  HiM.  Verdad.,  215.  But 
('ort^s  states  that  he  walked  the  four  leagues  to  the  toAVTi.  Cartas,  479. 

^ Libi'o  de  Gahildo,  MS.,  117-19;  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  102-6. 


240 


THE  PONCE  DE  LEON  EPISODE. 


the  Mexicans ;  but  he  had  endeared  himself  by  what 
they  regarded  as  magnanimous  acts  in  a  conqueror, 
and  by  his  efforts  to  protect  them  from  the  more  cruel 
soldiers.  These  efforts  acquired  an  even  brighter  color 
under  the  late  oppressive  administration,  until  the  per- 
secuted beings  began  to  invest  their  hero  with  the 
divine  attributes  of  an  omnipotent  savior,  a  messiah, 
who  must  come  and  deliver  them.  From  afar  they 
flocked  into  Medellin  to  pay  him  homage,  bringing 
presents  of  food,  fabrics,  feathers,  and  gold,  and  offering 
their  services  against  his  enemies.  They  were  willing 
to  die  for  Malinche,  they  said.  This  well-known 
influence  over  them,  greater  than  any  one  ever  has 
since  wielded,  combined  with  the  devotion  of  soldiers 
and  friars,  was  the  foundation  of  the  suspicions  that 
Cortes  might  place  himself  at  their  head  and  found  a 
kingdom  for  himself. 

At  Medellin  even  he  found  evidence  of  wrongs 
against  him  by  the  removal  of  its  chief  interests  and 
settlers  to  Vera  Cruz,  by  order  of  Salazar.^  After 
a  sojourn  of  eleven  days  he  proceeded  by  slow  stages 
toward  Mexico.  It  was  a  triumphal  march  worthy  of 
the  conqueror  and  governor,  and  in  accordance  with 
the  lordly  dignity  that  Altamirano  had  prevailed  upon 
him  to  adopt.  Pomp,  indeed,  came  naturally  to  him, 
and  complacently  he  received  the  title  of  senoria  from 
the  deeply  bowing  suite.  It  was  one  series  of  demon- 
strations, by  settlers  and  natives,  who  congregated 
from  every  direction  at  the  stations,  laden  with  pres- 
ents and  burdened  with  complaints.  The  natives 
swept  the  road  and  even  strewed  it  with  flowers,  as 
if  indeed  a  monarch  were  advancing ;  and  in  the  desert 
they  erected  shelter,  with  food  and  water.  ^ 

On  approaching  Tezcuco  he  was  met  by  Albornoz 
with  a  large  following,  and  a  brilliant  reception  was 

*  Alvaro  tie  Saavedra,  who  suffered  great  loss  by  this  removal,  was  at  the 
instance  of  Cortes  granted  compensatory  interests  in  Vera  Cruz,  by  royal 
order.  ITerrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vii.  cap,  viii.,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  ii. 

^,  Inns  existed  in  several  places  along  the  route,  as  shown  by  the  record  of 
grants  in  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  Nov.  28,  1525. 


A  NEW  MARCH  TO  MEXICO. 


241 


accorded  him  and  his  companion,  Prince  Ixthlxochitl, 
the  lord  of  the  province.^  Still  more  imposing  was 
the  procession  headed  by  Estrada,  which  came  forth 
from  Mexico.  It  included  nearly  every  Spaniard  in 
the  city  and  suburbs,  all  arrayed  in  gala-dress.  Na- 
tives innumerable  lined  the  roads  and  covered  the 
lake  in  their  canoes,  presenting  a  brilliant  spectacle  in 
their  variegated  devices,  flowing  plumage,  and  glitter- 
ing paraphernalia.  Music  sounded  in  every  direction, 
accompanied  by  the  ringing  of  bells  and  the  firing  of 
cannon,  and  at  night  there  were  bonfires  and  illumina- 
tion, with  feasting,  singing,  and  dancing.  The  return 
of  so  small  a  proportion  of  the  native  warriors  and 
princes  who  had  shared  in  the  Honduras  expedition 
does  not  appear  to  have  diminished  the  general  joy 
among  the  natives.  Cortes  proceeded  directly  to  the 
convent  to  render  thanks  ;  and  there  he  spent  a  week, 
partly  in  religious  meditation,  partly  in  consulting 
the  friars  and  others  about  needful  reforms.  The 
place  was  constantly  thronged  with  visitors  and  par- 
ticipants in  the  solemn  praise  services  in  honor  of 
his  return.  Presents  and  complaints  flowed  in,  even 
from  distant  provinces  and  native  courts.  Many 
chiefs  came  to  clear  themselves  of  the  suspicions 
cast  upon  them  and  their  vassals  during  the  late 
troubles,  and  to  renew  their  homage.  Inquiries  were 
made  into  the  recent  abuses  and  disorders,  and  wrongs 
were  righted  by  the  restoration  of  estates  and  offices, 
several  new  appointments  being  also  made,^  notably 
that  of  Alonso  de  Grado  as  inspector-general  of  the 

®  This  prince  recovered  little  of  the  property  squandered  by  his  faithless 
lieutenant,  and  sank  into  comparative  obscurity,  neglected  even  by  Cortes, 
for  whom  he  had  sacrificed  family,  country,  honor.  He  married  in  1526  the 
widow  of  Emperor  Cuitlahuatzin,  and  henceforth  cultivated  chiefly  the  society 
of  the  friars,  whose  sympathy  formed  a  consolation.  His  last  notable  act  was 
to  set  his  subjects  the  example  of  carrying  stones  for  the  church  building  of 
San  Francisco,  at  Mexico.  IxtUlxocIiitl,  Rel,  447,  etc.  After  his  death,  in 
about  1529,  Yocontzin  succeeded  to  the  lordship.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  ii.  277; 
Motohnia,  HisU  Ind.,  124-5. 

^The  Lihro  de  Cahildo,  MS.,  121-2,  reveals  several  changes  in  the  council, 
alcaldes  Francisco  de  Davila  and  Juan  de  la  Torre  being  replaced  by  Juan 
Xaramillo,  the  husband  of  Marina,  and  Cristobal  Flores  and  a  number  of 
alcaldes  following  the  example. 

Hist.  Mex..  Vol.  II.  16 


THE  PONCE  DE  LEON  EPISODE. 


Indians,  with  a  view  to  remedy  their  grievances.  He 
was  instructed  to  make  a  tour  of  all  settlements  in 
New  Spain,  with  full  power  to  release  the  wrongfully 
enslaved,  to  enforce  good  treatment  for  others,  and  to 
arraign  civilly  or  criminally  all  offenders  against  the 
laws  for  protection  of  natives.  In  order  to  bind  him 
more  closely  to  his  new  sphere  of  duty  he  received 
for  wife  the  beautiful  Tecuichpo,  widow  of  Quauhte- 
motzin,  enriched  on  the  same  occasion  with  a  dowry 
of  several  large  encomiendas.^ 

In  measures  like  these,  not  entered  upon  for  effect 
only,  but  with  earnest  intent,  we  may  find  qualities 
elevating  the  hero  to  the  plane  of  true  greatness. 
They  were  the  crowning  deeds  of  his  life ;  atonements 
they  might  be  called,  as  he  was  the  primary  instru- 
ment in  the  grievances  calling  for  redress.  No  won- 
der that  the  name  of  Malinche,  if  at  first  fear-inspiring, 
gradually  became  hallowed  among  the  natives  with 
grateful  remembrances,  exalted  by  simple  contrast 
with  others.  Yet  during  the  republican  frenzy  of 
a  later  century  all  seemed  to  be  forgotten,  save  the 
abhorrent  fact  that  he  had  led  the  first  of  the  hordes 
which  descended  upon  the  country  like  birds  of  prey. 

Cortes  was  less  prompt  and  determined  in  regard 
to  his  own  interests.  Salazar  and  Chirinos,  who  had 
tarnished  his  memory,  persecuted  his  friends,  despoiled 
his  estates,  and  well  nigh  overthrown  his  life's  work 
by  endangering  possession  of  the  country — these  men 
were  left  unharmed,  regardless  of  the  importunate 
cries  of  the  supporters  of  Paz,  and  his  own  desire. 
So  sure  did  he  feel  of  their  condemnation  before  a 
tribunal,  that  he  preferred  not  to  figure  as  judge  in 
his  own  case,  especially  against  royal  officials.  Nor 

^  Granted  her  as  the  daughter  of  Montezuma.  See  Hist.  Mex. ,  i.  459,  this 
series.  Grado's  instructions  are  given  in  the  Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  June 
28,  1526.  In  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  95-102,  is  the  fragment  of  a  regulation 
for  treatment  of  Indians,  issued  soon  after,  probably.  Ocana,  who  picks  out 
only  the  faults  in  the  new  measures,  mentions  the  assumption  of  the  sehoria 
title,  the  sale  of  the  office  of  notary  at  a  low  price  to  a  friend,  and  so  forth. 
Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  528-30.  This  very  Ocana  and  the  troublo- 
8ome  Ocampo  were  arrested  by  Cort(5s.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  216. 


RESIDENCIA  OF  CORTES. 


243 


was  he  wholly  free  from  the  fear  of  Cobos  which  per- 
vaded all  who  had  interests  to  sustain  at  court.^  He 
was  greatly  blamed  for  this  leniency,  even  by  members 
of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  it  is  said,  and  the  com- 
mon opinion  was  that  no  serious  exceptions  would 
have  been  taken  had  he  executed  them/^  Whatever 
may  be  the  opinion  regarding  his  cautious  policy,  he 
certainly  was  no  longer  the  same  determined,  self-reli- 
ant commander  that  had  achieved  the  conquest.  The 
hardships  and  attendant  sickness  of  the  journey  to 
Honduras  had  evidently  left  an  indelible  impression, 
as  shown  by  his  puerile  regard  for  omens  there,  and 
his  vacillating  attention  to  different  counsels. 

We  have  seen  hovr  the  duke  of  Bejar  and  other 
influential  friends  of  Cortes  had  prevailed  upon  the 
king  not  to  condemn  him  unheard.  Nevertheless  the 
complaints  of  his  enemies  were  too  serious  and  the 
interests  involved  too  weighty  to  permit  the  matter 
to  rest.  It  was  decided  to  send  a  judge  to  take  a 
residencia  on  the  spot,  in  accordance  with  the  laws 
of  Spain,  and  involving  no  actual  indignity,  as  the 
government  was  naturally  expected  to  give  heed  to 
the  complaints  of  its  subjects.  It  was  an  admirable 
arrangement  of  Spain  to  place  this  salutary  curb  on 
the  ambition  and  avarice  of  its  governors,  though,  like 
many  similar  enactments,  it  was  liable  to  abuse.^^  In 
view  of  the  interests  at  stake  and  the  merits  of  the 
accused,  a  person  of  quality  and  learning  was  selected 
for  judge,  in  the  person  of  Licentiate  Luis  Ponce  de 
Leon,  a  relative  of  the  Conde  de  Alcaudete,  and  act- 

'  As  Gomara  himself  intimates.  Hist.  Mex,,  247;  Cortes,  Cartas,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  482.  In  his  letter  from  Medellin  Cortes  had 
Bent  the  assurance  that  he  would  chastise  none  save  those  guilty  of  '  lese  ma- 
jestatis,'  or  offence  against  third  parties  who  complain.  Libra  de  Cabildo,  MS,, 
118. 

'°So  Bemal  Diaz,  ubi  sup.,  expresses  it. 

^^In  a  letter  to  Cortes  announcing  the  resolution  the  king  takes  pains  tc 
impress  this  necessity.  He  had  every  confidence  in  his  loyalty,  and  \7m 
pleased  with  his  services,  and  felt  sure  that  the  residencia  would  reveal  the 
purity  of  both.  C6dida,  in  Col.  Doc.  IriAd.,  i.  101-2. 


244 


THE  PONCE  DE  LEON  EPISODE. 


ing  for  him  as  corregidor  in  Toledo.^'^  Though  com- 
paratively young  he  enjoyed  quite  a  reputation  as  a 
well  read  man  of  admirable  judgment.  Both  to  suii- 
tain  him  in  case  of  resistance,  and  in  pursuance  of  tlie 
new  policy  to  limit  the  power  and  domains  of  governors, 
the  Panuco  region  was  granted  to  Nuno  de  Guzman, 
who  nevertheless  failed  to  present  himself  at  his  post 
for  a  long  time.  Further  aids  were  provided  in  Co- 
mendador  Diego  Hernandez  de  Proano,  as  alguacil 
mayor,  and  Pedro  de  Salazar  de  la  Pedrada,  as  com- 
mandant at  Mexico,  with  Lope  de  Samaniego,  as  lieu- 
tenant.^^ He  was  also  empowered  to  call  upon  the 
audiencia  at  Santo  Domingo  and  authorities  for  assist- 
ance, and  letters  were  given  him,  addressed  to  the 
leading  colonists  and  native  chiefs,  ordering  them  to 
support  him. 

In  his  instructions,  dated  November  4,  1525,  Ponce 
was  directed  to  forward  the  letters  to  Cortes  and  the 
royal  officials  immediately  on  landing  at  Vera  Cruz, 
and  to  follow  without  delay,  evidently  with  a  view  tc 
give  no  time  for  placing  obstacles  in  the  way.  He 
must  communicate  with  the  officials,  select  confidants, 
and  while  assuming  the  governorship  and  taking  the 
residencia  of  Cortes,  he  must  ask  his  opinion  in  all 
matters,  so  as  to  render  less  irritating  the  necessary 
measures  for  reducing  any  dangerous  or  undue  con- 
trol over  vassals,  soldiers,  officers,  and  military  ma- 
chinery. The  charges  to  be  investigated  embraced 
those  already  enumerated  in  the  letters  of  the  royal 
officials,  notably  the  disregard  of  orders  from  Spain, 
the  assumption  of  regal  privileges,  the  proposal  to 
withdraw  the  country  from  the  crown,  the  possession 

'2  Oviedo,  iii.  494.  'Alcalde  Mayor  de  Toledo,  siendo  Corregidor  el  Conde. ' 
Pizarro  y  Orellana,  Varones  Ilvstres,  119.  Both  of  the  ducal  house  of  Arcos. 
Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  229.  A  cousin  of  the  count,  says  Bemal  Diaz. 
Hist.  Verdacl,  193.  His  pay  was  3,000  ducats  a  year  while  on  this  service. 
Librode  Cabildo,  MS.,  135. 

Cort6s  complained  sharply  to  the  king  at  this  reckless  grant  of  important 
offices  to  t]ie  first  applicant,  to  this  boy  Samaniego,  a  mere  servant  of  Albornoz. 
Escritos  Sueltos,  114-15.  Salazar  is  written  Salvador  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc. J  xxiii.  371;  Mex.,  Extractos  de  Cddulas,  MS.,  5. 


A  JUDGE  APPOINTED. 


245 


of  vast  rent-rolls,  and  the  appropriation  of  immense 
treasures  belonging  partly  to  the  king,  partly  to  mem- 
bers of  the  expedition;  also  the  causes  for  the  death 
of  Garay  and  Olid.^*  The  three  months  of  residencia 
passed,  Ponce  should  send  in  his  report  and  opinion. 
If  Cortes  proved  disloyal  he  should  be  given  a  letter 
of  recall  from  the  king,  who  therein  expressed  a  wish 
to  consult  him.  If  this  was  disregarded  he  should  be 
forcibly  embarked.  In  case  the  charges  proved  to  be 
false,  on  the  other  hand,  he  should  be  given  the  com- 
mission of  adelantado,  with  the  title  of  Don,^^  and 
further  honors  would  follow,  according  to  the  royal 
letter  addressed  to  Cortes. 

Whether  the  charges  against  Cortes  were  false  or 
not,  the  management  and  demeanor  of  the  royal  offi- 
cials should  be  investigated.^'  A  report  should  be  pre- 
pared on  the  condition,  features,  and  resources  of  the 
country,  particularly  the  mines,  with  suggestions  for 
needed  measures  and  reforms.    Alloyed  gold  was  for- 

^*  Disregard  for  God  and  king;  preparing  native  warriors  and  war  material 
for  setting  aside  royal  authority;  autocratic  measures;  claiming  for  himself 
40  provinces,  extending  over  an  area  of  300  leagues,  with  over  a  million  and 
a  half  of  vassals,  and  200  rent-rolls,  of  which  one  alone  yielded  50,000  cas- 
tellanos  per  day;  the  appropriation  of  Montezuma's  treasures  and  4,000,000 
of  money  from  the  countrj'-,  and  shipping  them  to  safe  places  with  the  vessels 
built  on  the  South  Sea;  the  exaction  of  a  fifth  of  all  treasures  for  himself; 
withholding  the  royal  revenue;  seizing  the  royal  treasures  saved  during  the 
escape  from  Mexico,  while  pretending  that  they  had  been  lost;  taking  60,000 
castellanos  from  the  treasury  under  shallow  pretences.  The  alleged  appro- 
priation by  Gil  Gonzalez  of  130,000  pesos  de  ore  from  C6rdoba's  party  in 
Honduras  must  also  be  investigated. 

Ponce  must  have  been  favorably  impressed  with  Cortes'  loyalty  from  the 
day  of  meeting  him,  for  in  the  official  act  of  surrendering  the  governorship 
the  latter  is  already  styled  Don.  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi., 
223-4.  The  king  also  addresses  him  as  Don  in  c6dulas  of  1528.  Navarrkle, 
Col.  de  Viages,  v.  440.  Herrera  states  that  a  commission  of  captain-general 
was  also  to  be  given,  dec.  iii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  xv.,  but  this  he  already  enjoyed. 
According  to  the  arrangement  with  Ribera  in  the  spring  of  1525,  the  office  of 
adelantado  conveyed  also  the  title  of  Don.  Nothing  is  said  about  the  habit 
of  Santiago,  then  conferred. 

In  this,  or  an  accompanying  letter,  the  king  refers  to  the  charges  that 
Cort6s  had  appropriated  the  best  and  greater  number  of  provinces  and  pue 
bios  for  himself,  leaving  only  a  small  part  for  the  crown.  His  services  deserved 
reward,  but  this  must  not  exceed  a  just  moderation.  He  asked  him  to 
excuse  the  seizure  of  his  remittances  to  Spain ;  it  was  merely  a  loan.  A  gov- 
ernor had  been  appointed  over  Honduras,  so  that  he  must  send  no  agcnta 
there.  Col.  Doc.  Incd.,  i.  101-2. 

"  By  c6dula  of  Nov.  9,  1526,  they  were  directed  to  send  in  a  yearly  state- 
ment of  the  royal  rental.  Puga,  Cedulario,  20. 


246 


THE  PONCE  DE  L£0\  EPISODE. 


bidden,  and  new  bullion  stamps  were  provided.^^  Par- 
ticular attention  should  be  given  to  investigating  the 
condition  of  the  natives,  to  assure  their  good  treat- 
ment ;  and  the  question  must  be  settled  whether  they 
should  remain  in  encomiendas,  be  placed  as  feudal 
vassals,  or  on  the  same  footing  as  tax-payers  in  Spain. 
The  well-being  of  the  colonists  was  also  remembered. 
The  interests  of  early  settlers  and  participants  in  the 
conquest  should  be  accorded  the  preference  in  the 
bestowal  of  land  and  Indians ;  at  the  same  time  their 
vices  and  irregularities  must  be  repressed.^^ 

Ponce  left  San  Lucar  on  the  2d  of  February  1526, 
for  Santo  Domingo,  there  to  wait  two  months  for  a 
vessel  to  New  Spain.  The  delay  caused  him  little 
anxiety,  however,  on  learning  of  the  expedition  to 
Honduras,  where  Cortes  was  still  supposed  to  be. 
On  leaving  the  island,  Ponce  took  with  him  Licenci- 
ate  Marcos  de  Aguilar,  who  had  for  some  years  gath- 
ered experience  in  colonial  administration  as  alcalde 
mayor.^^  A  number  of  Dominicans  under  Father 
Ortiz  came  on  the  same  vessel,  which  carried  about 
one  hundred  passengers.  On  arriving  at  San  Juan, 
Samaniego  was  at  once  despatched  with  the  letters  of 
notification,  but  swifter  messengers  from  the  lieuten- 
ant on  the  coast  brought  the  news  to  Mexico  a  day  in 
advance.^^ 

Cortes  was  probably  little  affected,  for  his  friends 
in  Spain  must  before  this  have  warned  him  of  the 
machinations  which  at  one  time  threatened  to  bring 
about  his  removal.  His  prolonged  meditations  at  the 
convent  may  have  been  due  to  such  information,  and 

'Con  la  diuisa  de  su  Magestad,  q  era  el  Plus  vltra.'  Ilerrera,  loc.  cit. 
A  mint  would  be  provided,  if  needed. 

Such  as  gambling  excesses.  Their  exemption  from  tithes  on  gold  must 
apply  only  to  mined  metal.  Instructions  to  Ponce,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas, 
Col.  Doc,  xxiii.  368  etseq. ;  Puga,  Cedulario,  15-18. 

^'^He  came  as  inquisitor  for  the  Indies,  says  Cort6s.  Escritos  Sueltos,  110. 
He  was  a  native  of  Ecija,  and  after  serving  as  alcalde  he  left  for  Espanola 
in  1508,  with  Diego  Colon,  as  alcalde  mayor.  Herrcra,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap. 
viii.,  etc;  Oviedo,  iii.  519.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  219,  allows  him  to  be 
merely  a  bachiller. 

'^""En  dos  dias  por  postas  que  auia  puestas  de  hobres. '  Gormra,  Hist.  Mex., 
276. 


AN  UNFORTUNATE  FEAST. 


247 


intended  to  prepare  him  for  any  blow.  Calm  and 
dignified  he  assisted  on  the  following  day,  St  John's^ 
at  the  public  bull-fight,  and  while  there  Samaniego 
was  introduced. He  placed  the  royal  letter  devoutly 
on  his  head,  then  kissed  it,  and  after  reading  ex- 
claimed, "  I  am  glad  the  king  has  sent  some  one  to 
learn  the  truth. "^^  He  had  already  despatched  mes- 
sengers to  welcome  the  royal  representative,  and  to 
ascertain  what  route  he  preferred  to  take,  so  that 
suitable  preparations  might  be  made.  They  met  him 
pushing  his  way  to  Mexico  in  all  haste,  and  declining 
their  services.  He  had  gone  to  Medellin  with  the 
intention  to  rest  there  after  the  fatigues  of  the  voy- 
age, but  evil-disposed  persons  were  at  hand,  stating 
amono^  other  things  that  Salazar  and  Chirinos  would 
be  executed  unless  he  hastened  to  interfere.  Thor- 
oughly alarmed  both  for  them  and  himself  he  set  out 
immediately  by  the  longest  and  most  settled  road,  as 
the  safest. 

Informed  of  this,  Cortes  sent  Tapia  with  presents 
to  tender  him  a  reception  at  Iztapalapan.  Ponce  de- 
clined the  gift,  but  accepted  a  banquet,  chiefly  for  the 
sake  of  his  suite.  Tired  and  hungry,  and  for  a  long 
time  unused  to  good  fare,  the  new-comers  ate  heartily, 
and  imbibed  the  iced  liquids  in  large  quantities.  Father 
Ortiz  alone  was  abstemious  and  seemed  to  eye  the 
dishes  suspiciously.  At  last  came  a  custard,  and 
Tapia  asked  permission  to  serve  him.  ^^Not  of  this 
or  any  other  dish  I"  was  the  curt  reply.  The  rest  par- 
took, however,  but  hardly  had  they  finished  when 
Ponce  was  seized  with  vomiting.  The  friar  imme- 
diately asserted  his  belief  that  he  had  been  poisoned 

2' Yet  Bemal  Diaz  says:  *al  tiempo. .  .queria  recibir  el  Cuerpo  de  Nuestro 
Sefior.'  Hist.  Verdad.,  217. 

23  'I  rejoice,'  he  writes  to  the  king,  'at  the  immense  favor  Y.  S.  M.  has 
done  to  me  in  seeking  to  learn  my  services  and  faults,  and  in  signifying  the 
intention  to  reward  me.  For  one  and  the  other  I  kiss  a  hundred  thousand 
times  the  royal  feet  of  Y.  C.  M.'  Cartas,  481.  But  for  the  well  known  loy- 
alty of  Cortes  some  terms  in  the  letter  might  be  considered  ironical.  In 
Cortes,  Hesidencia,  i.  254  et  seq.,  is  testimony  to  the  effect  that  several  adhe- 
rents urged  him  to  exclude  Ponce  by  force.  Later  developments  will  show 
that  he  could  not  have  listened  to  them  for  a  moment. 


248 


THE  PONCE  DE  LEON  EPISODE. 


by  that  last  dish  which  he  himself  had  prudently 
avoided,  and  others  were  quite  prepared  to  echo  so 
authoritative  a  statement,  regardless  of  the  evident 
cause,  excessive  indulgence  in  rich  food  and  iced 
drinks.^"* 

The  following  morning  Ponce  left  Iztapalapan  at  an 
early  hour,  apparently  in  good  health.  His  object 
was  to  avoid  a  public  reception,  but  fully  advised  of 
his  movements,  Cortes  met  him  at  the  entrance  to  the 
capital,  attended  by  a  long  train  of  cavaliers.  Both 
were  most  profuse  with  courtesies,^^  and  as  they  ad- 
vanced side  by  side  toward  the  monastery,  Ponce 
expressed  his  surprise  at  the  greatness  of  the  general's 
achievements  in  conquering  so  large  and  populous  a 
country,  with  so  many  strong  cities.  After  mass 
Ponce  was  conducted  to  his  residence,  which  had  been 
arranged  with  all  possible  elegance.  Indeed  the  judge 
was  quite  delighted  both  with  the  house  and  host,  and 
declared  that  the  latter  must  long  have  been  used  to 
the  life  of  a  lord.  Cortes  spoke  freely  about  the 
charges  against  him,  and  explained  his  acts  so  clearly 
that  the  other  expressed  himself  convinced  of  his  loy- 
alty, and  politely  postponed  the  transfer  of  authority. 

That  same  day  the  meddling  friar,  Ortiz,  called  on 
Cortes  and  mysteriously  intimated  that  Ponce  had 
power  to  behead  him,  and  this  might  be  done  unless 
he  took  precautions.    It  is  supposed  that  the  Domini- 

Proano  ate  from  the  same  plate  and  felt  no  inconvenience,  yet  several 
vomited,  '  Y  juntamente  con  el  bomito  tuuieron  camaras. '  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex, , 
276-7.  Only  one  became  sick  according  to  Bemal  Diaz.  Tapia's  presence 
was  chief  cause  for  the  suspicions.  Hist.  Verdad.,  217.  Lucas  testified  after- 
ward that  he  heard  Tapia  say  to  a  friend,  he  would  give  Ponce  a  banquet, 
and  if  that  sufficed  not,  another !  Samaniego  declared  that  he  warned  Ponce 
not  to  eat  at  the  banquet,  for  rumors  were  abroad  of  intended  poisoning. 
Proano's  plate  was  taken  from  him  with  the  remark  that  a  better  part  would 
be  given  him.  This  roused  Ortiz'  suspicions,  and  he  immediately  went  out 
to  reject  the  food,  urging  Proano  and  Ponce  to  do  the  same.  The  latter  could 
not,  and  he  afterward  told  the  witness  that  he  believed  the  cream  was  poisoned. 
Ziirate  tells  an  equally  damaging  story,  Cort6s,  Eesidencia,  i.  161,  ii.  316-20. 
Any  one  who  examines  the  testimony  during  this  residencia  must  admire  the 
promptness  with  which  witnesses  swore  to  anything  their  memory  had  treas- 
ured from  vague  rumor. 

'■'^  Ponce  excused  himself  for  a  long  time  from  taking  the  proffered  hand  of 
Cortes,  till  the  latter  insisted.  Bernal  Diaz^  loc.  cit. 


DEATH  OF  PONCE. 


249 


can,  who  bore  the  reputation  of  being  both  untrust- 
worthy and  scheming,  had  an  eye  to  the  influence  and 
profits  which  must  be  his  if  he  once  succeeded  in  be- 
coming the  confidant  and  mediator  of  one  reputed  so 
wealthy  and  powerful.  Cortes  opened  neither  his 
heart  nor  his  purse,  and  the  friar  departed,  his  declared 
enemy. 

The  following  morning,  after  mass,  before  a  general 
gathering  in  the  church.  Ponce  exhibited  his  commis- 
sions, which  were  reverently  kissed  by  the  authorities 
in  turn,  with  the  promise  to  obey  them.  He  there- 
upon received  all  the  stafls  of  office,  returning  them 
immediately,  however,  save  that  of  Cortes,  to  whom 
he  said  with  great  politeness,  ''Your  worship,  his 
Majesty  desires  me  to  retain  this."  No  change  was 
made  in  the  captain-generalship,  including  the  control 
of  Indians,  as  it  was  deemed  unsafe  to  disturb  the 
influence  of  Cortes.^^  The  residencia  was  thereupon 
proclaimed  against  the  suspended  governor  and  his 
officers,  and  shortly  afterward  the  new  commandant 
and  alguacil  mayor  were  installed. 

A  few  days  later  Ponce  w^as  seized  with  fever, 
accompanied  by  delirium,  which  lasted  for  three  days. 
It  soon  became  evident  that  he  could  not  live,  and  the 
sacrament  was  administered.  Nevertheless  he  re- 
mained cheerful  during  the  lucid  interval  that  followed, 
and  one  afternoon  he  demanded  some  favorite  airs  on 
the  guitar,  to  which  he  kept  time  with  feet  and  hum- 
ming. When  the  music  ceased,  his  power  of  speech 
was  gone  and  he  died  during  the  night,  the  20th 

26  Such  is  Cortes'  own  statement,  though  he  writes  more  strongly:  *me 
aconsejaba  que  para  lo  remediar,  yo  no  recibiese  al  dicho  Luis  Ponce.'  He 
even  implored  him,  and  the  Franciscans  also.  Carta,  January  12,  1527,  in 
CorUs,  Escritos  Sueltos,  124.  Beimal  Diaz,  ubi  sup, ,  places  the  occurrence  a 
day  or  two  later. 

2^  The  official  report  of  the  proceedings  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, , 
xxvi.  195-8,  shows  the  surrender  of  the  '  vara  de  la  Xusticia'  alone;  yet,  in 
the  proclamation  for  the  residencias,  Cort6s  is  alluded  to  fiii  Don  Hernando, 
late  captain-general  and  governor.  Cortds  himself  mentions  th&t  he  retained 
the  ofGce.  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  118.  And  a  royal  c6dula  of  June  1526 
calls  him  both  governor  and  captain-general,  since  he  was  merely  suspended. 
Navarreie,  Col.  de  Via/jes,  v.  440. 


250 


THE  PONCE  DE  LEON  EPISODE. 


of  July.^^  The  body  was  deposited  with  great  pomp 
in  the  church  of  St  Joseph.^^  Cortes  donned  deep 
mourning,  as  for  a  father,  and  most  of  his  followers 
shared  his  sincere  grief;  for  the  geniality,  clear  judg- 
ment, and  impartiality  of  the  deceased  had  filled  them 
all  with  the  hope  of  obtaining  justice  and  the  desired 
reward  for  their  services.  Cortes  in  particular  had 
longed  for  the  disprovement  of  the  charges  against 
him,  and  for  a  public  vindication  of  his  loyalty  and 
good  services.  He  reveals  his  bitter  dissapointment 
to  the  king.  For  seventeen  days,  he  declared,  the 
residencia  had  been  proclaimed,  without  bringing  forth 
a  single  demand  against  him.^^  This  was  on  account 
of  intimidation,  his  enemies  said.  The  charges  against 
him  were  chiefly  rumor.  Cortes  took  the  opportunity, 
however,  to  review  them  in  a  letter  to  the  king,  and 
demonstrate  the  absurdity  of  some  of  them.  Whatever 
the  riches  acquired  by  him,  he  had  ex23ended  far  more 
for  the  advancement  of  the  royal  interests,  so  much  so 
that  he  was  now  in  debt  to  the  extent  of  half  a  mil- 
lion of  pesos  de  oro.  The  domains  he  had  gained  for 
the  king  were  greater  in  wealth  and  extent  than  any 
so  far  conquered  by  others.  As  a  proof  of  his  com- 
parative disinterestedness,  he  offered  to  surrender  all 
he  possessed,  including  the  rumored  two  hundred  rent- 
rolls,  for  a  score — ay,  half  a  score — of  moderate  rentals 
in  Spain. 

Libro  de  Cahildo,  MS.  After  seven  days  of  sickness,  says  Oviedo;  nine 
days,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz. 

2^  Vetancvrt,  Ciudad  Mex.,  6.  Bernal  Diaz  states,  and  testimony  in  Cortes, 
Residencia,  i.  290,  intimates,  the  San  Francisco  convent,  but  this  mistake  may 
be  due  to  the  close  proximity  of  the  temples,  and  the  assistance  of  the  friars 
at  the  ceremony. 

Cartas,  482.  *  Entre  algunas  f ortunas  contrarias . . .  una  de  las  mas  ad- 
versas  para  ml  ha  sido  la  muerte  de  Luis  Ponce.'  Carta,  September  11,  1526, 
in  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  110. 

'  Much  land  and  gold  have  I  received  in  truth, '  he  says,  in  substance, 
'but  more  have  I  expended,  till  I  am  indebted  for  500,000  pesos  de  oro,  with- 
out a  castellano  to  pay  with;  all  expended  to  increase  the  domains  of  Y.  M. 
My  books  show  more  than  300,000  pesos  de  oro  of  my  own  estate  expended 
on  conquests,  in  which  my  life  and  health  have  also  been  ventured.  From 
these  conquests  Y.  M.  has  received  larger  returns  than  from  all  other  lands  so 
far  subjugated. '  He  thereupon  recounts  what  he  has  done,  and  what  he  pro- 
poses to  do.  '  From  Montezuma's  treasures  I  and  my  men  assigned  more  than 
the  fifth  due  to  Y.  M.  They  say  that  I  possess  200  rent-rolls.  I  am  willing  to 


AGUILAR  GOVERNOR. 


251 


Ponce's  death  so  soon  after  his  arrival  revived  the 
charge  of  poisoning,  although  the  doctors  under  oath 
declared  malignant  fever  the  cause.  The  disease  was 
even  regarded  as  a  pest,  for  a  large  number  of  those 
who  came  with  Ponce  died  from  the  same  malady, 
and  also  several  settlers. 

A  few  days  before  his  death  Ponce  had  summoned 
the  town  council  and  substituted  Marcos  de  Aguilar 
as  alcalde  mayor  in  place  of  Ortega,  with  instructions 
that  he  should  be  recognized  as  his  successor.  This 
recognition  was  made  on  the  30th  of  July;^^  but 
immediately  after,  the  adherents  of  Cortes  raised  the 
question  whether  the  late  judge  had  a  right  to  trans- 
fer his  power  as  governor,  and  the  council,  together 
with  the  delegates  from  the  other  towns,  formally 
called  upon  Cortes  to  reassume  the  post  till  the  king- 
could  decide.  He  refused,  however,  to  take  a  step 
that  might  imperil  the  opinion  of  his  obedience,  and 
he  even  counselled  Sandoval  to  decline  the  proposal  to 
associate  him  with  Aguilar.  The  latter  was  accord- 
ingly received  as  governor  the  26th  of  August,^*  and 

surrender  all  I  have  for  20  [on  the  next  page  he  says  10]  rent-rolls  in  Spain 
and  go  to  serve  Y.  M.  there,  where  none  can  accuse  me  of  securing  further 
revenues.'  If  this  is  not  agreed  to,  he  begs  permission  to  keep  what  he  has 
for  himself  and  his  heirs,  so  that  he  may  not  be  obliged  to  go  to  Spain  and 
beg  his  bread,  the  purity  of  his  motives  being  proven.  Letter  of  September 
3,  1526,  in  Cartas,  482-9. 

Writing  in  the  beginning  of  September,  Cortes  states  that  30  of  Ponce's 
companions  had  died,  including  two  friars  and  two  settlers,  a  large  number 
of  both  classes  being  still  in  a  critical  condition.  Cartas,  482.  Bernal  Diaz 
places  the  mortality  about  three  times  higher.  Hist.  Verdad.,  219.  The 
alcalde,  Pedrada,  was  among  the  dead.  Gomara  states  that  most  of  Ponce's 
travelling  companions  died.  Hist.  Mex.,  277.  It  was  assumed  by  those  who 
testified  to  the  belief  in  poisoning  that  the  custard  at  the  banquet  brought 
about  the  death.  Cortes,  Residenda,  i.  161,  239,  288-90,  442.  The  charge  was 
revolved  in  1543-5.  See  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxviii.  245-80.  The 
doctors  who  attended  Ponce  and  gave  a  statement  of  the  nature,  progress,  and 
treatment  of  the  disease,  wereOjeda  and  Licentiate  Pedro  Lopez,  protomedico 
of  Mexico,  who  presented  his  appointment  as  such  on  January  11,  1527.  Libr'O 
de  Cabildo,  MS.  Gonzalez  Davila,  Teatro,  i.  7,  wrongly  claims  the  protome- 
dico title  for  Doctor  Olivaras,  who  came  with  a  royal  license  dated  July  8, 
1524,  as  he  says.  The  belief  in  a  murder  was  sustained  to  some  extent  by 
malicious  verses  sung  in  Mexico.  PeraUa,  Not.  Hist.,  138. 

^2  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.  His  appointment  as  alcalde  mayor  was  made  on 
July  16th.  Ocaiia  writes  that  he  had  offered  to  assure  him  10,000  pesos  de  oro 
a  year  as  lawyer;  but  when  the  royal  interest  demanded  his  services  he  threw 
aside  this  brilliant  prospect.  Carta,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  529. 

^*Cort^Sf  Escritos  Sueltos,  111;  Libro  de  Cabildo^  MS.    The  negotiationa 


252 


THE  PONCE  DE  LEON  EPISODE. 


Cortes  now  made  a  formal  demand  upon  him  to  con- 
tinue the  residencia,  but  received  answer  that  he  pos- 
sessed merely  the  power  of  a  ruler. 

Cortes  still  retained  the  office  of  captain-general, 
with  the  administration  of  Indians,  as  the  most 
experienced  and  needful  person  for  the  position,  and 
in  this  capacity  he  issued  a  decree  promoting  the 
good  treatment  of  his  charge.  Certain  clauses  were 
deemed  objectionable  by  his  opponents,^^  and  quite  an 
outcry  was  raised.  Galled  by  the  recent  opposition 
to  his  appointment,  and  encouraged  by  success,  Agui- 
lar  readily  listened  to  the  proposal  to  curtail  the  power 
of  his  rival.  As  a  preliminary  step  he  conveyed  the 
imprisoned  Salazar  from  the  house  of  Cortes  to  the 
regular  prison.  This  created  a  certain  commotion, 
and  a  number  of  armed  adherents  presented  them- 
selves to  support  the  remonstances  of  their  chief. 
The  governor  now  issued  an  order  forbidding  armed 
assemblies,  and  then  called  on  Cortes  to  show  cause  for 
retaining  the  office  of  captain-general,  or  to  resign. 
Finding  his  opponents  intent  on  creating  trouble, 
which  under  the  circumstances  might  affect  his  inter- 
ests at  court,  Cortes  surrendered  the  office,  under 
protest. One  reason  for  this  arbitrary  action  of 

for  Cortes'  reassumption  of  office  are  given  in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc.f  XX vi.  256-80.  Ocana  seeks  to  show  that  the  recognition  of  Aguilar  was 
due  to  the  persuasion  of  Estrada  and  Albornoz.  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  i.  530. 

Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  235-7.  Bernal  Diaz  assumes 
that  Cortes  was  driven  to  make  the  demand  by  the  clamor  of  his  enemies. 
Hist.  Verdad.,  219;  but  he  is  probably  wrong. 

Spaniards  were  ordered  not  to  leave  the  towns  wherein  they  were  settled 
without  his  permission,  nor  to  sell  their  grain — lest  their  dependents  suffer 
want,  it  would  appear.  Testimony  in  Co?'tes,  Residencia,  i.  294.  It  was 
said  that  he  wished  to  sell  his  own  stock  of  grain,  and  make  the  people 
dependent  on  him. 

^'^  Which  is  recorded  in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.  241-6. 
In  case  of  Indian  troubles  he  was  to  resume  the  office,  says  Estrada,  Carta,  in 
Jd.,  xiii.  85,  who  appears  to  have  used  his  persuasion  in  favor  of  Aguilar. 
Ocana,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  533-4,  does  not  fail  to  cast  imputations  on 
Cortos.  Blank  orders  shoald  be  sent  to  arrest  him  and  his  adherents  so  that 
witnesses  may  freely  testify  against  them.  Cortes  pours  his  complaints  over 
these  outrages  committed  by  an  incompetent  j^^dge.  He  demands  that  the 
residencia  be  taken  so  that  his  loyalty  may  be  manifested.  Carta,  in  Cortes^ 
Escritos  Sueltos,  118-22.  One  reason  for  the  outcry  against  the  decree  had 
been  the  use  of  the  title  governor,  which  Cortes  claimed  that  he  could  use  in 
virtue  of  recent  royal  letters  being  so  addressed  to  him. 


DEATH  OF  AGUILAR. 


253 


Aguilar  was  the  approach  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  with 
a  large  force  of  Cortes'  soldiers,  who  had  taken  the 
land  route  m  returninof  from  Honduras.  It  was 
feared  that  their  presence  would  render  the  power  of 
Cortes  too  imposing,  and  so  the  measure  was  precip- 
itated. It  would  have  little  availed  the  opposite  fac  • 
tion,  however,  had  Cortes  chosen  to  lay  aside  for  a 
moment  his  prudence,  and  give  the  signal  to  his 
adherents. 

Aguilar  was  hardly  the  man  to  hold  the  reins  of 
government  during  times  so  troublesome,  and  it  was 
owmg  chiefly  to  the  forbearance  of  his  opponent  that 
affairs  progressed  as  they  did.  He  was  not  only  aged, 
but  so  enfeebled  by  diseases  resulting  from  bad  habits 
that  his  flickering  life  could  be  sustained  only  by 
suckling.^^  The  task  and  worry  of  office  had  its  effect, 
and  a  fever  came  on  which  induced  him  to  appoint  a 
deputy  in  the  person  of  Geronimo  de  Medina.^^  On 
his  sick-bed,  however,  February  23d,  he  appomted  Es- 
trada as  successor.  Again  the  right  of  transferring 
power  was  disputed,  and  Cortes  was  called  upon  to 
assume  the  control;  but  he  adhered  to  his  former 
decision.  The  council  and  delegates  thereupon  insisted 
that  he  should  at  least  manage  the  Indian  and  war 
department,  while  Sandoval^  his  sworn  friend^  should 
be  associated  with  Estrada  as  governor.^^ 

^^Ocaiia,  ubi  sup.,  alludes  to  the  fears  concerning  Alvarado.  Bernal  Diaz, 
who  came  with  the  Honduras  force,  joined  others  in  an  appeal  to  Aguilar  for 
a  change  of  encomiendas,  but  received  the  answer  that  he  had  no  power  in  the 
case.  Hist.  VerdacL,  221. 

^'^  He  suckled  a  woman  and  also  goats.  '  Caducana,  y  estaua  tullido  de 
bubas,  y  era  de  poca  autoridad. .  .y  hetico.'  Id.,  219.  His  son  had  recently 
died  from  the  same  disease  as  Ponce.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  278-9. 

*°  December  10,  1526.  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.  Cortes  was  again  accused  of 
using  poison,  and  in  the  later  residencia  witnesses  declared  that  he  sent  Aguilar 
some  flemish-cured  meat  which  nearly  caused  the  death  of  an  indulging  at- 
tendant. Cortes,  Residencia,  I  297-8;  ii.  288-9. 

Their  installation  took  place  on  March  1,  1527.  Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS. 
On  the  day  of  Aguilar's  death,  a  Friday,  Cortes'  friends  had  sought  in  vain  to 
prevail  on  the  sinking  governor  to  appoint  him.  Cortts,  Residencia,  i.  300-1. 
Some  declare  that  Estrada  had  no  objection  to  Sandoval,  but  rather  desired 
him  for  a  son-in-law,  to  whom  the  government  might  then  have  fallen.  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  221. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


ESTKADA'S  RULE— CORTES  DRIVEN  TO  SEEK  JUSTICE  IN  SPAIN, 

1527. 

Campaign  m  Zapotecapan — Spice  Island  Projects — Loaisa's  Expedi- 
tion— Guevara  Finds  the  Way  to  Zacatula — Saavedra's  Voyage  to 
THE  Moluccas — Cortes  Slighted — He  is  Exiled  ftom  the  Capital — 
Reconciliation  with  Estrada — Guzman  Appointed  Governor  of  PI- 
Nuco — Finding  No  Gold,  He  Turns  Oppressor — Encroachments 
Mexico — Raid  into  Las  Palmas  Region — Slave-trade  Horrors — 
Cortes  to  Plead  before  the  Sovereign^ — Fears  that  He  will  Re- 
volt— Preparing  for  the  Voyage  to  Spain. 

Under  Aguilar's  rule  a  number  of  expeditions  had 
been  sent  out  to  open  new  districts,  and  to  assure 
the  subjugation  of  others.  One  force  of  nearly  three 
hundred  men  prepared  to  disclose  the  mysteries  of  the 
region  to  the  north,  between  Michoacan  and  the  gulf 
soon  to  be  famed  for  its  mineral  wealth.  This  project, 
intended  as  the  precursor  to  an  entry  to  the  Rio  de  las 
Palmas  region,  was  carried  out  only  m  part,*  owing  to 
changes  m  the  plans  of  Cortes,  but  others  were  de- 
veloped, involving  the  occupation  of  Tabasco  and  Chia- 
pas, and  the  continuation  of  the  campaign  against  the 
Zapotecs  and  Mijes,  connected  with  the  late  Coatlan 
revolt.^  In  order  to  render  this  campaign  more 
effective,  two  expeditions  were  sent  to  operate  on  the 
south  and  north  sides  respectively.  The  southern  con- 
sisting of  somewhat  over  one  hundred  men,  with  a 

^Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  282-3.  The  Palmas  project  was  abandoned  when 
news  came  that  Narvaez  had  received  a  commission  to  conquer  that  district. 

2  A  town  had  been  formed  with  the  Indians  of  Cortes  to  assure  this  dis- 
trict. Ocafta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  526.  The  preceding  expeditions, 
alluded  to  by  Cortes,  CartaSy  490-1,  and  Bernal  Diaz,  loc.  cit ,  are  treated  o£ 
elaewhere. 

(  254) 


PROJECTS  OF  CORTES. 


255 


dozen  horses,  was  placed  under  command  of  Diego  de 
Figueroa,  a  friend  of  Estrada.  On  reaching  the  border 
he  summoned  Alonso  de  Herrera,  the  captain  in  charge, 
to  place  himself  under  his  command,  giving  orders  in 
such  a  tone  as  to  offend  the  fiery  Herrera,  and  soon  a 
quarrel  arose  wherein  Figueroa  and  several  others  were 
wounded.  Neither  commander  nor  men  were  accus- 
tomed to  Indian  warfare,  and  the  toil  of  mountain 
marches  was  by  no  means  to  their  taste.  Finding  that 
the  graves  of  chiefs  contained  large  treasures,  they  di- 
rected their  attention  rather  to  ghoulish  raids,  varied 
by  occasional  descents  upon  settlements  for  the  pur- 
pose of  extorting  contributions.  After  accumulating 
about  a  hundred  thousand  pesos  de  oro,  Figueroa, 
with  a  few  friends,  abandoned  the  district,  now  more 
disturbed  than  ever,  and  hastened  to  Mexico  to  pre- 
pare for  the  voyage  home.  They  had  hardly  left  Vera 
Cruz  before  a  gale  wrecked  their  vessel,  and  buried 
fifteen  of  them,  together  with  the  yield  of  their  dese- 
crations. 

The  northern  expedition,  similar  in  strength  and 
quality  of  men,  had  a  more  soldierly  captain,  Barrios 
by  name,  who  had  seen  service  in  Italy,  and  bore  a  rep- 
utation for  bravery.  He  had  little  experience  in  native 
warfare,  however,  and  one  night  the  warriors  surprised 
his  camp,  slew  the  leader  and  a  number  of  his  follow- 
ers, and  pursued  the  rest  till  they  gained  refuge  in  a 
friendly  town.  "  Thus  served  these  doughty  captains 
from  Europe,"  exclaims  Bernal  Diaz,  '^leaving  us 
conquerors  to  remedy  their  failures."^  Cortes  had 
evidently  nothing  to  do  with  the  appointments  for  the 
Zapotec  campaign,  since  his  selection  of  officers  was 
usually  admirable,  and  the  result  better  where  he 
attended  to  the  management.    He  was  fully  occupied. 

Not  content  to  explore  the  vast  regions  adjoining 
their  new  conquest,  and  there  unfold  the  wealth  which 
at  a  later  period  poured  forth  in  streams  to  enrich  the 

^  Hist.  Verdad.,  222.  San  Alfonso  was  founded  by  the  later  expedition. 
The  victorious  tribe  is  called  the  Tiltepec. 


256 


ESTRADA'S  RULE. 


enterprising,  the  fancies  of  the  colonists  were  ever 
leaping  far  beyond  to  remoter  points,  invested  by 
rumor  with  readier  treasures.  Toward  the  west  in 
particular,  the  gilded  path  of  the^departing  sun  seemed 
ever  to  revive  the  ancient  Hesperides,  and  attract 
visionaries.  Not  that  all  was  a  dream ;  for  had  not 
Magellan's  fleet  in  that  direction  disclosed  a  series  of 
pJluring  lands,  among  them  the  long-sought  islands 
of  spices,  whose  produce  was  esteemed  equal  to 
almost  any  treasure  ?  More  and  richer  islands  must 
surely  exist.  At  any  rate,  something  new  had  been 
found,  and  attention  was  directed  thither  with  absorb- 
ing interest. 

During  Cortes'  absence  in  Honduras,  Albornoz 
among  others  had  pictured  this  feeling  in  a  letter  to 
the  king,  and  suggested  that  the  fleet  in  process  of 
construction  at  Zacatula  should  be  sent  in  search  of 
the  Spice  Islands,  which  were  thought  to  be  quite  near, 
and  of  other  isles,  ^'rich  in  pearls  and  precious  stones, 
and  undoubtedly  in  gold,  since  they  lie  to  the  south." 
The  existence  of  these  isles  was  asserted  by  natives 
on  the  Zacatula  coast,  who  said  that  in  the  time  of 
their  forefathers  large  pirogues  came  from  them  at 
intervals  to  trade.^  On  his  return,  Cortes  took  up 
the  idea  with  enthusiasm,  and  formed  the  project,  not 
alone  to  win  fresh  laurels,  but  to  increase  the  value  of 
his  actual  conquest  by  annexing  to  it  the  Moluccas 
and  any  other  islands  on  the  way,  and  making  it  the 
pathway  for  the  prospective  flow  of  wealth.  In  a 
letter  to  the  king  he  offers  to  conquer  and  settle  these 
islands  free  of  all  cost,  and  to  hold  them  against  any 
other  claimant.^ 

This  offer  was  formulated  to  a  great  extent  by  the 

*  Had  Albornoz  received  authority  to  act,  he  would  by  this  time  have  dis- 
covered the  route  to  the  Moluccas,  which  were  supposed  to  be  some  700  leagues 
off.  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  CoL  Doc,  i.  496-7. 

^  '  Que  V.  M.  no  haya  la  especeria  por  via  de  rescate,  como  la  ha  el  rey  de 
Portugal,  sino  que  la  tenga  por  cosa  propria.'  Letter  of  September  3,  1526,  in 
Cartas,  490.  In  a  letter  of  about  the  same  date  Ocana  urges  that  Cortes  was 
so  disloyal  that  he  ought  not  to  be  trusted  with  such  an  expedition.  '  Si 
Cortes  lova  d  hacer  morird  con  corona.'  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  532. 


LOAISA  AND  THE  I^IOLUCCAS. 


257 


report  of  an  expedition  lately  sent  from  Spain  to 
develop  the  results  of  Magellan's  discoveries.  The 
people  in  Europe  were  also  quite  interested  in  the 
Spice  Islands  project,  and  in  pursuance  of  an  agree- 
ment formed  with  Portugal,  at  Badajoz,  a  fleet  of 
half  a  dozen  vessels  was  despatched  in  August  1525, 
under  the  knight  Garcia  Jofre  de  Loaisa,  with  instruc- 
tions to  establish  a  settlement,  without  encroaching 
on  the  Portuguese,  or  endangering  possession  by  haz- 
ardous operations.  Loaisa  was  to  remain  on  the 
islands  as  governor,  assisted  by  a  full  staff  of  officials, 
and  superintend  the  collection  of  spices  for  the 
annual  fleet  which  should  follow  the  present  return 
shipment.  The  expedition  encountered  several  mis- 
haps :  Loaisa  died  during  the  voyage,  together  with 
a  large  number  of  officials  and  other  members  of  the 
party,  including  Sebastian  del  Cano,  the  first  circum- 
navigator, and  onlj  one  of  the  vessels  reached  the 
Moluccas,  there  to  form  a  precarious  settlement.^  A 
second  expedition  was  despatched  in  the  same  direc- 
tion in  April  1526,  under  Sebastian  Cabot,  who,  on 
reaching  Rio  Plata  in  South  America,  was  so  capti- 
vated by  the  rumors  of  its  wealth  that  he  remained 
there  to  establish  Spanish  sovereignty. 

Not  content  with  these  measures  the  king  instructed 
Cortes  to  send  his  Zacatula  vessels  to  open  a  route  to 
the  Moluccas,  searching  at  the  same  time  for  Magel- 
lan's missing  vessel,  inquiring  into  the  movements  of 
Cabot,  and  joining  Loaisa's  fleet."^  The  captain-general 
hastened  to  carry  out  an  order  so  much  in  consonance 
with  his  own  wishes,  and  so  needful  for  the  royal  ser- 
vice, since  news  of  disaster  to  Loaisa's  expedition  had 
already  reached  New  Spain.  Among  its  scattered 
vessels  was  a  small  craft  under  command  of  Santiago 
de  Guevara.    Unable  to  sight  the  consorts,  and  ill- 

^  The  expedition  is  quite  fully  described,  with  its  regulations  and  fate,  in 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  v.-vii.;  lib.  ix.  cap.  v.-vL,  ix. ;  dec.  iv.  lib.  i. 
cap.  vi. ,  etc.    See  also  the  following  notes. 

^  The  c6dula  is  dated  June  20,  1526.  Navarrete,  Col,  de  Viages,  v.  440. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  17 


258 


rSTE^AjDA'S  RULE. 


provided  with  supplies,  he  concluded  to  seek  one  of 
the  Spanish  settlements  on  the  Pacific  coast  of 
America.  After  great  hardships,  to  which  the  cap- 
tain among  others  succumbed,  the  vessel  was  brought 
into  Cihuatlan  harbor,  in  Zacatula  province.^ 

Aided  by  the  advice  of  her  officer,  Cortes  began 
to  prepare  for  his  expedition,  but  neither  Aguilar  nor 
the  royal  officers  were  disposed  to  promote  the  aims 
of  a  rival,  even  when  duty  pointed  the  way,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  meet  not  only  the  whole  expense  but 
the  opposition  of  the  officials.^  The  fleet  consisted  of 
the  flag- ship  i^/on(ia,  the  Santiago  of  nearly  the  same 
size,  and  the  small  brigantine  Espiritu  Santo ,  all  well 
armed,  and  carrying  provisions  for  a  year.  The  com- 
mand was  intrusted  to  a  cousin  of  Cortes,  Alvaro  de 
Saavedra  Ceron,  with  the  title  of  captain-general.^^ 

After  a  few  days'  trip  up  the  coast  by  the  brigan- 
tine, to  a  port  named  Santiago,  the  expedition  left 
Cihuatlanejo  on  the  31st  of  October  1527.  The  two 
smaller  vessels  were  soon  lost  to  sight,  never  to  be 
heard  of  again,  and  the  flag-ship  continued  her  course 

^  In  July  1526,  under  command  of  Fortunio  dc  Alango.  On  first  arriving 
off  the  strange  coast,  a  clergyman  named  Arraizaga  volunteered  to  try  for  the 
shore,  half  a  league  distant,  in  a  big  box,  the  only  means  of  conveyance  left. 
Upset  by  a  wave,  he  sought  to  swim  ashore,  but  would  ha^  e  perished  had  not 
some  natives  come  to  his  aid.  He  was  not  a  little  delighted  to  find  himself 
in  Spanish  domains,  and  to  be  received  with  kindness.  Ilerrera,  ubi  sup. ; 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  280-1;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Z)oc.,  xii.  488.  The 
port  where  the  vessel  entered  is  also  called  Macatan. 

^  The  men  he  required  were  taken  for  different  military  operations,  etc. 
The  expedition  cost  him  over  60,000  pesos  de  oro,  as  per  accounts  rendered. 
Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  215-16.  The  details  of  cost  are  given  in  Col.  Doc. 
Incd.,  ii.  405-15.  The  king  ordered  the  authoritien  of  Ne"vV  Spain  to  repay 
the  amount,  Ccdula  of  April  1,  1529,  but  it  was  understood  that  the  disobe- 
dience of  the  order  would  not  be  regarded  with  disfavor.  The  amount 
formed  one  of  the  many  standing  claims  of  Cortes,  for  which  he  was  ever 
pressing. 

''^Luis  de  Cdrdenas  commanded  the  Santiago,  and  Pedro  de  Fuentcs  the 
brigantine.  According  to  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  i.  cap.  vi.,  they  carried  50, 
45,  and  15  men,  respectively.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  232,  adds  a 
vessel  and  increases  the  force  to  250  'soldiers;'  but  this  must  be  a  mli^take, 
though  Herrera  gives,  erroneously  perhaps,  an  armament  which  required  a 
larger  crew.  The  instructions  for  the  diflerent  officers,  and  letters  for  Cabot, 
the  kings  of  Ceba  and  Tidore,  and  others,  dated  May  27,  1527,  are  given  in 
Cortds,  Escritos  Sueltos,  127-69;  Navarrete,  Col.  de  Viages,  v.  442-64.  No 
liind  must  be  taken  possession  of,  and  no  trading  undertaken,  except  by 
Saavedra,  or  in  his  presence. 


THE  TRIUMVIRATE. 


259 


alone,  reaching  the  Moluccas  in  safety,  after  discover- 
ing on  the  way  a  group  which  was  named  Islas  de  los 
Reyes/^  Saavedra  found  the  remnant  of  Loaisa's  party, 
under  command  of  Hernando  de  la  Torre,  engaged  in 
a  struggle  with  the  Portuguese,  and  was  able  to 
render  some  aid.  He  thereupon  repaired  his  vessel, 
loaded  a  quantity  of  cloves,  and  after  several  mishaps, 
and  cruises  along  New  Guinea  and  other  islands,  he 
was  able  to  depart  for  New  Spain  in  May  1529.  Two 
groups  were  discovered  on  the  way,  named  respec- 
tively Los  Pintados  and  Los  Buenos  Jardines,^^  and 
shortly  afterward,  when  fully  half-way  across  the 
Pacific,  the  commander  died,  whereupon  the  crew 
returned  to  the  Moluccas,  only  to  fall  into  Portuguese 
prisons.^^  Even  had  Saavedra  succeeded  in  opening 
the  route  to  New  Spain,  nothing  would  have  resulted 
from  it,  for  intermarriage  between  the  royal  families 
of  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  other  circumstances,  caused 
Charles  to  abandon  his  Molucca  schemes,  and  they 
were  not  revived  for  nearly  half  a  century. 

After  a  few  months'  rule  under  the  triumvirate  of 
which  Estrada  was  evidently  the  head,  a  despatch 
arrived  confirming  Aguilar,  or  any  appointee  of  his, 
as  ruler,  but  without  power  to  take  residencia  or  to 
interfere  in  matters  outside  of  the  government.  This 
order  was  owing  chiefly  to  the  efforts  of  Albornoz, 
who  had  left  for  Spain  shortly  after  Ponce's  death, 
chiefly  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  anti-Cortes 
faction,  and  the  aspirations  of  certain  friends,  while 

Galvano,  Discov.,  174,  assumes  this  to  be  the  same  group  discovered  by 
SeqiTeira,  or  rather,  named  Siquiera;  but  Burney,  Discov.  South  Sea,  i.  148, 
doubts  it. 

12  Burney  places  them  in  T''  N.,  and  176°  w.  from  Greenwich,  and  10°  to  12'' 
N.,  174°  w. 

"  They  numbered  18  on  reaching  the  Moluccas,  and  10  more  died  before 
they  were  enabled  in  1534  to  reach  Spain.  One  of  the  survivors,  named 
Ndpoles,  there  rendered  an  account  of  the  expedition  which  is  printed  in 
Navarrete,  Col.  de  Viages,  v.  465-86.  Besides  the  authorities  already  quoted, 
see  Oviech,  ii.  88-95;  Gomara,  Hist.  lad.,  134-6;  Id.,  Hist.  Mex.,  280-2; 
Ilerrera,  dec.  iv,  lib.  iii.  cap.  v.-vi.;  lib.  v.  c^p.  vi.;  March  y  Labores,  Marina 
Esjpahola,  ii.  67-93,  with  copies  of  documents.  Most  of  these  authorities  refer 
also  to  Loaisa's  expedition. 


260 


ESTRADA'S  EULE. 


posing  himself  before  the  court  as  an  ofSc(3r  wholly 
devoted  to  the  sovereign.  He  did  not  fail  to  give  his 
views  of  transatlantic  affairs,  and  to  urge  measures 
which  were  many  of  them  admirable;  but  he  also 
predisposed  the  crown  against  Cortes,  whose  interfer- 
ence in  government  ought  not  to  be  tolerated.  Estrada, 
who  had  personally  complained  of  the  associates  forced 
upon  him,  was  greatly  elated,  and  presenting  the  royal 
decree,  he  was  received,  August  22,  1527,  as  sole 
ruler.^* 

This  was  not  the  only  slight  suffered  by  Cortes  at 
the  royal  hands.  Albornoz  had  been  induced  to  be- 
friend Salazar  and  Chirinos,  and  so  well  did  he  plead 
their  cause,  under  the  auspices  of  Secretary  Cobos, 
that  their  release  was  ordered,  though  their  seques- 
trated property  remained  in  charge  of  guardians. 

Cortes  felt  this  act  deeply.  He  saw  all  hope 
fading  for  redress  of  the  bitter  wrongs  suffered  at 
their  hands,  wrongs  which  he  could  so  readily  have 
avenged,  and  which  seemed  too  clear  to  escape  pun- 
ishment. As  if  to  impress  the  infliction  upon  his 
rival,  Estrada  formed  a  sort  of  alliance  with  the  two 
released  officials,  with  a  view  to  strengthen  his  own 
party  against  one  of  wdiose  influence  he  was  both 
jealous  and  afraid.  The  extreme  to  which  he  carried 
this  feeling  threatened  on  one  occasion  to  produce 
most  serious  results.  Figueroa  of  Zapotec  fame  had 
returned  to  Mexico  with  his  spoils,  and  meeting  one 
of  Cortes'  adherents  named  Cortijo,  an  altercation 

^^Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  200-3. 
These  were  instructed  to  pay  them  an  allowance.  The  sequestration 
took  place  chiefly  at  the  instances  of  relatives  of  Paz  in  Spain.  They  were  con- 
demned to  death  by  the  audiencia  of  Espanola,  but  the  sentence  did  not  take 
eflfect,  though  affirmed  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  The  audiencia  of  Mex- 
ico afterward  ordered  them  to  repay  to  Cortes  all  they  had  taken.  Chirinos 
joined  Guzman  in  his  outrages  on  the  Jaliscans,  and  shared  in  Mendoza'a 
expedition,  after  which  he  left  for  Spain,  in  1542,  in  charge  of  royal  treasure. 
Mendoza,  Carta,  in  Cartas  de  Tndias,  254,  715.  Salazar  went  to  Spain  at  an 
earlier  date,  and  joining  Soto  in  the  expedition  to  Florida  he  narrowly  escaped 
hanging  for  disobedience  to  iiis  chief.  He  died  in  obscurity.  We  shall  find 
allusions  to  botn  during  the  next  few  years.  Sec  also  Ilerrera,  dec.  iii.  lib. 
ix,  cap.  viii. ;  lib.  x.  cap.  i.;  dec.  iv.  lib.  ii.  cap.  i. ;  Gomara,  Hist.  3Iex.,  280; 
Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  app.  231;  Puga,  Cedulario,  25,  43,  79. 


CORTES  EXILED. 


ensued  from  which  the  former  retired  with  a  wound 
to  attest  a  complaint  to  his  friend  Estrada.  Such 
an  outrage  on  one  of  liis  adherents  by  a  follower  of 
his  rival  could  not  be  endured,  and  without  listening 
to  any  defence  the  governor  ordered  the  man's  hand 
to  be  cut  off.^^  Cortes,  who  seems  to  have  retired  to 
his  beloved  Cuernavaca,  since  the  appointment  of  the 
treasurer  for  sole  ruler,  hastened  to  interfere,  but  came 
too  late,  and  gave  vent  to  his  indignation  in  bitter 
words.  Quite  alarmed,  Estrada  summoned  the  royal 
officials  and  his  friends  to  sustain  him^  and  was  coun- 
selled to  exile  his  opponent  from  the  city,  as  the  only 
means  to  maintain  order.  Thc.-re  was  every  justifica- 
tion for  such  a  step  against  a  man  who  had  dared  to 
threaten  the  king's  governor,  and  the  temptation  to 
humiliate  the  rival  was  too  great  to  be  withstood. 

"It  is  well,"  said  Cortes,  \\hen  notified  of  the 
measure,  "that  persons  unfit  to  hold  office  should  be 
allowed  to  exile  me  from  the  spot  which  I  and  my  brave 
followers  acquired  for  the  king  at  the  cost  of  so  much 
toil  and  blood." But  after  all  Estrada  may  have 
overreached  himself,  for  now  Cortes  would  proceed  to 
Spain  and  pray  for  justice  against  a  man  so  ungrate- 
ful for  the  many  favors  conferred. 

Great  was  the  commotion  when  this  measure  became 
known,  and  many  regarded  a  recourse  to  arms  as  in- 
evitable ;  but  Cortes  silenced  his  angry  adherents,  and 

'En  termino  de  vna  hora. .  .y. .  .le  sentencio  en  destierro  de  Nueua 
Espana.'  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  viii.  Bemal  Diaz  calls  the  man  an 
hidalgo,  and  states  that  he  suffered  for  aiding  Captain  Herrera  to  attack 
Figueroa  on  the  Zapotec  border.  A  page  of  Sandoval  suffered  a  sin\ilar  pun- 
ishment for  stabbing  a  sen-ant  of  Estrada.  Hut.  Verdad. ,  222.  'The  notary, 
Castillo,  who  ventured  to  remonstrate  against  this  rash  and  unjust  proceeding, 
was  assaulted,  removed  from  his  office,  and  cast  into  prison,  Avith  sequestra- 
tion of  property.  The  audiencia  was  in  1528  ordered  to  restore,  the  man  to 
his  office  and  estate  after  investigation.  Cortijo  appeared  in  Spain  to  com- 
plain and  was  permitted  to  return,  while  Estrada  received  orders  to  give 
5,000  ducats  surety  to  respond  to  the  claims  of  the  plaintiff  for  3,000  ducats 
damages,  besides  costs.  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  i. 

1' Lest  he  resent  the  outrage,  observes  Herrera.  'For  que  no  le  quitasse 
el  preso.'  Oomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  279.  Oviedo,  iii.  519,  considers  that  Estrada 
did  his  duty,  though  he  regrets  the  humiliation  indicted. 

^^'Daua  gracias  a  Dios  que  dcllo  eni,  servido,'  etc.  Bemal  DiaZy  Hist. 
Verdady  223. 


262 


ESTRADA'S  RULE. 


withdrew,  though  a  motion  of  his  finger  would  have 
sufficed  to  overthrow  his  opponents.  ^*For  thy  king 
and  thy  law  must  thou  die/'  was  an  oft-used  saying 
of  his  which  he  evidently  resolved  to  uphold.  Estra- 
da's wife,^^  among  others,  censured  the  governor  for 
this  treatment  of  a  man  who  had  so  greatly  favored 
him  with  appointments  and  grants,  and  warned  him 
of  the  consequences.  At  this  time  arrived  Fray 
Julian  Garces,  bishop  of  Tlascala,  and  attention  was 
diverted  somewhat  by  the  demonstrations  attending 
the  reception  of  the  first  prelate  in  the  country. 
His  first  task  was  to  reconcile  Estrada  and  his  injured 
opponents.  The  former  had  already  repented  of  his 
haste,  and  the  bishop  followed  Cortes  to  Coyuhuacan 
to  prevail  upon  him. 

The  first  impulse  of  resentment  passed,  Cortes 
admitted  that  unjust  as  the  governor  might  have 
been,  the  expulsion  was  brought  about  chiefly  by  his 
own  hasty  utterance.  Not  that  this  recognition  alone 
would  have  induced  him  to  relent,  but  potent  agencies 
were  the  fear  of  imperilling  his  cherished  prestige 
among  the  natives,  and  the  need  of  Estrada's  favor 
for  certain  projects.  The  good  prelate  therefore  suc- 
ceeded in  his  mission,  and  Cortes  relented  so  far  as  to 
stand  godfather  to  the  governor's  infant  son.^^  Estrada 
was  not  so  base  and  selfish  as  his  advisers,  and  re- 
pentance for  his  ingratitude  had  moved  him  to  some 
extent,  as  well  as  a  politic  regard  for  the  great  con- 
queror's influence  over  the  natives  whom  it  would  be 
difficult  to  control  in  case  they  were  roused.  Still 
another  motive  may  have  influenced  him:  the  pres- 

^*Als':i:  'El  rey  sea  mi  gallo.'  Gomara^  Hist.  Mex.^  280. 
2°  Dona  Marina  Gutierrez  de  la  Caballcna,  a  most  estimable  •woman,  says 
Bemal  Diaz. 

Hi«  ccmmission  was  presented  to  the  t')vrn  council  of  Mexico  October  19, 
1527.  Lihro  de  C^jildo,  MS. 

^"^ Rtinesal,  Hist.  Ghya'pa,  14;  ITerrer-t,  dec.  iv.  lib  iii.  cap.  vii.  This 
author  and  Oviedo  leave  the  impression  that  the  reconciliation  was  effected 
before  Cort6s  left  the  city.  The  version  of  Lvicas  is  that  '  el  obispo  de  Tax- 
cala  rogo  al  dicho  thcsu/cro  que  dexase entrar al .  .  .Cortes.'  Cortds,  liesidenciay 
i.  308-9,  311.  Bernal  Diaz  states  on  the  ether  hand  that  Cortes  refused  to  be 
reconciled,  though  the  prelate  appealed  to  him  several  times. 


NUNO  DE  GUZMAN. 


263 


ence  of  a  formidable  enemy  in  the  coast  provinces, 
whose  threatening  attitude  against  both  him  and 
Cortes  served  to  form  a  bond  between  them. 

More  than  a  year  previous,  Nuno  de  Guzman  had 
been  appointed  governor  of  Pdnuco,  in  accordance  with 
the  royal  policy  of  restricting  the  power  of  officials, 
and  with  a  view  to  support  Ponce  de  Leon,  in  case 
of  need,  to  obtain  control  at  Mexico.  He  was  a  cava- 
lier of  good  connection,  from  Guadalajara,  who  had 
long  resided  at  Puerto  de  Plata,  in  Espanola,  as  enco- 
mendero;  but  beyond  the  claim  as  colonist,  and  a 
knowledge  of  law,  he  appears  to  have  possessed  no 
experience  or  merit  for  service  rendered  that  could 
have  warranted  the  bestowal  of  so  important  a  por- 
tion of  New  Spain,  conquered  and  settled  by  more 
deserving  men.  The  preferment  was  due  chiefly  to 
the  influence  of  the  Velazquez  party,  who,  regardless 
of  the  many  zealous  adherents  in  Mexico,  chose  to 
support  a  member  of  the  ruling  clique.'^^  He  was 
known,  however,  as  a  man  possessed  of  the  talent  and 
resolution  necessary  to  support  Ponce  and  to  face  the 
dreaded  Cortes  in  his  own  field. 

Sickness  and  preparations  detained  him  from  his 
post  for  over  a  year,  and  he  did  not  reach  his  capital  of 
San  Estevan  del  Puerto  until  May  20,  1527.''  His 
entry  was  celebrated  with  processions,  triumphal 
arches,  and  other  demonstrations  attending  the  inaug- 
uration of  a  new  government  from  which  conciliatory 
reforms  and  favors  are  expected.  These  hopes  were 
not  unreasonable,  for  Guzman  was  most  engaging  in 
manners,  pleasant  in  converse,  and  of  evident  culture ; 
and  only  time  revealed  the  haughty  disposition,  the 
cruel  nature,  and  the  unprincipled  ambition  of  the 

That  he  was  of  this  clique  appears  from  the  advancement  soon  after  of 
his  relative  Gonzalo  de  Guzman  to  the  governorship  of  Cuba.  Zumdrraga, 
Leltrc,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  tom.  v.  19.  'Sin  mas  seruicios, 
ni  esperiecia  de  guerra,'  is  Herrera's  indignant  comment  on  Guzman's  appoint- 
ment, dec.  iv.  lib.  iii.  cap.  vii. 

^*Herrera  indicates  the  year  1528.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  iv.  733,  writes  1525,  and  others  are  equally  in  error. 


264 


ESTRADA'S  RULE. 


self-sufficient  autocrat.  His  domains  extended  in  a 
broad  belt  from  the  coast  inward,  under  the  name  of 
Panuco  and  Victoria  Garayana,^^  penetrating  a  region 
as  yet  almost  unknown,  and  looked  upon  as  rich  in 
gold,  so  much  so  that  the  autliorities  had  issued  special 
regulations  securing  the  crown  duus  tiicreon.^^  All  this 
had  raised  the  hopes  of  Guzman,  only  to  be  brought 
low  when  he  beheld  the  comparatively  poverty-stricken 
expanse  before  him.  He  was  resolved  to  make  the 
most  of  it,  however,  and  in  particular  to  exercise  the 
newly  acquired  dignity  in  a  manner  befitting  his  train- 
ing as  slave-owner  on  the  Islands.  Sweeping  changes 
were  made  in  offices  and  regulations,  and  agents  were 
sent  round  to  investigate  the  titles  of  all  grants  of 
land  and  natives,  and  to  seize  all  that  were  not  fully 
secured.  As  a  partisan  of  Velazquez  his  efforts  were 
directed  with  especial  severity  against  the  adherents 
of  Cortes,  who  had  assisted  to  conquer  and  settle 
the  region.  Of  their  repartimientos,  indeed,  almost 
every  one  was  deprived  on  some  pretence.  The  na- 
tives were  treated  with  absolute  disregard  of  justice. 
Their  houses  and  lands  were  ravaged,  and  everything 
of  value  was  carried  away,  including  slaves,  and  even 
their  scanty  stock  of  provisions,  so  that  some  of  them 
were  reduced  to  actual  want.  In  his  imperious  cruelty 
he  caused  several  natives  to  be  hanged  for  omitting 
to  sweep  the  roads  before  him.'^^ 

These  outrages  were  not  prompted  so  much  by 
avarice,  which  formed  the  main  impulse  with  New 
World  adventurers,  as  by  egotism.    Of  a  noble  and 

25  Of  noble  birth,  discreet,  inclined  to  great  deeds,  enduring,  and  intrepid, 
are  the  features  added  by  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  99. 

26  Puga,  Cedulario,  22.  Guzman  claimed  the  whole  parallel  to  the  South 
Sea.  Zumarraga  calls  the  provuice  25  leagues  at  its  greatest  width.  Ternaux- 
Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  tom.  y.  91.  A  later  report  gives  it  50  leagues  in 
length  and  breadth.  In  formes,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xv.  446. 
This  was  probably  after  the  audiencia  defined  the  limits,  as  ordered. 

2^  '  Que  el  oro  de  Panuco,  se  labrasse  en  barras  por  los  quales. .  .y  corriesse 
por  aquel  precio . . .  sopena  de  niuorte .  . .  ni  labrasse  oro  f uera  de  las  f undici- 
ones.'  Ilerrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  vii.  Another  significant  rule  was  that 
soldiers  should  not  be  use»l  in  agriculture. 

28  His  alguacil  mayor,  Halcon,  appears  to  have  been  a  zealous  tool  in  these 
performances. 


INFAMOUS  DOINGS  IN  pANUCO. 


265 


proud  stock,  Guzman  had  come  to  the  Indies  filled 
with  the  glowing  hopes  engendered  by  such  achieve- 
ments as  those  of  Yasco  Nunez,  Gil  Gonzalez,  and 
Cortes,  but  circumstances  confined  him  to  a  narrow 
sphere,  till  now,  the  vista  opening,  his  unbridled 
ambition  was  prepared  to  break  every  bound.  He 
longed  above  all  to  acquire  a  wider  influence,  and  the 
present  efforts  were  chiefly  toward  this  end.  His  own 
province  was  not  sufficient,  and  he  cast  longing  eyes 
toward  the  border  along  which  lay  a  number  of  flour- 
ishing settlements.  He  declared  that  they  belonged 
to  his  district,  but  the  settlers  stoutly  objected  to  the 
claim.  Guzman  promptly  sent  to  arrest  the  most 
unruly,  notably  Pedro  Gonzalez  de  Trujillo  and  Fran- 
cisco Ramos.  Several  of  them  being  cavaliers  refused 
to  bend  to  the  imperious  governor,  and  were  there- 
upon lashed  and  tortured ;  one  was  nailed  to  a  post  by 
the  tongue  for  insolent  language,  and  another  was 
hanged,^^  w^hile  the  natives  of  their  towns  were  many 
of  them  butchered  for  obeying  their  masters. 

News  of  this  reaching  Mexico,  Estrada  and  Sando- 
val, who  then  governed  jointly,  sent  peremptory  orders 
for  Guzman  to  exhibit  his  commission  and  to  restrict 
himself  to  what  they  declared  to  be  his  boundary.^^ 
A  number  of  despatches  were  exchanged  on  the  ques- 
tion, wherein  discourteous  language  was  freely  dis- 
pensed, particularly  by  Guzman  in  letters  to  Cortes, 
who  as  military  chief  became  involved  with  him. 
Sancho  de  Caniego,  cousin  of  the  Panuco  governor, 
received  such  treatment  at  Mexico,  in  his  character 
of  commissioner,  that  he  departed  fuming  with  tiireats. 
No  satisfaction  being  obtained,  Estrada,  w]iO  during 
the  autumn  assumed  sole  rule  at  Mexico,  prepared  an 

2^  Testimony  in  (7o7-^(^s,  Residenda,  i.  311,  agrees  with  Bernal  Diaz  that 
Trujillo  was  hanged,  without  receiving  a  trial,  though  he  was  of  noble  blood. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  221.  Herrera,  loc.  cit.,  declares  that  the  person 
hanged  was  a  servant  of  Trujillo,  the  master  being  tortured  by  nailing  the 
tongue  and  the  like. 

^"Regidor  Hinojosa  was  sent  with  the  message,  but  either  a  fear  for  his 
own  tongue,  or  actual  sick:,ess>  caused  another  commissioner  to  be  appointed. 
Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  June  14  and  21,  1527. 


£66 


ESTRADA'S  RULE. 


expedition  to  enforce  his  demands.  At  this  juncture 
arrived  Juan  Perez  de  Gijon,  alcalde  of  San  Estevan, 
and  appealed  for  a  stay  of  hostilities,  chiefly  for  the 
sake  of  the  settlers,  promising  either  to  effect  a  peace- 
ful arrangement,  or  to  return  to  Mexico  as  a  prisoner. 
For  this  unauthorized  mediation  Guzman  treated  him 
rather  severely,  and  like  Regulus  the  alcalde  went 
back  to  redeem  his  word.^^ 

Meanwhile  Captain  Gil  Gonzalez  de  Benavides, 
alcalde  of  Mexico,^^  had  approached  the  boundary  and 
taken  possession  of  the  tract  in  dispute. A  commis- 
sioner thereupon  came  down  from  San  Estevan  to 
arrange  the  matter,  but  nothing  was  effected  until 
Guzman  managed,  under  a  change  of  circumstances, 
to  settle  everything  according  to  his  own  fancy.^^ 

Not  content  with  encroaching  on  Mexico,  Guzman 
had  turned  his  desire  also  to  the  adjoining  northern 
territory  of  Kio  de  las  Palmas,  granted  to  Panfilo  de 
Narvaez  as  a  solace  for  the  defeat  inflicted  by  Cortes. 
Like  other  little  known  regions  it  v^^as  supposed  to  be 
rich  in  precious  metals;  not  more  so  than  his  own 
interior  tracts,  but  more  alluring  since  it  belonged  to 
another;  and  he  resolved  to  gather  the  first-fruit 
before  the  rightful  owner  appeared.  To  this  end  he 
sent  his  cousin,  Caniego,  with  all  his  available  force. 
The  expedition  penetrated  for  a  considerable  distance 
without  finding  any  settlements  of  note,  and  struggling 

He  left  Mexico  in  the  beginning  of  December,  and  returned  March  16, 
1528.  Id. 

^2  Testimony  in  GorUs,  Residencia,  i.  311-12,  ii.  147,  shows  that  Estrada  at 
first  proposed  to  go  in  person  to  seize  Guzman  and  '  desolate  Pdnuco, '  but  the 
rumored  disloyal  projects  of  Cortes  deterred  him.  Estrada  was  not  a  military 
man,  however. 

^3 '  Prendio  a  Andres  Duero  e  a  Juan  Astudillo  e  a  otros  dos. .  .e  destruyo 
la  tierra.'  Zuuiga,  in  Id.,  ii.  147.  This  Duero  appears  to  be  the  secretary 
from  Cuba  who  at  first  befriended  Cort6&  and  then  became  his  enemy. 

^'Benavides  ofiered  to  surrender  '  Tepehuacan,  Quautla,  Yahualica,' but 
insisted  on  retaining  the,  towns  in  the  district  of  '  Meztitlan,  Oxitapa,  Tla- 
matlan,  and  Guazalingo.'  Libro  de  Ccbildo,  MS.,  Fel)ruary  19, 1528.  Caniegois 
named  as  the  Pdnuco  commissioner,  though  he  appears  to  have  gone  to  Spain 
about  this  time.  The  audiencia  of  Mexico,  which  arrived  this  year,  with 
Guzman  for  president,  received  orders  to  define  the  boundary,  and  to  forbid 
any  encomcndero  to  hold  land  on  both  sides  of  it,  or  to  keep  natives  out  of 
their  native  district. 


GUZMAN  THE  SLAVE-MAKER. 


267 


with  obstacles  of  every  description,  and  suffering 
great  hardship.  Finally  dense  forests  obliged  them 
to  turn  back,  and  the  band  reached  San  Estevan  half 
famished  and  in  a  sad  condition,  with  little  to  recom- 
pense them  for  their  five  months'  search,  except  a 
report  that  the  country  beyond  the  forests  must  be 
rich  and  settled.^^ 

This  report  was  considered  by  Guzman  to  be  a 
sufficient  inducement  to  extend  the  exploration,  but 
the  means  were  wanting.  As  a  last  resource  he  seized 
upon  the  natives,  and  began  to  export  them  as  slaves, 
pleading  that  the  public  good  demanded  such  a  meas- 
ure, and  pointing  to  even  worse  acts  by  other  rulers. 
Besides,  the  voices  of  these  natives  could  be  suppressed 
only  by  removing  them  from  home  associates  and 
placing  them  under  strict  supervision.^^  The  argument 
found  ready  sustainers  when  the  permission  was  given 
also  to  settlers  to  sell  from  twenty  to  thirty  slaves 
each.  Traders  came  by  invitation  to  buy  slaves,  and 
others  were  exported  by  the  ship-load,  in  chartered 
vessels,  from  the  stock-yard  in  which  they  were  branded 
and  herded.  A  panic  seized  upon  the  poor  creatures, 
and  they  began  to  desert  the  villages  to  seek  refuge 
in  the  forests  and  mountains,  preferring  hunger  and 
death  at  home  to  a  worse  fate  abroad.  Then  hunting 
expeditions  were  sent  out  to  ferret  them,  and  to  seize 
also  upon  Indians  pertaining  to  Mexico.  Caciques 
were  tortured  to  reveal  the  hiding-places  of  their 
people,  and  to  save  themselves  many  surrendered  even 
relatives  as  slaves.  Some  ten  thousand  of  God's  human 
creatures  were  thus  carried  away  in  more  than  twenty 
vessels,  three  of  which  foundered  at  sea.  In  their 
despair  a  large  number  of  the  kidnapped  cast  them- 
selves overboard;  others  suffered  so  severely  from  con- 

^5  Guzman  justified  the  encroachment  by  sending  an  early  complaint  that 
Narvaez  had  received  much  of  what  belonged  to  P^nuco.  The  audiencia  was 
ordered  to  define  the  boundary.  Ilerrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iii.  cap.  vii. 

2^  In  a  letter  to  the  king,  he  pointed  out  that  the  royal  service  demanded 
horses,  and  that  these  could  be  obtained  in  no  other  way.  He  did  not  make 
one  dollar  by  the  traific.  On  leaving  Pdnuco  he  forbade  it,  because  he  had 
.heard  that  the  king  objected.  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  410-11. 


2C8 


ESTRADA'S  RULE. 


finement  in  the  infected  atmosphere  of  the  hold  as  to 
die  during  the  voyage,  or  immediately  after,  while  the 
rest  rapidly  succumbed  to  the  hardships  of  their  new 
life,  magnified  by  the  change  of  climate  and  food.^^ 

But  neither  reconciliation  with  Estrada,  nor  the 
demand  for  his  interference  in  the  Guzman  dispute,^^ 
changed  the  resolution  of  Cortes  to  proceed  to  Spain. 
His  position  in  Mexico  was  becoming  insupportable, 
what  with  lost  power,  fading  influence,  and  constant 
annoyance  from  insolent  officials.  Then,  his  presence 
was  necessary  at  court  to  refute  the  accumulating 
slanders,  to  place  in  a  proper  light  his  many  services, 
and  to  claim  a  fit  reward,^^  besides  advocating  meas- 
ures for  the  development  of  the  country  and  the  ad- 
vancement of  conquest.  It  was  also  time  to  solemnize 
the  marriage  arranged  for  him  in  Spain,  so  that  he 
might  obtain  heirs  to  perpetuate  his  name. 

His  main  effort  accordingly  was  to  obtain  sufficient 
means  to  present  himself  at  court  in  a  manner  corre- 
sponding to  his  fame  and  position.  Sandoval,  Tapia, 
and  other  proposed  companions  joined  him  in  the 
task  to  collect  rents,  receive  presents,  and  effect  loans, 
and  thus  they  made  quite  a  tour  of  the  country, 
directing  themselves  chiefly  to  the  caciques,  from 
whom  large  contributions  were  received,  partly  as 
gifts  to  the  honored  Malinche,  partly  in  consideration 
for  the  ofier  to  present  their  sons  to  the  sovereign  and 
advocate  their  respective  claims. 

These  facts  are  affirmed  by  Bishop  Zum^rraga  in  his  letters  and  sworn 
statements.  '  Cette  province . . .  contenait  25,000  Indiens  sonmis  et  pacifiqnes. 
II  en  a  vendu  10,000  comme  esclaves,  et  les  autres. .  .ont  abandonn6  leurs  vil- 
lages.' These  shipments  were  continued  from  Mexico,  the  kidnapped  being 
sent  to  Pdnuco  to  embark.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.y  serie  ii.  tom.  v.  91-2, 
45.  Further  details  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  144-6,  171. 
Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vi.  cap.  ix.  'Se  herraron  tantos,  que  casi  despoblaron 
aquella  Provincia. '  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  228. 

Testimony  in  CorUs,  Residencia,  i.  311-12,  shows  that  Cortes  at  first 
offered  to  take  the  field  against  him.  Estrada  hesitated,  and  when  he  finally 
offered  the  command  Cortes  replied  that  his  preparations  for  going  to  Spain 
could  no  longer  be  deferred. 

'  Algun  titulo,  para  q  no  se  le  igualasseu  todos,'  is  the  pointed  remai'k  of 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  282. 


SCHEMES  AGAINST  CORTES. 


269 


This  round  of  interviews  with  native  leaders,  and 
the  preparations  for  the  voyage,  were  sufficient  to 
revive  among  opponents  and  tattlers  the  oft-spread 
report  of  disloyalty  on  the  part  of  one  who  so  recently 
had  threatened  the  governor,  and  was  still  smarting 
under  humiliation.  The  reports  were  not  altogether 
devoid  of  foundation,  for  a  number  of  Spanish  and 
native  partisans  who  had  witnessed  the  indignities 
heaped  upon  their  leader,  and  presumed  upon  his 
resentment,  offered  him  their  aid  to  redress  his  wrongs, 
even  so  far  as  to  seize  the  whole  country  for  himself 
But  Cort6s  was  too  wise  to  entertain  the  project;  he 
even  shrank  from  allusion  to  it,  and  also  threatened 
to  hang  one  or  two  of  his  advisers ;  others  he  severely 
reprimanded,  and  prudently  so,  since  the  proposals  in 
more  than  one  instance  covered  a  trap  to  criminate 
him  withal.  Estrada  is  said  to  have  been  so  alarmed 
that  he  sent  Bishop  Garces  to  sound  Cortes,  and  to 
exert  his  influence  if  needful.^^ 

The  desire  of  Cortes  to  be  saved  from  friends  so 
apt  to  embroil  him,  formed  another  motive  for  leaving, 
and  this  was  hastened  by  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from 
the  president  of  the  India  Council,^^  urging  him  to 
come  to  Spain  so  that  the  king  might  consult  him  on 
needful  measures,  and  reward  his  services.  This  let- 
ter was  the  first  move  in  a  rather  elaborate  scheme  on 
the  part  of  a  misinformed  sovereign  to  withdraw  a 
dangerous  subject  from  a  tempting  field.    As  will  be 

*°  The  persistent  Ocana  dwells  on  this  movement  with  a  desire  to  criminate 
Cortes.  Carta,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  530-1.  Testimony  in  Gort6s,  Resi- 
dencia,  i.  309-11,  407-8,  declares  that  Cortes  did  ask  the  opinion  of  several 
persons  whether  it  would  be  advisable  to  seize  Estrada  and  hold  the  govern- 
ment for  the  king,  or  to  go  to  Spain.  Dominican  friars  warned  Estrada  of 
this.  If  he  ever  alluded  to  an  arrest,  it  must  have  been  when  his  resentment 
was  hot.  Letters  were  sent  from  Mexico  on  the  subject,  to  entrap  him, 
observes  Bemal  Diaz.  Hist.  Verdad. ,  223. 

*^  Bemal  Diaz  assumes  that  the  two  leaders  were  not  reconciled,  and  that 
the  efforts  of  Garcds  were  to  unbend  Cortes.  Guzman  intimated  that  Cortes 
left  orders  for  the  natives  to  rise  after  his  departure.  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iii. 
cap.  vii.  This  accusation  was  also  intended  to  reflect  on  Estrada's  inefficiency 
to  control  the  natives. 

*2  The  successor  of  the  intriguing  Fonseca  was  Fray  Garcia  de  Loaisa,  con- 
fessor of  the  king  and  bishop  of  Osma,  afterward  made  cardinal  in  recognition 
of  his  services,  influence,  and  admirable  traits. 


270 


ESTRADA'S  RULE. 


shown  hereafter,  the  appeal  was  supported  by  letters 
from  the  duke  of  Bejar  and  other  friends.  At  the 
same  time  came  the  news  of  the  death  of  Martin 
Cortes.  This  proved  a  severe  blow  to  the  son,  who 
after  so  long  a  separation  had  vividly  pictured  to  him- 
self the  joy  of  once  more  embracing  his  father  and 
able  friend  who  had  so  zealously  protected  his  in- 
terests against  assailants.  He  caused  an  impressive 
funeral  ceremony  to  be  held,  and  put  on  the  customary 
mourning  attire. 

Two  new  vessels,  reported  to  be  fast  sailers,  had 
just  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  Cortes  despatched  his 
majordomo,  Ruiz  de  Esquive],  to  secure  them.  Ac- 
companied by  a  negro  to  carry  two  bars  of  gold  for 
the  purchase,  he  took  a  boat  with  six  native  rowers 
to  carry  him  across  the  lake  to  Ayotzinco,  but  he 
never  appeared.  Search  was  instituted,  and  a  month 
later  attention  was  attracted  to  a  human  arm  pro- 
truding from  the  ground,  the  flesh  eaten  by  birds. 
The  half-buried  body  ]3roved  to  be  that  of  the  ma- 
jordomo, almost  nude  and  with  a  knife  wound  in  the 
head.  The  gold  and  the  boatmen  had  disappeared. 
Though  the  gold  appears  to  have  been  the  motive, 
some  prefer  to  connect  the  murder  with  Ruiz'  indis- 
creet vauntings  of  successful  intrigues  with  dames  of 
the  capital.*^ 

Another  agent  went  to  secure  the  vessels,  which 
were  at  once  prepared  for  the  voyage,  and  provided 
with  a  respectable  armament  to  protect  their  valuable 
cargo  against  corsairs.  The  intention  of  Cortes  was 
to  carry  with  him  a  varied  assortment  of  effects,  not 
so  much  for  presents  as  to  exhibit  the  resources  of  the 
country  he  had  conquered.  The  most  valuable  part 
consisted  of  fifteen  hundred  marcos^*  of  wrought  silver, 
thirty  thousand  pesos  de  oro  in  gold,  a  portion  alloyed, 
and  several  thousand  pesos  in  jewels,  including  precious 

*3  Indeed,  little  effort  was  made  to  trace  the  murderers,  says  Bemal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad. ,  224.    Ruiz  appears  to  have  been  an  attractive  fellow,  and  an 
hidalgo  from  Seville.  Oviedo,  iii.  527. 
Marco,  equivalent  to  eight  ounces. 


RETURN  OF  CORTES  TO  SPAIN. 


271 


stones  and  pearls.*^  Then  there  was  a  mass  of  fabrics, 
and  robes,  plumes,  and  feather-work,  hquid  amber, 
vanilla,  balsam,  flint  implements,  and  mirrors,  weapons, 
paintings,  and  curiosities  of  every  description,  notably 
strange  plants  and  animals,  tigers,  parrots,  quetzals,  and 
the  like.  Also  a  variety  of  natives,  albinos,  dwarfs,  and 
monstrosities,  together  with  acrobats,  such  as  pole- 
turners,  foot-balance  performers,  equilibrists,  and  ball- 
players.^^ Of  staple  resources  and  provisions  large 
quantities  were  contributed  by  the  natives,  sufficient 
to  have  supplied  a  fleet.  Much  came  also  from  the 
estates  of  Cortes,  the  extent  of  which  may  be  under- 
stood from  their  value  of  two  hundred  thousand  pesos 
de  oro,  estimated  at  a  time  when  the  price  of  real 
estate  was  very  low.  The  care  of  these  possessions 
devolved  during  his  absence  on  Licenciate  Juan  Alta- 
mirano,  his  relative,  Diego  de  Ocampo,  and  Santa 
Cruz.^^ 

Large  retinues  were  among  the  most  marked  attri- 
butes of  greatness  at  this  period,  and  eager  to  impress 
the  haughty  courtiers  of  Castile,  Cortes  offered, 
chiefly  Avith  this  view,  free  passage  and  maintenance 
to  whosoever  chose  to  accompany  him  to  Spain. 
Quite  a  number  availed  themselves  of  the  liberal  pro- 
posal, though  a  few,  like  Fray  Loaisa,  accompanied 

^•^  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  283.  Oviedo,  iii.  528,  writes  1,000  marcos  of  silver, 
partly  wrought,  and  estimates  the  jewels  at  merely  2,000  to  3,000  pesos.  Gal- 
vano,  Biscov.,  176,  increases  the  gold  and  silver  to  the  more  effective  amount 
of  250,000  marcos,  whereupon  Cavo  plucks  up  courage  to  value  the  pure  gold 
alone  at  200,000  pesos,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  74;  an  amount  which  Prescott  rashly 
trebles  by  calling  it  pesos  dc  oro.  Mex. ,  iii.  312.  He  has  evidently  confounded 
the  total  value  of  all  the  treasures,  including  the  rare  precious  stones  carried 
secretly  on  his  own  person  by  Cortes.  A  part  of  the  gold  and  silver  was 
registered  at  the  port  as  belonging  to  other  persons.  This  was  declared  to  be 
a  false  declaration,  *  to  defraud  creditors,'  and  half  the  silver  and  some  gold 
were  accordingly  seized  in  Spain.  Cortes  appealed,  but  the  judge  neverthe- 
less sentenced  him  to  pay  a  fine  of  100,000  maravedis,  though  the  treasure  was 
ordered  to  be  restored.  Beal  Executoria,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc, 
xii.  406.  The  restitution  appears  to  have  been  neglected  on  the  plea  that 
Cortds  owed  the  treasury  certain  sums.  His  process  for  its  recovery  is  given 
in /cZ.,  xiv.  395-410. 

**^For  description  of  feats  and  games,  see  Native  Races,  ii.  295  et  seq. 
The  latter  from  Burgos.  Bemal  Diaz  adds  the  secretary  Alonso  Valiente. 
From  Altamirano  descends  the  house  of  Marqu6s  de  Salinas,  later  incorpo- 
rated with  that  of  the  Condes  de  Santiago.  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  252. 


272 


ESTRADA'S  RULE. 


him  no  farther  than  the  Islands.  Sandoval,  Andres 
de  Tapia,  and  several  other  captains  joined  the  ex- 
pedition, to  present  claims  for  services  before  the 
sovereign;  also  some  two  score  of  native  princes  and 
chieftains,  conspicuous  among  whom  was  a  son  of 
Montezuma,  and  a  son  of  Maxixcatzin.*^ 

*^  Chimalpain  names  two  sons  of  Montezuma,  Pedro,  from  whom  descended 
the  Condes  de  Montezuma  and  Tula — see  Hist,  3Iex.,  i.  460,  this  series — and 
Martin  Cortds  Nezahualtecolotl,  also  a  nephew  of  the  late  emperor,  Francicco 
de  Alvarado  Matlaccohuatzin,  Gabriel,  a  son  of  the  king  of  Tlacopan,  Baltasar, 
Felipe,  Juan,  sons  respectively  of  the  lords  of  Culhuacan,  Cuitlahuac,  and 
Cempoala.  He  also  gives  the  baptismal  and  native  names  of  three  Tlascaltec 
chiefs  and  of  others.  Hist.  Cowg.,  ii.  163-4.  Among  the  Tlascaltecs,  Bemal 
Diaz  mentions  a  son  of  Xicotencatl.  They  numbered  39  in  all,  those  at  least 
who  reached  Spain,  as  shown  by  a  decree  of  the  emperor  ordering  dresses  and 
entertainment  to  be  provided  for  them.  Ternaux-Compans.,  Voy,,  s6rie  ii.  tom. 
V.  87-8.  From  this  it  appears  that  the  son  of  Montezuma  now  taken  was 
Martin,  not  Pedro.  Among  the  other  six  names  mentioned  is  Lorenzo  of 
Tlascala,  I  may  mention  the  following  as  authorities  supplemental  to  those 
quoted  in  preceding  chapters:  Cortes,  Escritos  Suellos,  102-26,  213-14;  Ovicdo, 

iii.  494-5,  519-27;  Pacheco  and  Cdrde.nas,  Col.  Doc,  v.  68-96;  vi.;  xii. 
287-91,  406-17,  480-90;  xiii.  73-85,  115-17,  144-6,  348-56,  400-11;  xiv. 
65-9,  395-410;  xv.  446-7;  xxiii.  368-84;  xxvi.  160-3,  195-280;  Lihro  de 
Cahildo,  MS.,  121,  passim;  Torqvemada,  1.  597-9;  iii.  190;  Archivo  Mex.y 
Doc,  i.  141-4,  161-85,  239  et  seq.;  ii.  18,  passim;  Ramirez,  Doc,  MS., 
285-9;  Col.  Doc  Jn6d.,  i.  14-30,  101-2;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  229-30; 

iv.  99-100;  Puga,  Cedulario,  15-25,  43^,  79;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp., 
MS.,  69;  Ramirez,  Proceso,  73,  157,  188-91;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Relaciones,  in 
Kingshorour/h's  Mex.  Antiq.,  ix.  447;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s^rie  ii.  tom. 
V.  19-27,  44-8;  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Cong.,  ii.  158-60;  Mex.,  Extr.  de  Cedulas, 
MS.,  5;  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  6;  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  11-14;  Alaman, 
Disert.,  i.  245-50;  ii.  305-8;  Brasseur  de  Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv. 
722-34;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  56-95;  Prescotfs  Mex.,  306-11,  452-4;  also 
notes  in  Mex.  eds.;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  7;  Helps'  Span.  Conq., 
iii.  60-4,  144-67;  Salazar  y  Glarte,  Conq.  Mex.,  194-9,  323-67;  Mayer's 
Mex.  Aztec,  i.  87-8;  Galvano's  Discov.,  36-7;  Ao-roniZf  Hist.  Orizaba, 
310-14;  Cortes,  Brieven,  ii.  287-90;  Paf>.  Var.,  cliii.  pt.  ix.  13-16;  Aa, 
NaauJceurige  Versameling,  xi.  22-32,  56-68;  Dice  Univ.,  i.  83-6;  Kerr' a 
Col.  Voy.,  iv.  283-8;  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  138-9,  339;  Soc  Mex.  Geog., 
Boletln,  viii.  477;  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.  (ed.  1843),  479-81;  Russell's  Hist.  Am.y 
256;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  364-463;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  45-9;  Id.f 
Gob.  Mex.,  i.  22-3;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  pt.  iv.  245-7;  Piwirro  \ 
Orellana,  Var  ones  Ilvstres,  117-24. 


CHAPTEE  XIY. 


THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  ATO  ITS  MISRULE. 
1528-1529. 

OiDOREs  Appointed — Stringent  Measxjres  Proposep  against  Cortes — 
Guzman  Made  President — Power  and  Jurisdiction  of  tete,  Audien- 
ciA — Its  Instructions — Laws  of  Alfonso  the  Wise — Reception  of 
THE  New  Rulers — Their  Avarice  Excited — Intrigue  against  Cor- 
tes— Robbery  and  Extortion — Abuse  of  Friars  and  Clergy — Resi- 
DENCiA  OF  Cortes — The  Bishop's  Anathema — Shameless  Conduct  of 
OiDOREs — Guzman's  Palliative  Schemes  of  Conquest — Smuggling 
Despatches. 

The  friends  of  Velazquez  and  of  Narvaez,  together 
with  those  gratuitous  enemies  whom  the  deeds  of 
the  conqueror  brought  into  being  among  the  needy 
and  envious,  continued  to  vex  the  ears  of  the  emperor 
and  his  advisers  with  complaints  of  Cortes.  An  im- 
portant accession  to  their  ranks  was  Albornoz,  who 
just  at  this  time  arrived  at  Seville  with  treasure  for 
the  crown/  and  whose  ill-will  toward  Cortes  readity 
induced  him  to  lend  aid  to  their  projects.  Since  Salazar 
and  Peralmindez  were  his  creatures,  favorable  reports 
concerning  them  imposed  upon  the  good-nature  of 
Cobos,  and  lent  a  tinge  of  color,  unconsciously  to  the 
secretary,  to  the  representations  made  by  him  to  the 
emperor,  who,  while  little  apt  to  take  unquestioned 
the  statements  of  any  man,  well  knew  the  tried 
worth  of  this  faithful  servant.  Doubts  of  the  fealty 
of  a  powerful  vassal  beyond  the  seas  were  certainly 
not  out  of  place,  as  precedents  to  justify  them  were 
not  wanting;  while  the  disturbed  condition  of  New 

^He  brought  20,000  pesos. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  18  (  273) 


274 


THE  FmS>T  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 


Spain  formed  a  base  sufficient  for  the  suggestions 
which  now  came  to  Charles,  from  the  colony  itself  as 
well  as  from  the  wiser  among  his  advisers,  that  no 
man  unassisted  was  able  to  bring  order  out  of  the 
chaos.  Aided  by  the  deliberations  of  the  India  Coun- 
cil, the  emperor  determined  to  send  to  Mexico  an 
audiencia  such  as  had  been  established  at  Santo  Do- 
mingo,^ which  should  hear  and  determine  the  affairs 
of  the  settlers  in  New  Spain;  which  should  put  an 
end  to  quarrels  among  Spaniards  and  protect  the 
long-suffering  natives ;  which  should  submit  Cortes  to 
the  residencia  he  demanded,  and  the  royal  officials  to 
an  examination  of  their  accounts  and  conduct.  At  the 
time  the  crown  was  unable  to  fix  upon  a  capable  man 
for  the  presidency,  but  the  oidores  were  appointed. 
These  were  four  licentiates :  Francisco  Maldonado,  a 
native  of  Salamanca ;  Alonso  de  Parada,  who  had  lived 
in  Cuba  for  several  years;  Diego  Delgadillo  of  Gra- 
nada; and  Juan  Ortiz  de  Matienzo,  a  Biscayan.^  They 
were  ordered  to  embark  at  once,  and  in  order  that 
they  might  be  treated  with  greater  respect  on  the 
voyage  they  were  given  command  of  the  vessels  which 
conveyed  them.  Since  in  the  city  of  Mexico  there 
was  no  public  building  suitable  for  their  reception,  the 
emperor  wrote  to  Cortes  requesting  him  to  give  them 
accommodation  in  his  palace. 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  Albornoz,  tidings  came  to 
court  that  Fray  Diego  Altamirano  and  Pedro  de  Sala- 
zar,  sent  by  Cortes  with  gold  for  his  father,  intended 
to  land  in  Portugal  that  they  might  smuggle  the 
treasure,  and  any  letters  they  might  bring,  into  Me- 
dellin.*  Orders  were  issued  at  once  to  watch  for  and 
seize  the  vessel,  and  the  Portuguese  authorities  were 
requested  to  receive  the  treasure  for  account  of  the 

2  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  269-70,  this  series. 

^  Herrera  and  other  early  authors,  as  well  as  modern  writers  who  have 
followed  them  implicitly,  are  wrong  in  giving  Matienzo's  Christian  name  as 
Martin;  he  signed  himself  Juan,  and  it  is  so  written  in  the  records.  lAbi^o  de 
Cabildo,  MS.,  Jan.  1,  1529. 

*  A  comparatively  easy  matter  since  the  town  lies  withia  a  day's  journey 
to  the  Portuguese  frontier. 


CHAKGES  AGAINST  CORTES. 


275 


Spanish  crown. ^  This  added  rumor  served  to  fan  the 
smouldering  embers  of  suspicion  against  Cortes  and  to 
whet  the  eager  envy  of  his  foes.  Narvaez  and  his  friends 
presented  a  lengthy  memorial  to  the  emperor,  insisting 
that  he  should  be  punished;^  the  sudden  taking-off  of 
so  many  persons  who  having  thwarted  his  interests 
gave  color  to  the  charge,  now  renewed  by  Albornoz, 
that  he  had  poisoned  them ;  his  agents  defrauded  the 
crown  in  Spain,  while  across  the  Atlantic  he  himself 
plotted  treason.  Even  the  puissant  nobles  who  ever 
stood  steadfast  for  the  absent  one  were  powerless  now. 
Such  an  effect  did  this  combined  attack  have  upon  the 
emperor  and  council  that,  shortly  after  orders  had  been 
despatched  for  Aguilar  to  rule  alone,  the  matter  of 
providing  a  president  for  the  new  audiencia  was  held 
in  abeyance,  while  preparations  were  making  to  send 
Pedro  de  la  Cueva  to  Mexico  with  power  to  deal  sum- 
marily with  Cortes  and  his  confederates,  if  guilty, 
bestowing  his  pueblos  upon  deserving  conquerors.'' 

But  these  measures  were  of  no  effect,  for  while 
they  were  still  unperfected  there  came  a  letter  from 
Cortes,^  together  with  the  certificates  of  the  physi- 
cians who  attended  Ponce,  and  the  project  was  aban- 
doned. Orders  were  given,  however,  that  any  relations 
sent  by  Cortes  should  not  be  published,  and  that  all 
ships  about  to  sail  for  the  Indies  should  be  detained, 

^  Landing  in  Portugal,  for  the  purpose  of  evading  compliance  with  the 
registry  laws,  was  growing  common.  About  this  time  two  vessels  from 
New  Spain  arrived  at  Lisbon.  Mafra,  the  master  of  one,  brought  all  his 
treasure  to  Seville.  In  the  other  vessel  came  Hernan  Lopez  Davila,  late  ad- 
ministrator of  decedents'  estates;  he  and  other  passengers  were  allowed  by  the 
captain  to  land,  and  some  of  them  took  their  gold  home  unregistered.  Orders 
were  issued  to  proceed  against  them.  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ii. 

^  That  envy  was  at  the  bottom  of  Narvaez'  action  is  apparent  from  one  of 
the  many  charges  contained  in  the  document;  it  was  said  that  Cortes  '  tenia 
tantas  varras  de  oro  y  plata  como  Vizcaia  de  fierro. '  G&mara,  Hist.  Mex. ,  285. 

^  *Si  le  hallasse  culpado,  le  cortasse  la  cabe9a.'  Cueva,  a  very  severe 
man,  was  brother  to  the  count  of  Siruela,  and  himself  comendador  mayor  of 
Alcantara.  At  the  time  he  was  the  emperor's  majordomo,  and  later  he  be- 
came a  general  of  artillery.  He  was  to  take  with  him  300  soldiers,  and  the 
whole  cost  of  the  commission  was  to  be  met  by  Cortes,  whether  guilty  or  not. 
These  two  afterward  met  at  court  and  made  merry  over  the  matter,  agreeing 
that  'a  lengtias  vivas,  lenguas  mentiras.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  222; 
Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  ii.  cap.  i. 

8  That  of  September  3,  1527. 


276  THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 


that  he  might  not  learn  what  was  going  on  till  some 
definite  action  had  been  taken.  But  when  Altamirano 
and  Salazar  without  delay  came  on  from  Lisbon,  the 
emperor  was  still  further  mollified,  although  the  let- 
ters and  treasures  brought  by  them  were  seized.  Just 
then,  too,  Pedro  de  Alvarado  arrived  at  Seville,  and 
was  ordered  to  court  post-haste,  and  Charles,  well 
pleased  at  the  coming  of  a  person  so  competent  to 
give  an  account  of  affairs  in  New  Spain,  as  well  as 
desirous  of  knowing  what  had  taken  place  in  Guate- 
mala, further  postponed  definite  action.^  The  narra- 
tions of  Altamirano  and  Salazar,  supplemented  by  the 
account  of  Alvarado,  who  declared  that  Cortes  would 
come  to  Spain  at  the  least  intimation  of  the  emperor's 
wish,  caused  the  tide  to  turn  in  his  favor.  It  was 
shown  that  he  had  conducted  himself  obediently  and 
modestly  during  the  government  of  Ponce,  as  well  as 
since  that  time,  and  that  he  had  suffered  many  indig- 
nities at  the  hand  of  Estrada.  This  was  additional 
cause  for  action,  and  the  appointment  of  a  president 
for  the  new  audiencia  now  engrossed  the  emperor  s 
attention. 

The  case  was  urgent,  and  the  man  to  be  appointed 
was  to  hold  office  only  until  such  time  as  it  should  be 
determined  what  was  to  be  done  with  Cortes.  Owing 
to  these  considerations  the  choice  was  not  made  with 
very  great  care,  the  post  being  given  to  Nuno  de  Guz- 
man, governor  of  Pd^nuco.  Since  his  arrival  in  Amer- 
ica Guzman  had  been  busy  trying  to  enlarge  his 

^  Accepting  the  testimony  of  Gronzalo  Mejia,  the  treasurer  accused  Alva- 
rado of  fraudulently  retaining  treasure  belonging  to  the  crown  to  the  amount 
of  100,000  pesos,  besides  which  several  charges  of  malfeasance  in  office  were 
brought  against  him.  He  was  ordered,  therefore,  to  give  bonds  to  submit  to 
a  residencia  and  to  pay  any  damages  in  which  he  might  be  mulcted,  or  to  have 
his  estate  sequestered  to  the  amount  of  15,000  ducats.  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib. 
ii.  cap.  i.  But,  favored  by  Cobos,  partly  because  of  the  marriage  arranged 
between  him  and  Francisca  de  la  Cueva,  he  was  given  the  government  of 
Guatemala — which,  in  accordance  with  the  policy  that  sought  to  limit  the 
size  of  colonial  dependencies,  was  made  independent  of  New  Spain.  His 
sequestered  property  was  released,  his  repartimiento  confirmed,  his  residencia 
put  aside,  and,  accompanied  by  his  bride  and  a  brilliant  staff  of  officers,  he 
sailed  for  America.  Id.,  dec.  iv.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ii.  See  HisL  Cent.  Am.,  ii., 
this  series,  for  full  account. 


GUZMAN  PRESIDENT. 


277 


jurisdiction,  for  to  his  insatiate  mind  his  petty  govern- 
ment seemed  far  too  small.  Thwarted  in  New  Spain, 
he  formed  the  bold  resolve  of  appealing  to  the  emperor 
to  decide  a  quarrel  in  which  he  was  clearly  in  the 
wrong;  and  ignorant  of  the  good  fortune  that  had 
befallen  him,  he  despatched  Caniego  as  procurador  to 
Spain.  The  emissary  came  to  court  at  the  very  time 
when  the  hounds  were  in  full  cry  after  their  quarry, 
and  he  forthwith  joined  the  pack.  He  not  only  sup- 
ported the  accusations  made  by  the  others,  but  alleged 
that  Cortes  was  smelting  gold  secretly  in  his  palace, 
and  that  he  had  ships  in  readiness  at  a  port  in  the 
South  Sea  for  the  purpose  of  making  his  escape  with 
the  treasure.  Salazar  and  Peralmindez,  he  averred, 
were  upright  officials,  but  Estrada  was  as  great  a 
tyrant  as  Cortes,  and  there  was  sore  need  of  a  gover- 
nor and  a  juez  de  residencia  in  New  Spain  where  the 
emperor  and  his  orders  were  ignored.  Caniego's 
assertions  had  a  certain  weight  in  hastening  the  reso- 
lution of  the  monarch.  The  powerful  friends  of  the 
appointee  had  not  failed  to  present  in  the  best  light 
his  qualifications  for  the  post  of  president,  notably  his 
standing  as  an  able  and  even  brilliant  lawyer,  a  man 
above  all  needed  to  guide  the  deliberations  of  an  au- 
diencia;  and  his  energy  and  firmness,  which  were 
indispensable  qualities  for  one  destined  to  cope  with  a 
person  of  the  wily  and  aggressive  nature  of  Cortes.  In- 
deed, the  disordered  condition  of  afiairs  in  New  Spain, 
bandied  as  they  were  by  irresponsible  factions  which 
found  security  in  the  remoteness  of  the  only  feared 
authority,  demanded  the  supervision  of  a  sagacious 
mind  with  a  firm  hand.  On  their  part  the  friends  of 
Cortes  made  light  of  his  story,  and  as  Guzman's  evil 
deeds  were  not  yet  known  in  Spain,  no  great  efforts 
were  made  to  prevent  his  appointment  to  the  presi- 
dency, for  it  was  generally  considered  that  as  he  was 
to  have  no  vote,  the  oidores  could  control  him  easily 
were  he  viciously  inclined.  That  it  should  fall  to 
the  lot  of  such  a  wretch  to  become  the  first  purely 


278  THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 


civil  magistrate  sent  by  the  crown  to  New  Spain,  was 
an  unfortunate  circumstance.  He  was  possessed  of 
bravery  as  are  all  great  villains;  cowards  were  rare 
in  those  days.  His  avarice  was  of  that  quality  which 
knew  no  pity,  exceeding  that  of  Pedrarias  Davila 
himself,  who  was  at  the  time  holding  sway  in  the 
south.  Luckless  land!  with  two  such  rulers  as  rep- 
resentatives of  European  civilization  and  the  church 
of  Christ!  Guzman  was  ordered  to  appoint  a  deputy 
to  govern  Piinuco  during  his  absence,  and  to  await 
the  coming  of  his  associates  before  going  to  Mexico. 

And  now  the  oidores  were  hurried  off  to  New 
Spain,  for  it  was  the  middle  of  the  year,  and  necessary 
that  without  further  delay  the  reins  should  be  taken 
from  the  nerveless  grasp  of  Estrada.  The  cedula 
appointing  them  was  dated  at  Burgos  December  13, 
1527,  and  gave  jurisdiction  over  the  country  lying 
between  the  capes  of  Honduras  and  Higueras,  and 
the  cape  of  Florida,  including  the  provinces  round 
these  capes,  and  those  extending  to  the  South  Sea, 
all  of  which  were  embraced  under  the  general  term  of 
New  Spain." 

i^The  oidores  sailed  from  Seville  in  July  1528,  Cartas  de  Indias,  748,  with 
instructions  to  join  their  president  at  Panuco.  If  from  stress  of  weather,  or 
from  any  other  cause,  they  were  obliged  to  land  at  Vera  Cruz,  or  elsewhere, 
they  were  to  advise  him  and  to  await  his  coming,  that  together  they  might 
enter  Mexico.  In  view  of  the  urgency  of  the  case,  however,  and  the  perils  of 
the  sea,  it  was  afterward  determined  that  the  president,  or  any  of  the  oidores 
who  might  arrive  first  at  the  common  destination,  might  proceed,  in  certain 
minor  matters,  as  though  all  of  the  associates  were  present,  seniority  being 
determined  by  date  of  commission.  For  several  years  the  audiencia  of  Mexico 
consisted  of  a  president  and  four  oidores.  A  year  after  the  establishment 
of  the  audiencia  the  emperor  appointed  the  grand  chancellor  of  Castile, 
Dr  Mercutino  Gatinara,  chancellor  of  the  audiencia  of  Mexico,  notwith- 
standing that  he  held  already  a  similar  position  in  that  of  Santo  Domingo. 
He  was  allowed  to  exercise  his  functions  by  deputy,  and  to  enjoy  the  deredios 
de  sella  during  his  life.  The  second  audiencia  began  to  petition  for  an  increase 
of  oidores  and  officials,  and  the  number  was  increased  to  eight  oidores,  four 
alcaldes  del  crimen,  two  fiscales,  for  civil  and  criminal  cases  respectively,  one 
alguacil  mayor,  one  deputy  of  the  grand  chancellor,  and  other  needful  officers. 
Hecop.  de  Indias,  i.  325;  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  i. ;  Zamora,  etc. 

See  Puf/a,  Cedulario,  12,  22,  etc.;  Becop.  de  Indias,  1.  324-6.  These 
official  authorities  for  the  application  of  the  name  suffice  to  settle  a  much  dis- 
puted question  for  which  writers  have  hitherto  been  content  to  accept  the 
unsupported  statement  of  Herrera,  'Con  parecer  de  don  Hernando  Cortes, 
para  mayor  declaracion  se  mando,  que  para  adelante  fuess  visto  llamarse 
Kucua  Espana,  todas  las  prouincias  que  al  presente  (1528)  eran  de  la  gouerna- 


INSTRUCTIONS. 


279 


They  were  invested  with  greater  authority  than 
was  permitted  to  the  kindred  tribunal  at  Santo  Do- 
mingo/^ the  instructions  being  in  amphfication  of  those 
given  to  Ponce  de  Leon.  They  were  to  retain  the 
staffs  of  justice  to  be  taken  from  present  holders,  and 
determine  all  causes,  civil  and  criminal,  with  appellate 
as  well  as  original  jurisdiction.^^  The  residencia  of 
the  existing  officials  must  be  proclaimed,  and  the  per- 
tinent features  thereof  embodied  in  an  exhaustive 
report  to  the  India  Council,  accompanied  by  the  opin- 
ion of  the  audiencia. 

The  treasurer,  factor,  and  veedor  were  to  be  sent  to 
Spain,  but  only  after  a  satisfactory  examination  of  their 
accounts.  The  audiencia,  conjointly  with  Albornoz, 
whose  accounts  were  also  to  be  investigated,  were 
to  appoint  deputies  to  serve  during  the  absence  of 
their  principals,  and  neither  the  contador,  treasurer, 
nor  veedor  was  to  engage  in  business  or  to  hold  Ind- 
ians in  encomienda.  A  full  statement  of  all  accounts 
must  be  sent  immediately  to  Spain ;  no  one  was  to 
be  in  arrears,  and  all  fines  imposed  up  to  this  time 
were  to  be  collected.  The  best  method  of  adminis- 
tering justice  must  be  considered,  and  offences  pun- 
ished without  fail,  judges  guilty  of  malfeasance  having 
to  pay  the  cost  of  remedies.  No  oidor  or  judge  could 
sit  in  judgment  of  a  matter  in  which  a  relative  within 
the  second  degree  of  kinship  was  interested.  Law- 

cion  de  Mexico,  Panuco,  Yucatan,  Cozumel,  y  la  de  Guatemala,  y  del  rio  de 
las  Palmas,  que  estaua  dada  a  Panfilo  de  Naruaez,  con  todo  lo  incluso  en  sus 
limites. '  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  ii.  Yet  New  Spain  *  proper '  came  some  20 
years  later  to  be  understood  as  embracing  only  the  districts  confined  by  the 
audiencias  of  Guatemala  and  New  Galicia,  created  in  1543  and  1548,  from  a 
line  drawn  between  the  gulfs  of  Tehuantepec  and  Honduras,  and  from  the 
southern  border  of  New  Galicia  to  Florida.  Becop.  de  Indias,  i.  324;  Calle, 
Mem.  y  Not.,  44.  In  this  sense  it  really  meant  the  audiencia  district,  and 
New  Spain  as  a  political  division  extended  properly  from  Guatemala  into  the 
undeveloped  north,  Guatemala  and  Honduras  being  nearly  always  spoken  of 
as  independent,  so  that  the  application  of  New  Spain  to  their  provinces  had 
a  merely  nominal  significance. 

*  Traian  los  may  ores  poderes  q  nunca  a  la  Nueua  Espana  despues  truxeron 
Virreyes,  ni  Presidentes. '  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. ,  227. 

^^They  must  engage  in  no  other  business,  nor  hold  a  second  office;  a  rule 
infringed  by  their  predecessors. 

They  were  not  to  appear  as  counsel  nor  to  serve  as  referees;  suits  to 
which  an  oidor  was  a  party  must  be  heard  and  determined  by  the  alcaldes 


280 


THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 


yers  were  to  be  allowed  in  the  colony,  that  the  wheels 
of  justice  might  not  be  entirely  blocked  by  ignorance 
of  forms  on  the  part  of  suitors,  provided  they  under- 
took no  unjust  causes  nor  sought  to  interpose  delays 
in  the  determination  of  suits. 

A  full  report  was  to  be  sent  to  Spain  on  the  con- 
dition and  resources  of  the  country;  the  number, 
character,  and  treatment  of  the  natives;  the  names, 
standing,  and  services  of  the  conquerors  and  settlers, 
with  the  extent  and  nature  of  the  encomiendas  held. 
A  score  of  inland  towns  and  the  seaports  were  desig- 
nated  as  political  centres,  and  a  memorial  should  be 
sent  in  concerning  the  number  of  regidores,  and  the 
like,  needed  in  these  and  in  other  cities  and  villas, 
together  with  a  list  of  meritorious  persons  fit  to  hold 
these  offices,  conquerors  being  preferred.  After  re- 
serving for  the  crown  such  lands  and  natives  as  might 
seem  proper,  and  a  further  sufficient  reservation  being 
made  for  future  settlers,  the  land  and  Indians  remain- 
ing were  to  be  apportioned  equitably  in  encomiendas 
to  deserving  persons,  subject  to  royal  confirmation. 
The  first  preference  must  be  given  to  conquerors, 
especially  to  married  men,  for  they  would  be  more 
likely  to  remain  in  the  colony,  and  accord  better  treat- 
ment to  the  natives.  As  extravagance  was  a  leading 
cause  for  oppressing  the  natives,  the  sumptuary  laws 
must  be  enforced    and  gambling  restricted. 

The  just  amount  of  tribute  to  be  paid  by  crown 
tenants  and  by  natives  belonging  to  the  crown  was 
to  be  fixed,  and  provinces  where  the  precious  metals 
and  stones  existed  must  be  especially  noted,  the  silver 

orclinarios,  with  direct  appeal  to  the  India  Council.  Every  Saturday  the 
president  was  to  appoint  two  of  the  oidors,  who  should  serve  by  turns,  to 
inspect  the  common  jail  and  that  reserved  for  prisoners  of  state. 

The  manner  of  taking  testimony  was  prescribed,  as  well  as  the  duties  of 
all  officials,  and  the  audiencia  was  empowered  to  establish  a  free  bill  which 
should  be  posted  in  the  audience  chambers.  The  secretary  might  appoint 
his  own  deputies,  and  the  porter  of  the  audiencia  was  to  act  as  court-criero 
Puga,  Cedulario,  9,  10,  18,  19,  22-33. 

Silken  clothing  was  forbidden. 

Dice  could  on  no  account  be  used,  and  at  cards  none  must  exceed  stakes 
to  the  amount  of  10  pesos  in  one  day. 


SPECIAL  ORDINANCES. 


281 


hill  said  to  exist  in  Michoacan  being  reserved  for  the 
crown.  The  advisability  of  establishing  a  mint  at 
Mexico  must  be  considered. 

Many  of  these  and  other  matters  connected  with 
administration,  notably  the  conversion  and  protection 
of  the  natives,  were  to  be  discussed  and  determined 
in  a  council  assisted  by  religious  and  secular  prelates, 
and  prepared  for  its  important  task  by  a  solemn  in- 
vocation of  divine  guidance  during  the  deliberations. 
As  for  the  audiencia  and  its  officers,  special  ordinances 
were  issued  for  their  government.  This  body  was  to 
sit  daily,  except  on  a  dies  non,  beginning  at  an  hour 
varying  with  the  seasons,  any  oidor  tardy  or  absent 
without  good  cause  being  fined.  In  all  matters  of 
more  than  trival  import  there  must  be  at  least  three 
votes  in  accord.  Only  the  members  of  the  tribunal 
were  to  be  present  at  the  time  of  voting,  and  in  all 
matters  their  votes,  which  were  to  be  kept  inviolably 
secret,  were  to  be  recorded  by  the  secretary,  in  a  book 
kept  for  the  purpose,  before  the  decision  was  made 
public. 

1^  In  these  ordinances  there  is  some  repetition  of  orders  to  be  found  in 
the  several  c^dulas  containing  instructions  given  to  the  audiencia.  In  addi- 
tion, the  following  rules  were  established  for  its  guidance:  A  faithful  record 
of  all  its  proceedings  was  to  be  kept,  as  well  as  a  calendar  of  causes,  which 
should  be  considered  in  the  order  of  their  reception,  and  the  mode  of  receiv- 
ing and  determining  appeals  was  specified.  The  president  and  oidores  were 
to  occupy  the  same  residence,  if  possible,  but  in  no  case  were  any  of  them  to 
live  with  a  lawyer  or  an  official  of  their  tribunal,  nor  could  they  receive  gifts 
from  any  such  persons  or  from  suitors. 

In  all  cases  not  provided  for  in  the  instructions  given  to  Ponce  or  those 
now  given  to  the  audiencia,  the  laws  of  Spain  were  to  be  binding.  The  in- 
structions may  be  found  in  the  opening  pages  of  Puga,  Cedulario,  and  in 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  vii.,  and  adjoining  chapters.  They  are  partly 
incorporated  in  the  general  laws  of  Becoip.  de  Indias,  Zamora,  and  Montemayor. 

The  broad  and  firm  foundation  of  the  laws  of  Spain  is  the  Siete  Partldas 
of  Alfonso  X.,  called  *The  Wise,'  who  ascended  the  throne  of  Leon  and 
Castile  in  1252.  The  designation  was  well  bestowed.  Although  the  costly 
tables  bearing  his  name  are  based  upon  the  erroneous  hjrpothesis  of  epicycles, 
his  knowledge  of  astronomy,  of  which  his  observatory  in  the  palace  at  Segovia 
is  still  a  witness,  was  such  as  to  gain  for  him  among  his  subjects  the  reputation 
of  a  warlock  (by  some  of  them  he  was  also  deemed  a  heretic  because  of  the 
remark  not  the  least  pregnant  of  his  wis  j  sayings,  that  had  he  been  present  at 
the  creation  he  could  have  given  some  useful  hints  touching  the  better  order- 
ing of  the  universe);  by  his  order  the  first  chronicles  of  Spanish  history  were 
compiled;  he  increased  the  efficiency  of  the  university  of  Salamanca  by  en- 
dowing it  with  new  chairs,  especially  in  the  department  of  law;  he  aided  in 
the  development  of  the  language  by  ordering  that  all  legal  documents  should 


282  THE  FIRST  AUDIEKCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 


Armed  with  these  extraordinary  powers,  the  oidores 
arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  the  6th  of  December,  1528.  It 
would  seem  that  from  the  beginning  they  resolved  to 
stretch  to  its  utmost  limit  the  authority  given  them. 
Determining  not  to  await  the  arrival  of  their  president 
they  sent  him  word  of  their  intention,^^  and  went  on 
at  once  to  the  capital,  accompanied  by  the  three  regi- 
dores  of  that  city  sent  by  the  ayuntamiento  to  do  them 
honor.  At  Mexico  that  body  had  been  busied  for 
several  days  preparing  for  their  reception,  and  they 
made  their  entry  with  great  pomp,  under  triumphal 
arches  bearing  inscriptions  hailing  their  coming  as 
blessed  since  it  was  in  God's  service  that  they  came.^^ 
Although  Matienzo  was  the  oldest  and  most  infirm  of 
the  four,  Maldonado  and  Parada  had  fallen  victims  to 
the  hardships  of  the  voyage  and  the  treachery  of  the 
climate  shortly  after  their  arrival  in  the  country,^^ 
leaving  their  two  associates  in  undisputed  possession 
of  power.  The  president  did  not  arrive  until  the  end 
of  the  month,  entering  upon  his  duties  for  the  first 
time  on  the  1st  of  January,  1529,  at  a  joint  meeting 

be  couched  in  Latin;  and  some  of  his  poems  are  still  preserved  in  the  Escurial. 
His  enduring  monument,  however,  is  the  great  national  code;  and  his  name 
has  come  down  to  us  for  transmission  to  future  generations  as  the  peer  of 
Theodosius  and  Justinian.  This  work  was  begun  four  years  after  he  came  to 
the  throne  and  finished  seven  years  later,  was  the  result  of  a  dual  in- 
spiration drawn  from  the  canon  and  the  Roman  laws,  and  was  the  most  com- 
plete system  of  laws  yet  given  to  western  Europe.  Nevertheless  it  was  not 
adopted  even  by  Castile  until  the  reign  of  Alfonso  XL,  who,  at  the  celebrated 
cdrtes  of  Alcala,  held  in  1348,  recognized  the  Siete  Partidas  as  the  comple- 
mentary code  of  the  kingdom,  and  ordered  that  they  should  supply  what  was 
lacking  in  the  Gothic  fueros  and  the  ordenamiento  of  the  cdrtes  referred  to. 
The  code  takes  its  name  from  its  division  into  seven  parts,  which  treat, 
respectively,  of  the  Catholic  faith;  the  rights  and  duties  of  earthly  sovereigns; 
justice  and  judges;  matrimony;  contracts;  wills  and  inheritances;  and 
crimes.  The  earliest  edition  is  that  of  Venice,  printed  in  1483,  and  very  rare; 
the  best  and  latest,  that  of  1847,  published  at  Paris,  which  follows  the 
correct  text  of  a  former  edition  issued  under  the  auspices  of  the  Spanish 
academy,  in  which  the  forcible  diction  of  the  royal  author  is  preserved  ver- 
batim, and  adds  thereto  the  Latin  foot-notes  of  the  learned  Gregoria  Lopez. 

Vetancurt,  Tratado  de  Mex. ,  6,  says  that  they  did  not  advise  the  presi- 
dent of  their  coming  until  after  their  arrival  at  the  capital. 

2®  At  a  meeting  of  the  cabildo,  held  on  the  4th  of  December,  the  major- 
domo  of  the  city  was  authorized  to  pay  all  expenses  incurred  in  the  public 
reception  of  the  oidores.  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS. 

21  '  Antes  que  viniese  a  esta  ciudad. '  Zumdrraga,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  119. 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  OIDORES. 


283 


of  the  audiencia  and  the  cabildo  held  for  the  election 
of  municipal  officers,  as  was  customary  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year. 

The  valley  of  Mexico,  with  its  numerous  towns, 
teeming  with  a  busy  population,  and  rich  in  products 
of  the  soil  and  workshop ;  its  stately  capital,  wherein 
concentrated  the  wealth  of  the  whole  country — it  must 
have  seemed  a  paradise  to  the  not  opulent  oidores, 
and  to  Guzman,  fresh  from  the  wilderness  of  Pdnuco. 
From  the  beginning  of  their  rule  they  were  seized  by 
an  insatiable  avarice  to  which  all  things  were  made 
subservient.  Knowing  that  his  hold  on  office  was 
provisional  at  the  best,  the  president  above  all  deter- 
mined to  take  advantage  of  opportunities  which  at 
any  time  might  cease,  and  no  persuasion  was  needed 
on  his  part  to  gain  the  active  cooperation  of  his  col- 
leagues. They  had  already  been  persuaded  by  the 
wily  factor  Salazar,  who  found  more  than  one  power- 
ful reason  to  prompt  him  in  dancing  attendance  on 
those  in  power.  Having  won  their  appreciation  with 
liberal  gifts,  he  continued  to  point  the  way  to  extor- 
tion and  opposition,  wherein  he  shared  to  a  great 
extent,  and  he  figured  indeed  as  the  leading  adviser 
in  nearly  every  evil  transaction.  Under  his  experi- 
ence and  advice  the  audiencia  cast  aside  all  duty  to 
the  emperor,  to  justice,  and  to  humanity. They 
strengthened  their  hands  for  evil  by  usurping  the 
functions  of  the  ordinary  ministers  of  justice,  while 
the  suppression  of  all  letters  directed  to  persons  in 
Spain  which  contained  complaints  of  their  conduct 
shielded,  if  but  temporarily,  their  iniquities.^^ 

They  kept  themselves  fully  apprised  of  all  occur- 

22  <  Mirando  mas  a  sus  particulares  afetos,  que  al  cuplimiento  de  las  orde- 
nan9as,  e  instruciones  Reales,  ni  a  la  justicia.'  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap. 
xi.  'Despues,  que  se  entroni9aron  en  el  Govierno,  no  sola  procedian  como 
Ministros  de  el  Rei;  sino  como  el  mismo  Rei.'  Torquemada,  i.  600. 

Despatches  to  the  home  government  were  forcibly  taken  from  friars 
and  couriers,  as  Zumarraga  relates.  Pacheeo  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii. 
153.  This  unjustifiable  meddling  with  private  correspondence  could  not  con- 
tinue long  with  impunity.  The  queen,  then  governing,  by  a  letter  dated 
July  31,  1529,  forbade  the  practice,  oy  them  or  by  any  one  else,  under  penalty 
of  perpetual  exile  from  Spain  and  the  Indies.  Piuja,  Cedulario,  21-2. 


m  THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 

rences,  and  when  tidings  came  to  Mexico  of  the  recep- 
tion of  Cortes  at  court  and  the  high  favor  he  enjoyed 
there,  they  feared  lest  he  might  come  back  clothed 
with  an  authority  greater  than  he  had  enjoyed  pre- 
viously, and  decided  upon  a  measure  which  seemed 
to  them  best  calculated  to  prevent  this.  They  sum- 
moned the  procuradores  of  the  cities  and  towns  to 
Mexico,  ostensibly  to  treat  of  matters  of  general 
public  importance,  but  in  reality  to  sign  a  petition 
to  the  emperor  that  Cortes  should  not  be  allowed  to 
return  to  New  Spain.  The  delegates  brought  with 
them  the  lists  of  natives  called  for  by  the  instructions 
to  the  audiencia,  and  demanded  that  the  repartimi- 
entos  should  be  allotted  as  had  been  ordered.  This, 
however,  did  not  suit  the  purpose  of  the  triumvirate, 
and  the  demand  was  refused.  In  this  Guzman  was 
guided  by  Salazar,  who  suggested  that  by  giving  and 
taking  away  Indians  at  its  will  the  audiencia  would 
be  more  powerful  and  more  feared.^*  In  taking  away 
repartimientos — and  they  now  took  them  from  Jorge 
de  Alvarado,  Gonzalo  Meji'a,  and  others — it  was  as- 
serted that  they  were  to  be  reserved  for  the  crown, 
but  they  were  given  to  men  more  pliable  than  their 
late  holders. 

At  length,  thinking  that  in  this  way  and  by  the 
use  of  other  questionable  means  the  convention 
had  been  sufficiently  well  packed,  Guzman  broached 
his  design  against  Cortes.  But  many  of  the  pro- 
curadores were  conquerors,  and  with  few  exceptions 
refused  to  sanction  any  action  prejudicial  to  their  old 
commander.  The  wily  president  saw  that  he  had 
gone  too  far,  and  now  proposed,  with  apparent  good 
faith,  that  a  commission  should  be  sent  to  Spain  to 
represent  the  real  wants  of  the  colony.  The  proposi- 
tion was  accepted,  but  when  it  came  to  a  choice  of 

2*  The  scheming  factor  had  so  ingratiated  himself  with  the  president,  that 
soon  afterward  he  was  despatched  to  court  in  order  to  solicit  for  Guzman  the 
government  of  New  Spain.  Salazar  actually  embarked,  but  stress  of  weather 
forced  the  ship  ashore  near  the  mouth  of  the  Goazacoalco,  and  he  returned  to 
Mexico.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  227. 


UNHAPPY  MEXICO! 


285 


commissioners  and  the  partisans  of  the  audiencia  put 
in  nomination  Antonio  de  Carvajal  and  Bernardino 
Vazquez  de  Tapia/^  declared  enemies  of  Cortes,  the 
veterans,  whose  trust  in  him  had  come  to  be  part  of 
their  being,  refused  to  take  further  part  in  the  pro- 
ceedings.   For  this  refusal,  the  sturdy  delegates,  to 
the  number  of  one  hundred,  were  banished  from  the 
city,  and  the  candidates  were  elected.    They  were 
well  furnished  with  gold  wherewith  to  buy  favor  at 
court,  and  instructed  to  say  that,  had  not  Estrada 
thwarted  it,  Cortes  would  have  succeeded  in  his  trea- 
sonable design,  that  he  went  to  Spain  only  because 
of  this  discover}^,  and  that  the  well-being  of  the 
colony  demanded  that  he  should  not  return.  The 
privilege  of  a  vote  was  to  be  asked  for  on  the  part  of 
Guzman,  and  in  order  to  ward  off  the  blow  which  the 
audiencia  knew  would  come,  the  bishops  were  to  be 
accused  of  meddling  in  secular  matters  under  pretence 
of  protecting  the  Indians,  while  against  the  friars  it 
was  to  be  alleged  that  a  blind  deference  to  Cortds, 
if  unreproved,  would  bring  ruin  on  New  Spain.  At 
this  time  Pedro  de  Alvarado  arrived  from  Spain,  and 
busied  himself  in  drawing  up  a  representation  in 
favor  of  Cortes,  which  was  signed  by  all  who  had 
refused  Guzman's  request,  besides  others  whom  he 
had  cajoled  or  forced  into  the  support  of  his  plan. 
Alvarado  was  on  this  occasion  a  stanch  supporter  of 
his  old  commander.    Foiled  in  their  endeavor  to  warp 
the  popular  will,  the  partisans  of  the  audiencia  re- 
doubled their  eiforts  to  defame  Cortes.    Later,  Sala- 
zar  at  a  social  gathering  made  a  remark  derogatory 
to  the  emperor  as  well  as  calumniatory  of  the  captain- 
general.^^    The  circumstaxice  came  to  the  knowledge 
of  Alvarado,  who  appeared  before  the  audiencia  ask- 

2^Tapia  had  been  factor  for  the  army,  and  regidor  of  Mexico,  which  office 
was  conferred  upon  him  in  perpetuity.  He  afterwards  became  procurador 
mayor,  and  alferez  real,  dying  as  a  rich  and  prominent  colonist  some  time 
after  1552.  Lihro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  passim;  Beawmmtf  CrOn,  Mich.,  v.  229; 
Mex.  Arch.,  i.  35. 

'■'^Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  227-8, 


286  THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 

ing  leave  to  challenge  Salazar,  but  the  permission 
was  refused,  and  Guzman  issued  a  decree  declaring 
that  Alvarado  "lied  like  the  foul  traitor  that  he  was," 
for  Salazar  had  never  uttered  such  a  word. 

Meanwhile  the  plundering  schemes  of  Guzman  and 
his  confederates  widened  like  a  dread  disease,  till 
Spaniards  and  natives  groaned  under  the  infliction. 
Their  first  step  had  been  to  extort  gold  from  those 
prominent  chiefs  whom  as  yet  they  dared  not  seize. 
In  this  they  were  well  served  by  a  certain  native  in- 
terpreter, at  whose  suggestion  all  caciques  were  ordered 
to  present  themselves  in  Mexico  for  the  consideration 
of  matters  of  importance.  In  accordance  with  custom 
the  chiefs  brought  with  them  rich  gifts,  which  served 
but  to  whet  the  unappeasable  appetite  of  the  recipients, 
and  the  most  generous  of  the  givers  were  summoned 
again  and  again.  Among  these  was  Francisco  Cal- 
tzontzin,  king  of  Michoacan,  who  succumbed  to  his 
generosity,  for  at  length  Guzman  caused  him  to  be 
lodged  in  his  own  house,  where  he  was  constantly 
subjected  to  exactions  of  treasure,  which  the  presi- 
dent retained  for  himself.  Kepartimientos  were  seized 
in  every  direction,  and  the  natives  forced  to  labor  with- 
out reward.  The  complaint  of  an  individual  thrall  was 
punished  with  stripes  and  torture;  at  the  least  sign 
of  discontent  whole  towns  were  declared  in  rebellion, 
subdued  by  force  of  arms,  and  sold  into  captivity  in 
provinces  remote  from  those  of  their  birth.  By  their 
victims  this  tyranny  was  contrasted  with  the  treat- 
ment they  were  wont  to  receive  from  Cortes,  whereat 
they  all  the  more  revered  his  name.  These  wrongs 
they  dared  commit  in  the  very  neighborhood  of  the 
capital,  though  more  especially  in  the  outlying  prov- 
mces. 

2^  Among  the  outrages  are  instanced  the  crucifixion  of  a  cacique  to  extort 
gold,  besides  the  hanging  of  minor  individuals,  and  the  appropriation  of  Guz- 
man, for  his  mills,  of  the  Tacubaya  aqueduct,  to  the  prejudice  of  2,000  natives 
who  were  dependent  on  its  water.  Zumdrraga,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Car- 
denas,  Col.  Doc^  xiii.  126-7,  161;  Ternaux-Comipans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  torn.  v. 
115-16. 


ILL-TREATMENT  OF  THE  NATIVES. 


287 


One  of  the  principal  causes  of  complaint  against 
the  audiencia  was  a  too  free  permission  to  brand 
natives,  and  it  was  alleged  that  the  privilege  was 
paid  for  by  associations  formed  for  the  purpose.  So 
many  were  branded  and  exported  that  some  districts 
were  well  nigh  depopulated,  partly  also  owing  to  the 
retirement  toward  the  interior  of  large  numbers.  The 
clergy,  headed  by  Bishop  Zumdrraga,  who  had  been 
invested  with  the  title  and  duties  of  protector  of  Ind- 
ians, were  powerless  to  stay  these  outrages,  for  to  men 
who  held  in  contempt  the  commands  of  their  earthly 
sovereign,  and  in  whose  natures  there  was  no  instinct 
of  piety,  the  thunder  of  the  church  was  indeed  an 
empty  sound.  On  one  occasion  Guzman  and  his  col- 
leagues were  present  at  mass  when  an  over-zealous 
friar  took  occasion  to  upbraid  them  from  the  pulpit. 
He  was  forcibly  removed  by  order  of  the  president, 
and  ordered  into  exile ;  the  bishop  himself  being  threat- 
ened with  violence  for  daring  to  remonstrate.^^ 

The  persecution  of  Spaniards  was  directed  against 
nearly  every  conqueror  and  wealthy  man  not  of  the 
clique  favored  by  Salazar,  particularly  the  friends 
of  Cortes.  With  the  power  given  the  audiencia  to 
reform  the  distribution  of  repartimientos,  there  was 
little  difficulty  in  finding  the  needful  pretence  to  dis- 
possess holders  from  their  estates,  and  bestow  them 
on  favorites,  after  appropriating  to  themselves  the 
richest. Those  against  whom  this  process  of  sum- 
mary eviction  did  not  avail  were  attacked  with  judi- 
cial arraignment  for  having  infringed  the  laws  con- 
cerning gambling,  payment  of  tithes,  and  the  like, 
and  as  false  witnesses  could  always  be  found  where 
true  evidence  failed,  fines  were  levied  to  an  enormous 
extent,  and  collected  by  hasty  sale  of  property  at  ruin- 

2^  ' Dijo  el  Presidente . .  .me  echara  del  pdlpito  abajo.'  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  132.  The  practice,  nevertheless,  continued,  if  not 
so  openly,  and  finally  led  to  the  issuing  of  a  royal  letter  prohibitory  of  excess 
in  language  used  in  the  pulpit  concerning  lay  authority.  Puga,  Cedulario,  21. 

^^In  Pacheco  aud  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  127-9,  is  a  long  Ust  of  the 
most  prominent  encomenderos  thus  dispossessed. 


288  THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 


ous  prices,  when  the  money  was  not  forthcoming, 
A  large  part  of  these  fines  found  their  way  to  the 
pockets  of  the  audiencia,  by  virtue  of  a  decree  which 
assigned  certain  classes  of  tribunal  revenue  to  the 
settlements  for  constructing  roads  and  other  public 
works.  Against  other  victims  of  their  greed  or 
hatred  private  suits  were  promoted,  by  which  means 
both  passions  were  appeased.  For  instance,  the  wife 
of  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  apprehensive  on  his  account, 
sent  from  Cuba  an  agent,  Zavalos,  with  authority  to 
collect  what  belonged  to  her  husband.  The  reason  of 
his  coming  was  not  known  in  Mexico,  and  the  oidores 
easily  persuaded  him  to  complain  before  them  for  the 
ill  treatment  of  Narvaez,  and  loss  of  his  property, 
against  all  those  soldiers  of  Cortes  who  had  accom- 
panied him  in  the  expedition  to  Zempoala,  and  who 
were  at  this  time  in  Mexico.  In  consequence  two 
hundred  and  fifty  of  them  were  arrested,  mulcted  in 
difi'erent  amounts,  and  banished  to  the  distance  of  five 
leagues  from  the  capital. 

The  members  of  the  audiencia  were  always  pre- 
pared to  remit  the  sentence  of  fine,  imprisonment,  or 
exile,  on  receiving  a  substantial  bribe.  Indeed,  a 
large  proportion  of  the  suits  were  brought  to  intimi- 
date the  defendant  into  such  a  course,  so  that  the 
plaintiff  was  often  the  creature  of  the  judge;  or,  if 
not,  he  might  be  mulcted  for  defamation  or  other 
offence,  if  the  opposite  party  bribed  the  judges. 
Appeals  only  evoked  bitter  persecution.^^ 

Cortes  was,  after  all,  the  chief  object  of  attack,  for 
his  wealth,  and  for  his  hostile  attitude  against  Guz«. 

^''It  was  revoked  in  1528.  Ptiga,  Cedulario,  51. 

31  The  latter  part  of  the  sentence  was  soon  revoked,  and  in  many  cases 
the  fine  was  remitted,  but  the  offence  rankled.  The  audiencia  also  caused 
proclamation  to  be  made  that  all  of  Moorish  lineage,  any  one  of  whose  parents 
or  grandparents  had  been  burned  or  sentenced  to  wear  the  sanbenito  by  the 
Inquisition,  should  depart  from  New  Spain.  Condemnation  to  wear  the  san- 
benito was  the  mildest  form  of  punishment  known  to  the  holy  tribunal.  What 
the  garment  was,  and  what  its  uses,  I  shall  treat  in  detail  when  I  come  to 
write  of  the  Inquisition  in  Mexico. 

2^  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  136-44,  are  given  long  lists  of 
bribes  accepted  by  the  audiencia,  to  stay  persecution  or  grant  favors. 


RESIDENCIA  OF  CORTES. 


28^ 


man  as  the  aggressive  governor  of  Pdnuco.  Fines 
innumerable  were  levied  upon  his  estates  where  seiz- 
ures could  not  be  made,  and  his  agents  suffered  not  a 
little  in  seeking  to  protect  the  interests  intrusted  to 
them.^^  This  vindictiveness  was  carried  out  chiefly 
under  cover  of  the  residencia  to  which  the  audiencia 
had  been  ordered  to  submit  Cortes  and  other  royal 
officers.^*  Immediately  on  arriving,  they  took  steps 
to  call  witnesses  and  frame  questions  for  indictments. 
These  embraced  the  usual  points  concerning  malfeas- 
ance by  the  executive;  maleadministration  of  justice; 
disobedience  of  royal  orders ;  neglect  or  perversion  in 
connection  with  revenue ;  favoritism  and  other  abuses 
in  bestowal  of  oflices,  and  in  supervision  of  municipal 
affairs ;  oppression  or  neglect  of  the  natives,  and  social 
misdemeanor,  relating  to  immorality,  gambling,  and 
blasphemy.  Besides  these  there  were  the  special 
charges  sent  in  since  the  first  year  of  the  conquest  by 
the  royal  oflicers  and  other  enemies,  embracing  the 
disloyal  intent  to  revolt  from  the  allegiance  to  Spain, 
with  the  aid  of  Spanish  and  native  confederates,  sup- 
ported by  artillery  and  forts ;  the  use  of  regal  cere- 
monies; the  embezzlement  of  several  millions  in 
treasures  and  rental;  the  acceptance  of  a  special  fifth, 
like  that  of  the  sovereign,  and  the  withholding  of 
revenue  due  to  the  crown;  the  appropriation  of  prov- 
inces assigned  to  the  crown,  and  of  a  million  and  a 
half  of  vassals,  with  some  two  hundred  rent-rolls; 
abuse  and  outrages  against  private  and  official  persons, 
including  the  murder  of  his  wife  and  of  the  two  royal 
commissioners.  Ponce  de  Leon  and  his  successor. 

The  preparations  made,  the  residencia  was  pro- 
claimed February  11,  1529.    All  persons  were  en- 

^^To  judge  from  Cortes'  complaints  on  this  score,  one  is  led  to  suppose 
that  hardly  anything  was  left  of  his  vast  estates,  *  Demas  de  haberme  to- 
rnado toda  cuanta  hacienda,  mueble  y  raiz  yo  deje  en  esta  Nueva  Espana,  me 
quitaron  los  dichos  pueblos  [all,  he  adds],  6  me  han  dejado  sin  tener  de  ddnde 
haya  una  hanega  de  pan . . ,  se  han  muerto  mas  de  cient  personas  de  las  que  en 
mi  compania  traje,  por  falta  de  refriserios  y  necesidad  de  provisiones. '  Cartas 
October  10,  1530,  in  Escritos  Sueltos,  181-2,  and  other  letters. 
For  90  days.  Puga,  Cedulario,  6,  7;  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  2,  6. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II  19 


290 


THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 


couraged  to  come  forward  and  enter  complaints,  no 
matter  how  trivial  or  ill  founded,  or  even  if  devoid  of 
any  foundation.  Envy  and  discontent  during  a  series  of 
years  had  gathered  in  some  quarters  and  concentrated 
against  Cortes  as  head  of  the  faction  which  had  caused 
their  real  or  fancied  injuries.  The  charges  sometimes 
assumed  the  form  of  pure  calumnies  instigated  by 
blind  hatred.  Few  witnesses  dared  testify  in  favor 
of  the  accused,  save  in  a  negative  manner,  and  thi« 
feature  tended  to  stamp  the  entire  testimony  as  of 
little  or  no  value.  Nevertheless  the  audiencia  de- 
clared as  proven  that  Cortes  had  in  1519  usurped  the 
supreme  authority  by  wrongful  means,  and  was  con- 
sequently guilty  of  illegal  and  disloyal  conduct  in 
punishing  those  who  had  opposed  his  authority,  such 
as  Narvaez,  Villafane,  and  Tapia,  and  in  the  enactment 
of  many  measures  which  might  have  been  justifiable 
in  a  legally  appointed  officer.  These  charges  were 
followed  by  various  indictments  for  injury  committed 
against  the  person  and  property  of  opponents.  Trea- 
sonable utterances  and  acts  were  enumerated,  also 
embezzlements  and  seizures.  The  torture  of  Quauh- 
temotzin,  the  execution  of  caciques  and  vassals  by  the 
thousands,  and  the  desolation  of  provinces  for  gold 
and  slaves,  were  prominently  noted  among  his  crimes 
by  Guzman,  from  whom  they  came  with  appropriate 
grace.  The  operations  against  Garay  and  Olid  were 
not  omitted,  and  his  conduct  in  relation  to  Ponce 
de  Leon  and  Aguilar  gave  rise  to  several  disloyal 
charges,  although  their  death  was  not  openly  laid 
upon  him 

The  agents  of  Cortes,  Diego  de  Ocampo  and  Licen- 
tiate Altamirano,  filed  their  refutation  of  the  charges 
through  Garcia  de  Llerena,  accompanied  by  counter- 
charges for  malicious  attacks  on  their  principal,  and 

^^The  indictment  covers  over  50  pages  in  Pacheco  and  Cu7'denas,  Col.  Doc, 
xxvii.  5-59.  In  pages  190-301  is  given  the  reply  of  Cortds'  agents,  denying  or 
refuting  the  charges.  The  charge  of  murdering  his  wife  formed  a  special 
subject  of  inquiry. 


EXCOMMUNICATION. 


291 


for  spoliation  of  his  estates,  and  this  in  so  fearless  a 
manner  as  to  bring  upon  them  the  wrath  of  this  most 
just  audiencia,  Altamirano  was  exiled,  after  losing 
his  property,  and  Llerena  was  forced  to  seek  refuge 
in  a  sanctuary.  Their  successful  defiance  of  the  church 
so  far  had  made  the  audiencia  wholly  regardless  of  its 
protests,  and  Delgadillo  proceeded  to  forcibly  take 
forth  Llerena  for  exemplary  dealing,  driving  back  at 
lance-point  the  body  of  friars  led  by  the  bishop  elect 
in  defence  of  the  victim  and  of  the  sacred  rights  of 
the  temple.  After  this  extreme  outrage  nothing  re- 
mained but  to  launch  the  ban  of  excommunication 
against  the  desecrators.  As  this  ban  affected  only 
the  two  oidores,  no  popular  demonstration  occurred, 
as  with  Salazar  in  1525  to  compel  submission,  and 
the  hardened  oidores  took  no  notice  of  it,  but  pro- 
ceeded severely  against  their  prisoner,  whereupon 
the  ban  was  reissued. When  Cortes  returned  from 
Spain,  fresh  replies  were  made  to  the  indictment 
against  him,  and  it  remained  pending  for  several 
years  before  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  receiving  little 
more  attention  than  it  deserved.  A  few  fines  were 
about  all  the  penalty  inflicted. 

The  proceedings  in  the  residencias  of  the  royal 
officials  went  on  according  to  the  feelings  of  the 
members  of  the  audiencia  in  each  particular  case. 
Estrada  wisely  reminded  the  emperor  of  the  old 
quarrel  with  Guzman,  and  requested  that  the  presi- 
dent should  not  sit  in  judgment  upon  him.  The 

It  was  proclaimed  in  March  1530,  and  remained  in  force  even  in  the  fol- 
lowiq^  year.  Guzman  had  already  left  for  Jalisco,  so  that  he  escaped.  The 
document  relating  to  the  ban  is  given  in  the  appendix  to  A  laman,  Disert. ,  i. 
215-17.  Angulo,  the  companion  of  Llerena,  was  executed,  the  latter  manag- 
ing to  escape  with  a  lighter  sentence.  The  new  audiencia  caused  the  ban  to 
be  removed.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  140. 

2^  By  cedula  of  February  8,  1537,  Cortes  was  ordered  to  appear  in  Spain, 
in  person  or  by  proxy,  to  hear  sentence.  The  death  of  Ponce  de  Leon  and 
other  points  were  revived  in  later  years.  All  the  documents  relating  to  the 
residencia  and  its  results  have  not  been  preserved  or  published.  A  portion, 
relating  to  the  inimical  testimony  and  a  few  other  j)oints,  was  published  at 
Mexico  in  1852,  in  two  volumes,  under  the  supervision  of  Ignacio  L.  Rayon, 
with  careful  adherence  to  the  original.  This,  together  with  a  mass  of  docu- 
ments bearing  on  the  residencia  of  the  other  officials,  and  on  the  later  suits 
of  Cortes,  has  been  reproduced  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas^  Col.  Doc,  xxvi.-xxix. 


292  THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 


request  was  granted  and  the  rectitude  of  his  rule  was 
established,  but  the  turn  affairs  had  taken  so  weighed 
upon  him  that  vexation  of  spirit  soon  brought  about 
his  death.^^  Salazar  and  Peralmindez  were  also  held 
blameless,  and  Guzman  praised  them  highly  to  the 
emperor.  Shortly  after  arriving,  the  audiencia  sought 
to  interfere  also  in  Guatemala,  and  sent  Francisco  de 
Orduna  to  take  the  residencia  of  Jorge  de  Alvarado, 
as  is  related  elsewhere.^^ 

Among  the  three  members  of  the  audiencia  Mati- 
enzo  was  the  least  culpable^  for  Delgadillo  vied  with 
Guzman  in  arbitrary  acts.  All  three,  moreover,  in 
everything  save  the  paramount  matter  of  money- 
getting,  were  greatly  influenced  by  favorites,  and  these 
of  both  sexes,  for  all  were  given  to  gallantry,  Delga- 
dillo excessively  so.^^  In  this  connection  they  were 
not  ungenerous,  but  then  their  liberality  cost  nothing 
save  bitter  denunciation  and  lament  on  the  part  of 
those  from  whom  the  gifts,  in  treasure  and  estates, 
had  been  wrung. 

Even  their  few  aids  to  progress  and  beneficent  acts 
were  but  the  means  of  further  extortions.  Delga- 
dillo, for  instance,  fostered  sericulture,  but  his  opera- 
tions were  conducted  in  such  a  manner  as  finally  to 
bring  upon  him  a  fine.    Antequera,  the  capital  of 

Had  Estrada  manifested  a  reasonable  amount  of  spirit  in  asserting  him- 
self, it  is  not  impossible  that  his  appointment  as  governor  might  have  been 
confirmed.  His  old  comrades  would  have  stood  by  him,  for  they  approved  of 
all  that  he  had  done.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  227. 

^^See  vol.  ii.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.  The  charges  against  the  officials  are  to  be 
found  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxviii.-xxix.,  passim.  Alcalde 
Mayor  Ortega's  case  was  pending  as  late  as  1541. 

*®  In  open  day  he  forcibly  took  from  the  asylum  founded  by  Cortes  two 
beautiful  native  girls  and  carried  them  to  his  house.  He  sent  another  Ind- 
ian woman,  together  with  3,000  pesos,  to  Spain;  but  the  woman  was  set  at 
liberty  and  the  money  seized  by  the  crown.  Zumdrraga,  Carta,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  134;  Cartas  delnd.,  748.  In  the  most  shame- 
less manner  this  man  admitted  from  the  cabildo,  in  return  for  his  favor,  the 
gift  of  some  land  next  to  that  belonging  to  his  brother,  Juan  Perez  Berrio, 
whom  he  protected  in  the  tyranny  and  extortion  of  which  he  was  guilty  as 
the  alcalde  mayor  of  Oajaca. 

^/v'ben  Albornoz  returned  from  Spain  with  his  bride  he  received  from 
Guzma.n  the  town  of  Guazpaltepec,  belonging  to  Sandoval.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.  y  228-9.  Even  the  menials  of  the  oidores  received  valuable  grants 
thus  seized. 


GUZMAN  FEAKS  FOR  HIMSELF. 


293 


Oajaca,  was  founded  by  this  audiencia,  but  upon  land 
wrested  from  Cortes;  and  with  a  view  to  injure  him. 

Where  oppression  had  not  produced  tlie  hatred  of 
all  save  their  own  creatures,  and  those  whose  interest 
lay  in  courting  their  favor,  the  estrangement  increased 
rapidly.  In  less  than  a  twelvemonth  the  general 
discontent  had  reached  a  point  which  bordered  on 
disloyalty.*^ 

Guzman  was  too  sagacious  long  to  be  blind  to  the 
signs  of  storm  fast  coming  from  across  the  sea.  And 
now  letters  from  Spain  plainly  warned  him  of  his  ap- 
proaching downfall.  The  brilliant  scheme  of  further 
conquest  planned  by  Cortes  had  been  made  apparent 
to  the  crafty  lawyer  who  had  just  presided  at  his 
trial.  It  was  no  mere  after-math  for  the  gleaner's 
hand  which  awaited  him  first  afield,  but  an  abundant 
harvest,  and  to  Guzman's  ignoble  nature,  that  Cortes 
was  absent  was  no  reason  why  another  might  not 
forestall  him.*^  Hoping,  therefore,  to  regain  by  an 
offer  of  subjugated  provinces  the  favor  he  had  for- 
feited, and  moved  by  a  desire  to  take  advantage  of 
the  errors  into  which  his  colleagues  were  sure  to  fall, 
he  now  proposed  an  expedition  to  Jalisco.  On  their 
part  the  oidores  for  the  furtherance  of  their  own 
ends  desired  his  absence,  and  consented  readily  that 
the  president  should  become  its  leader. 

By  generous  gifts  to  captains  in  his  confidence, 
chief  among  whom  were  Cristobal  de  Oiiate,  Rodrigo 
de  Albornoz,  and  Peralmindez  Chirinos,  of  pueblos 
which  of  right  belonged  to  Cortes  and  others,  by 

*2  *  El  afeto  de  los  Oydores  daua  materia,  para  que  sucediessen  atreui- 
mientos  e  libertades:  i  ansi  andauan  las  cosas  con  mucha  confusion,  i  de- 
suerguen9a.'  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  xi. 

^-'The  mineral  wealth  of  Miclioacan  had  roused  general  interest,  and 
Guzman  is  said  to  have  secured  possession  of  mines  there  before  this  time. 
Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iii.  cap.  vii.  Some  authorities  even  state  that  he  had 
received  special  information  concerning  rich  and  populous  towns  in  the  north- 
western region,  from  a  native  in  his  employ  and  whose  father  had  visited 
them.  Castaneda,  in  Ternaux-Covipans,  Voy.,  s6riei.  tom.  ix.  1-5.  Repeated 
in  Davifi'  El  Grinyo,  58-9;  Schoolcraft's  Arch.,  iv.  22;  Domeneclis  Deserts,  i. 
167-8,  and  elsewhere.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  beginning  of  the  reports 
v/hich  gradually  extended  to  the  seven  cities  of  Cibola,  so  famous,  as  we  shall 
see,  a  little  later. 


294 


THE  FIRST  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  MISRULE. 


means  of  liberal  bounties  and  seductive  promises  to 
some,  while  the  unwilling  were  forced  to  enlist  or  to 
send  substitutes,  Guzman  succeeded  in  recruiting  a 
sufficient  number  of  men  in  Guatemala,  Oajaca,  and 
elsewhere.  He  filled  his  military  chest  by  seizure  of 
funds  belonging  to  the  crown,  an  act  involving  a  con- 
structive arrest  of  the  treasury  officials  who  opposed 
him,**  and  the  extortion  of  forced  loans  from  the 
wealthy  of  the  city,  though  this  was  forbidden  by  law. 
Preparations  for  the  campaign  though  hasty  were 
thorough,  and  greatly  facilitated  because  of  the  almost 
omnipotent  power  enjoyed  by  the  president,  and  just 
before  Christmas*^  he  hastened  to  his  usual  pleasant 
pastime  in  fresh  fields  at  the  head  of  the  largest  and 
best  equipped  army  that  as  yet  had  marched  under 
the  royal  banner  in  the  New  orld,  consisting  as  it 
did  of  two  hundred  horse,  three  hundred  foot  soldiers, 
and  some  artillerymen  with  twelve  guns,  together 
with  at  least  ten  thousand  Tlascaltecs  and  Mexicans/^ 
Two  chaplains,  joined  afterward  by  two  others,  accom- 
panied the  force,  and  Guzman  took  with  him  the 
unfortunate  Caltzontzin,  who,  after  having  been  forced 
to  minister  to  the  avarice  of  his  jailer,  was  so  soon  to 
become  his  victim.*^ 

**This  amount  was  6,033  pesos  de  oro.  The  second  audiencia  was  in- 
structed (see  Pu(ja,  Cedulario,  45)  to  collect  this  amount  from  Guzman,  or 
failing  this,  from  the  property  of  the  royal  officials  who  had  given  it  without 
authority. 

Pilar,  248,  writes  22d,  while  Mota  Padilla  makes  the  date  early  in 
November. 

These  figures  are  but  approximate,  hardly  two  authorities  being  in 
accord.  Guzman's  own  estimate,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  294, 
350-93,  and  in  jRamusio,  iii.  331,  is  the  lowest,  and  gives  150  horsemen,  as 
many  footmen,  and  from  7,000  to  8,000  auxiliaries.  According  to  l^orque- 
onada,  i.  348,  and  Villa  Senor,  Theatro,  ii.  203^,  there  were  250  of  the  former 
and  twice  that  number  of  the  latter.  Viceroy  Mendoza,  in  a  letter  to  Charles 
v.,  speaks  of  400  Spaniards  and  14,000  natives.  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  viii. 
cap.  i.,  estimates  the  natives  at  8,000,  excluding  carriers  and  those  obtained 
later  in  Michoacan.  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  69,  says  there  were  800  Spanish  sol- 
diers. Fuenleal  complains  of  the  loss  to  the  settlements  of  this  withdrawal 
of  men,  and  urges  more  stringent  laws  against  such  operations.  Carta,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  215-16. 

*^  Garcia  del  Pilar,  the  conquistador  and  interpreter,  who  had  suggested  to 
Guzman  the  ingenious  plan  of  inviting  the  caciques  to  Mexico  that  they  might 
be  rol)bed,  says,  Relacion,  in  Icazhalceti,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  248,  that  Caltzontzin 
welcomed  the  president  to  his  capital,  that  he  complied  with  a  requisition  for 


THE  SHAMELESS  OIDORES. 


295 


Nevertheless,  though  rogues  fell  out  honest  men 
did  not  receive  their  dues;  the  oidores,  freed  of 
Guzman's  rivalry,  kept  the  shameless  tenor  of  their 
course,  reckless  of  the  reckoning-day.  The  Spanish 
government  had  received  the  petition  instigated  by 
the  audiencia  and  praying  that  Cortes  should  not  be 
allowed  to  return  to  New  Spain,  but  with  it  was  the 
representation  forwarded  by  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  as 
well  as  letters  from  many  of  those  who  had  signed 
the  first  of  these  documents,  making  it  evident  that 
they  had  done  so  under  compulsion.  Then  came  the 
letter  of  Zumarraga  and  the  clergy,  which  the  bishop 
managed  to  smuggle  into  Spain  concealed  within  a 
hollow  wooden  image  sent  by  a  faithful  retainer  with 
the  pretence  that  he  wished  to  show  them  at  home 
the  advancement  made  by  the  natives  in  sculpture/^ 
This  letter  Zumarraga  had  read  to  other  prominent 
clergymen  who  signed  it  jointly  with  him.  In  it 
were  given  details  of  the  audiencia's  misrule,  and  the 
statement  was  made  that,  to  secure  the  prosperity  of 
the  people  and  the  propagation  of  the  faith,  there  was 
needed  an  upright  man  both  able  and  willing  to  com- 
prehend the  condition  of  the  country  and  shape  aright 
its  destinies.  It  was  shown  that  New  Spain  was 
given  over  to  disorder;  that  the  hatred  of  the  presi- 
dent and  oidores,  displayed  on  all  occasions  toward 
Cortes  and  those  who  sustained  him,  resulted  from 
envy  and  avarice  alone ;  that  the  clergy  were  not  only 
unable  to  aid  Spaniard  or  Indian,  but  were  powerless 
to  save  even  themselves  from  persecution.  In  con- 
clusion, the  writers  disclaimed  all  motive  for  their 
complaint  other  than  the  greater  glory  of  God  and 
the  desire  of  loyal  subjects  to  serve  the  crown.*^ 

8,000  Indians,  and  that  three  days  afterward  he  was  seized  by  his  treacherous 
guest.  But  the  interpreter  was  a  particeps  criminis  iu  the  iniquities  of  his 
chief,  and  is  unworthy  of  belief. 

**^lt  was  conveyed  by  a  sailor,  says  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  631.  In  a  buoy, 
adds  Vetancurt,  Aparic,  Guad.,  7;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecks.,  59. 

Zumdrra/ja^  Carta^  in  PcLcheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  104  et  seq. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— CORTIIS  IN  SPAIN. 
1527-1529. 

Vicissitudes  ov  the  First  See — Bishop  Julian  Gauges — The  Iconoclast 

ZUMARRAGA — LAMENTABLE   VANDALISM — CHARACTER  OF  THE  ClERGY — 

Arrival  of  Dominicans — Rivalry  of  the  Orders — Introduction  of 
Nuns — Meeting  of  Cortes  and  Pizarro — Death  of  an  Ideal  Soldier — 
Excitement  over  Cortes'  Arrival  in  Spain — Playing  the  Gallant— 
His  Reception  by  the  Emperor — Marks  of  Favor — He  is  Made  a 
Marquis  with  Large  Grants — Politic  Soothings  of  Discontent- 
Why  He  Lost  the  Governorship — His  Contract  for  South  Sea  Dis- 
coveries— His  Bride  and  Jewels — Papal  Concessions — Return  to 
New  Spain — Ovation  to  the  Hero — Hostility  of  the  Oidores. 

New  Spain  had  assumed  the  position  of  Castile's 
leading  colony  in  the  Indies,  and  the  cross  had  ex- 
tended its  sway  from  ocean  to  ocean  before  the  church 
proper  stepped  forward  to  assume  control.  Never- 
theless a  see  and  a  bishop  had  been  granted  prior 
to  a  single  conversion.  On  the  strength  of  the  glow- 
ing reports  brought  by  the  expeditions  of  Cordoba 
and  Grijalva,  Bishop  Fonseca  had  hastened  to  confer 
upon  his  confessor,  Julian  Garces,  a  Dominican,  the 
title  of  bishop  of  Cozumel,  and  this  proving  an  in- 
significant island,  his  jurisdiction  was  extended  over 
Yucatan.^  The  peninsula  remained  unsettled,  how- 
ever, and  the  see  was  in  1526  extended  over  the 
Tabasco  and  Vera  Cruz  districts  to  Chiapas,  including 

1 '  Obispado  llamado  Carolense,  y  Santa  Maria  de  los  Remedies,  en  la 
Peninsula  de  Yucatan.'  By  bull  of  January  24,  1518,  corresponding  to  the 
civil  year  1519.  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  241-2,  227-40,  with  copies  of  bull, 
etc.  He  was  bishop  on  September  6,  1519,  says  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Edes.y 
i.  80;  while  the  date  in  Nueva  Espafia,  Breve  Bes.,  MS.,  225,  is  January  9, 
1518;  and  in  Iglentas  y  Conventos  de  Mex.,  324,  October  13,  1519.  See  also 
Co(jollvdo,  Hist.  Ym.,  16,  17. 

(296> 


JULIAN  GARCES,  BISHOP, 


297 


Tlascala,  the  latter  being  designated  as  the  centre 
and  episcopal  seat,  chiefly  as  a  mark  of  favor  to  this 
loyal  little  state,  and  partly  because  of  its  location.^ 

Thus  commissioned,  Father  Julian  presented  himself 
in  October  1527^  to  assume  charge,  and  was  hailed 
with  all  the  demonstrations  properly  attending  the 
reception  of  the  first  prelate.  A  septuagenarian  of 
a  noble  Aragonese  family  and  of  brilliant  attainments, 
which  had  procured  for  him  the  position  of  royal 
chaplin,*  he  couid  not  fail  to  command  great  respect, 
even  if  his  influence  was  not  widely  felt  among  the 
tumultuous  factions  w^hich  kept  the  country  in  a  fer- 
ment. He  arrived  in  the  midst  of  the  disputes  be- 
tween Cortes  and  Estrada,  and  exerted  himself  to 
conciliate  these  unquiet  spirits ;  after  which  he  retired 
to  Tlascala,  there  to  pursue  his  duties  with  the  zeal 
and  energy  of  a  younger  man,  holding  aloof  as  much 
as  possible  from  political  affairs.^ 

The  limits  assigned  to  his  see  indicated  that  another 
was  already  under  consideration,  to  embrace  the  more 
important  districts  of  the  lake  valley  and  the  prom- 
ising regions  west  and  south.  The  bishopric  was 
indeed  decided  upon  about  the  same  time  that  Garces 
obtained  the  Tlascala  see,^  and  was  offered  to  the 
xleserving  and  highly  esteemed  Pedro  de  Gante,  who 
since  1523  had  labored  as  Franciscan  lay  brother  in 

2  For  limits,  see  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  loc.  cit.  The  papal  bull  was  dated 
October  13,  1525  corresponding  to  1526,  and  the  royal  decree,  September  19, 
1526. 

^Mex.  Extractos  de  Cedidas,  MS..  7. 

*Born  at  Munebrega  in  1452,  he  had  studied  at  the  university  of  Paris, 
and  attained  a  high  record  for  learning,  which  assisted  to  advance  him  in  his 
order.  *Llamabanle  por  su  eloqiiente  Latiuidad  el  segundo  Nebrija,  y  redivio 
Ciceron.*  Granados,  Tardes,  334.  Fonseca  first  designated  him  for  the  see  of 
Cuba,  ere  he  proposed  the  delusive  advancement  to  Cozumel.  Herrera,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  iii.  nap.  xi.,  and  previous  authorities;  also  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv. 
465-6;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.^  112-13;  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orhis,  104; 
CamargOy  Hist.  Tlax.,  192. 

^  The  cathedral  erected  by  him  was  '  dedicada  a  la  Concepcion  Immaculada 
de  Maria,'  Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  243, 

^It  was  created  October  13,  1525.  Morelli,  Fast?,  Novi  Orhis,  104;  Villa 
Sehor,  Theatro,  i.  28.  This  date  is  confirmed  by  the  very  limitation  of  the 
Tlascala  see,  and  despite  the  assertions  of  Lorenzana  and  other  authorities, 
who  confound  the  buU  of  1530  for  the  bishop  and  cathedral  with  that  for  the 
see. 


298         ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— COKTES  IN  SPAIN. 


Mexico  Valley,  foremost  as  teacher  and  apostle. 
Deserving  and  well  fitted  as  he  was  for  the  post,  the 
offer  is  said  to  have  been  due  chiefly  to  his  relation- 
ship to  Charles  V/  He  had  more  than  once  been 
urged  by  his  superiors  and  others  to  accept  prefer- 
ment in  his  order  and  in  the  church,  but  had  always 
declined  to  leave  his  humble  position,  and  to  this 
decision  he  still  adhered.  The  see  was  thereupon 
bestowed,  the  12th  of  December,  1527,^^  on  Juan  de 
Zumarraga,^  guardian  of  the  Franciscan  convent  of 
Abrojo. 

The  emperor  was  in  the  habit  of  retiring  to  this 
place  occasionally  for  meditation,  and  had  become  im- 
pressed by  the  zeal  and  austerity  of  the  friar,  and  by 
his  efficient  conduct  in  suppressing  witchcraft  in  Bis- 
cay. Such  qualities  appeared  to  be  needed  in  a  country 
so  racked  by  abominable  superstitions  and  reckless 
factions,  and  as  the  first  audiencia  was  about  to  leave 
for  New  Spain  when  the  appointment  was  made,  Zu- 
marraga  received  orders  to  accompany  them  without 
waiting  for  consecration.  He  was  invested  with  the 
additional  power  of  protector  of  the  Indians,  and 
ordered  to  watch  over  the  observance  of  the  many 
laws  issued  in  favor  of  his  oppressed  proteges. 

On  arriving  at  Mexico  he  found  it  extremely  diffi-r 
cult  to  carry  out  these  instructions,  for  a  check  upon 
the  ill  treatment  of  the  natives  touched  the  nearest 
interests  of  the  settlers.    The  audiencia  instead  of  aid- 

'See  Beaumont f  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii>  251. 

^Cedula,  in  Bamirez,  Doc,  MS.,  5,  granting  him  control  of  tithes. 

^He  was  born  at  Durango — 'at  Zumarraga,'  says  Vetancurt,  Menolog.,  61, 
if  so,  a  village  subject  to  Durango — in  1468,  and  after  assuming  the  Franciscan 
habit  he  rose  rapidly  to  the  positions  of  guardian,  definidor,  and  provincial. 
Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  19  et  seq.;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS., 
69;  Torquemada,  iii.  448. 

The  bull  confirming  his  appointment  was  issued  only  on  September  2, 
1530.  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  2Vi.  Beaumont  adds,  '  Clemente  VIL,  en  con- 
sistorio  secret©  de  12  Agosto  de  1530. .  .erigid  la  catedral  de  Mexico.* 
Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  251-3;  and,  confounding  this  act  with  the  erection,  he  wrongly 
challenges  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.  Gonzalez  Davila,  loc.  cit.,  assumes  that  he 
was  consecrated  at  Tlascala  by  Garces,  but  he  is  wrong  in  both  date  and  fact. 
The  different  letters  of  the  two  audiencias  call  him  simply  'bishop  elect.* 
Pdclteco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  119,  etc.  We  shall  follow  him  back  to 
8pain  for  consecration  in  a  few  years. 


PIOUS  VANDALISM. 


299 


ing  him  opposed  every  measure,  as  we  have  seen,  and 
even  came  to  open  conflict  with  him,  leading  to  the 
excommunication  of  the  two  oidores.  While  correct 
enough  in  his  course,  he  was  thought  to  use  the  pulpit 
too  freely  for  commenting  on  the  acts  of  the  officials, 
and  the  second  audiencia  received  power  not  only  to 
restrain  his  language,  but  to  limit  his  interference  as 
protector.  Yet  this  was  but  the  spirit  of  the  arch- 
enemy of  witchcraft  which  had  so  captivated  Charles ; 
and  checked  in  one  direction,  it  broke  out  in  another. 
His  zeal  was  vehement.  Eager  to  extend  the  faith, 
and  observing  how  difficult  it  was  for  the  people  to 
receive  it,  he  thought  the  cause  must  be  the  heathen 
relics  which  kept  alive  in  their  hearts  their  ancient 
history  and  religion,  hallowed  by  time,  and  consecrated 
by  persecution  and  suffering.  Avaricious  conquerors 
and  zealous  friars  had  left  few  public  monuments  to  be 
cherished,  but  in  the  homes  of  the  natives  was  many 
a  treasured  image,  and  many  a  picture  record  of  ab- 
original tradition,  art,  industry,  and  society. 

This  chain  of  bondage  to  old  memories  must  be 
broken ;  and  in  imitation  of  the  example  set  not  long 
before  by  Jimenez  in  regard  to  the  Moors,  Zumdrraga 
started  out  his  friars  and  loyal  neophytes  on  a  fresh 
and  searching  raid,  notably  for  the  abominable  scrolls 
and  manuscripts,  wherein  every  sign  or  picture  seemed 
to  the  prelate  the  embodiment  of  satanic  art  and 
witchery.  From  local  and  family  archives,  from  public 
places  and  from  private  houses  they  were  brought  and 
cast  into  one  vast  pile  in  the  market-place  and  there 
burned.  It  was  the  crowning  act  of  misguided  zeal ! 
And  what  a  pyre  was  there !  Kecords  of  the  strange  un- 
foldings  of  an  aboriginal  civilization,  of  half-developed 
myths,  of  curious  customs,  of  evolving  sciences,  per- 
haps of  arts  already  lost.  This  pious  vandalism  was 
not  confined  to  Mexico  city,  but  in  all  the  larger  cities 
and  towns  great  heaps  of  human  experiences  were 
gathered  and  committed  to  the  flames.  And  like 
these  pillars  of  smoke,  which  on  every  side  were  seen 


300 


ERECTION  or  BISHOPRICS— CORTES  IN  SPAVIN. 


ascending  to  heaven,  shall  this  act  of  the  first  bishop 
of  Mexico  forever  rise  before  our  minds  as  dark  and 
unwise.  And  those  fires  smouldered,  now  and  then 
lighted  afresh — ay,  for  centuries  before  church  and 
laity  began  to  realize  what  they  were  doing.  How 
fared  the  results  of  Boturini's  researches?  how  fared 
later  the  archives  of  Mexico  and  of  the  states  to  the 
south 

Notwithstanding  the  grievous  mistake  he  had  com- 
mitted, Zumarraga's  fiery  zeal  could  not  fail  to  achieve 
also  much  real  good.  Quick  to  observe  and  of  fluent 
speech,  he  succeeded  in  teaching,  during  the  first  years 
at  least,  a  wholesome  lesson  to  the  mercenary  and 
indolent  of  the  clergy  who  formed  his  staft?^  Among 
the  settlers  this  address  proved  less  effective,  owing 
to  the  shock  given  to  his  influence  by  the  audiencias. 
For  the  natives  he  ever  appeared  a  champion,  as  must 
be  expected  from  his  position  as  missionary,  bishop, 
and  protector.  His  jurisdiction  was  rapidly  extending 
with  the  formation  of  settlements  in  differenf;  quarters, 
and  the  spread  of  conversion  under  the  daily  increas- 
ing band  of  friars,^^  who  were  penetrating  southward 
into  Oajaca  and  Guatemala,  and  north-westward  into 
Michoacan  and  New  Galicia. 

^^Even  among  sixteenth-century  men,  however,  there  were  those  who 
objected,  though  passively,  to  the  destruction  at  lease  of  the  temple-buildiug3; 
and  Torquemada,  iii.  47-50,  finds  it  necessary  to  come  forth  in  defence  of  the 
deed.  Vetancurt,  Chron.,  4,  etc.,  speaks  in  a  similar  strain.  The  emperor  wrote 
approval,  as  Gonzalez  Davila,  TeatroEdes.,  i.  26,  fails  not  to  point  out.  Among 
modern  writers  there  is  but  one  opinion,  of  condemnation,  although  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  388-9,  seeks  to  magnify  the  efforts  of  later  missionaries  to 
repair  the  inj^^ry  by  preserving  what  knowledge  they  could  gather.  Others 
chose  to  regard  the  loss  as  trifling,  one  writer  in  U.  S.  Cath.  Mag.,  1844,  142, 
taking  this  view  on  the  ground  that  Aztec  hieroglyphics  were  undecipherable! 

^2  There  was  evident  need  for  reform.,  as  accusations  were  already  made 
against  friars  and  clergy  during  this  first  decade,  and  an  imputation  against 
their  morality  stands  forth  glaringly  in  royal  cedulas  for  this  period,  wherein 
public  mistresses  of  the  representatives  of  the  church  and  of  married  men  are 
made  subject  to  certain  fines,  and  to  banishment  and  lashes  in  extreme  cases. 
Pu'ja,  Cedulario,  54-5.  The  term  *x)ublic  mistresses'  indicates  that  secret 
concubinage  was  not  greatly  condemned. 

^^In  1527  and  the  following  years  regular  reenforcements  of  friars  came, 
according  to  Vetancurt,  Chron.,  4,  and  other  writers;  yet  Herrera  states  that 
before  1531  there  were  not  over  100  in  New  Spain,  of  all  orders  combined. 
Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  407.  Friar  Jacobo  de  Testera  obtained  permission 
to  bring  120  Franciscans,  who  arrived  after  this  date.  Torquemada,  iii.  261, 
305,  310. 


THE  DOMINICANS. 


301 


The  Franciscans  did  not  long  labor  alone,  for  other 
orders  hastened  to  share  in  the  promising  harvest. 
Early  among  these  were  the  Dominicans,  twelve  of 
whom  were  sent  from  Spain,  in  company  with  the 
twelve  Franciscans.  Their  head,  Vicar-general  Tomas 
Ortiz,  was  detained  at  court  for  a  time,  and  his  asso- 
ciates waited  for  him  at  Santo  Domingo.  He  joined 
them  finally  with  an  additional  number,  and  from  the 
whole  selected  the  symbolic  twelve^*  with  whom  he 
reached  Vera  Cruz  in  June  1526,  in  company  with 
Ponce  de  Leon. 

The  malady  which  brought  to  his  death  this  prom- 
inent personage  wrought  havoc  with  the  friars,  as 
well  as  others,  and  soon  their  number  was  reduced  to 
seven.  Friar  Tomds,  who  on  a  former  occasion  had 
evinced  little  regard  for  the  glories  of  martyrdom, 
hereupon  took  alarm  and  hastened  to  depart  with 
three  of  his  companions,  leaving  Padre  Betanzos  alone 
with  Deacon  Lucero  and  the  novice  Casas. 

Among  those  who  accompanied  Ortiz,  chiefly  on 
account  of  ill  health,  was  Vicente  de  Santa  Maria,  a 
favorite  of  the  Dominican  general.  Finding  himself 
safe  again  on  his  native  shore,  his  missionary  zeal 
blazed  up  anew,  and  with  assistance  from  the  sover- 
eign he  returned  to  New  Spain  in  1528,  at  the  head 

^*  His  second  company  from  Spain  consisted  of  seven  besides  himself,  and 
from  the  nine  survivors  at  Santo  Domingo  he  selected  the  remainder„  Men- 
dieta  gives  the  names  of  the  seven  as  Vicente  de  Santa  Maria,  Tomas  de  Ber- 
langa,  Domingo  de  Sotomayor,  Pedro  de  Santa  Maria,  Justo  de  Santo  Domingo, 
Gonzalo  Lucero,  and  Bartolome  de  Calzadilla,  the  last  two  deacon  and  lay 
brother,  respectively;  and  those  who  joined  at  Santo  Domingo  as  Domingo 
de  Betanzos,  Diego  Ruiz,  Pedro  Zambrano,  and  Vicente  de  las  Casas,  novice. 
Hist.  Ecles. ,  363-4.  Torquemada  writes  in  one  place  Ramirez  instead  of  Ruiz. 
Several  old  authorities,  including  the  Dominican  chronicler  Remesal,  appear 
ignorant  of  this  formation  of  the  band,  the  latter  giving  a  list  made  some 
time  after  their  arrival,  which  embraces  two  novices  received  at  Mexico. 
Hist.  Ghya'pa,  11,  12.  See  also  Ddvila  PacUlla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  3Iex.,  3;  Vetan- 
cort,  in  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.^  MS.,  34.  Ortiz  had  gained  his  position 
chiefly  through  his  service  as  vicar  at  Chiribichi,  Torquemada^  iii.  40,  598, 
whence  he  escaped  from  the  massacre  perpetrated  by  the  natives.  His  in- 
triguing character  has  already  been  pointed  out. 

^''Remesal  mentions  four  of  the  dead.  Davila,  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex.^ 
4,  has  five  names.  Ortiz  left  with  Betanzos,  as  prelate,  and  held  *  tambien  el 
oficio  de  Comissario  de  la  Inquisicion, '  i?cmesa?.  Hist.  Ghya'pa,  41,  hitherto 
exercised  by  the  Franciscan  custodian,  yet  we  find  Aguilar  named  by  Cortes 
as  inquisitor. 


302 


ERECTION  OF  BISHOPHICS— CORT^:S  IN  SPAIN. 


of  a  larger  company  than  the  first,  though  sickness 
and  other  causes  reduced  the  number  to  six  before  he 
reached  Mexico.  Installed  as  vicar-general  and  in- 
quisitor, he  gave  an  impulse  to  mission  work,  re- 
enforced  as  he  was  shortly  after  by  a  dozen  or  more 
friars.  ^'^ 

At  first  they  agreed  very  well  with  the  Franciscans, 
who  surrendered  to  them  several  districts  already 
occupied,^^  and  joined  in  opposing  many  of  the  iniqui- 
tous measures  of  the  audiencia;  but  soon  the  old 
rivalry  broke  out,  creating  not  only  a  division  on 
public  questions,  but  internal  dissensions,  which  found 
vent  chiefly  on  the  subject  of  Indian  treatment,  and 
the  forcible  spread  of  conversion,  the  Franciscans 
favoring  the  alhance  of  sword  and  cross.  The  larger 
number  of  the  latter,  and  their  earlier  occupation  of 
the  field,  gave  them  precedence  among  both  settlers 
and  natives,  and  the  Dominicans  were  obliged  to 
exert  themselves  for  a  share  of  influence.  Some 
features  of  their  order  gave  them  an  advantage,  and 
they  attracted  attention  by  the  imposing  beauty  of 
their  convent. 

Among  the  early  missions  founded  by  the  order 
were  those  of  Pdnuco,   Oajaca,  and  Guatemala. 
That  of  Oajaca  was  intrusted  to  Lucero,  now  a 

Names  in  Granados,  Tardes,  330-1.  Remesal  seeks  vainly  to  account 
for  the  falling  away  of  the  priests.  At  first  it  was  proposed  to  take  40,  but 
a  number  of  these  were  directed  to  Venezuela,  and  Santa  Maria  left  with  24. 
They  were  given  free  passage,  1,500  pesos  for  a  convent,  100  pesos  for  robes 
and  other  necessaries.  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vi.  cap.  ii. 

^'^  'Entre  todos  fueron  veinte  y  dos,'  before  Betanzos  went  to  bring  more. 
Mendkta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  364.    Several  of  these  attained  the  dignity  of  bishops. 

Notably  Tlahuac,  Coyuhuacan,  Amequemecan,  east  of  the  capital,  and 
other  sections.  Vetancvrt,  Chron.,  26. 

*  Che  6  vno  de  i  grandi  &  f orti  edificij  &  buoni  che  sia  in  Spagna. '  Eel. 
Gentilihvmo,  in  JRamusio,  iii.  309.  It  was  founded  in  September  1526  on  the 
street  named  in  consequence  Santo  Domingo,  Libro  de  Cabildo,  September  17, 
1526;  but  according  to  a  writer  in  Monumentos  Domln.  Esp.,  MS.,  329,  it  was 
occupied  only  in  1530.  It  was  afterward  surrendered  to  the  inquisition 
office,  which  again  has  given  place  to  a  medical  school.  The  convent  was 
removed  to  the  site  now  occupied,  and  dedicated  in  1575.  Torquenwuda^  iii. 
40;  Iglesias  y  Conventos  de  Mex.,  62-4. 

Convents  were  also  erected  at  Puebla,  Vera  Cruz,  Goazacoalco,  in  the 
towns  transferred  by  the  Franciscans,  and  notably  among  the  Miztecs  and 
Zapotecs.  Fernandez,  Hist,  Ecles.,  75;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii. 
210. 


THE  MERCED  FATHERS. 


303 


priest,^^  and  to  Deacon  Minaya,  who  in  the  middle  of 
1529  founded  the  first  convent  at  Antequera,^^  about 
the  time  that  Betanzos  had  undertaken  his  apostolic 
tour  to  Guatemala,  there  to  lay  the  foundation  of 
Dominican  labors. 

When  Cortes  returned  from  Spain  in  1530  he 
brought  twelve  friars  of  the  order  of  mercy,  endeared 
to  him  by  the  sage  and  gentile  influence  of  Father 
Olmedo.  Their  leader,  Juan  de  Legmzamo,  acted  as 
confessor  to  his  family.  Under  the  special  care  of 
the  marchioness  came  besides  a  number  of  Concepcion 
nuns,  who  founded  the  first  nunnery  under  the  name 
of  Concepcion  Purisima.  It  was  endowed  by  four 
young  ladies  who  had  already  sought  shelter  from 
the  world  in  the  house  of  Andres  de  Tapia,  and  who 
now  assisted  in  spreading  the  order  throughout  New 
Spain,  and  in  training  its  noble  maidens. 

Cortes  had  meanwhile  embarked  with  friends,  and 
after  touching  at  the  Islands  to  display  his  retinue 
and  riches,  he  entered  the  famous  little  seaport  of 

2^  Bom  at  San  Juan  del  Cuerno,  Andalusia,  of  poor  parents.  He  per- 
fected his  education  after  admittance  to  the  order.  After  1535  he  was 
removed  frpm  Oajaca  to  Miztecapan,  where  he  died.  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip., 
i.  8-20. 

22  Twelve  building  sites  were  granted  on  July  24,  1529.  The  establish- 
ment became  a  priory  in  1549.  Id.,  Palestra,  1-15;  Carriedo,  Estudlos  Hist., 
98,  121. 

2^  As  early  as  1527,  says  Remesal,  though  it  must  have  been  a  little  later. 
He  returned  to  Mexico  in  1531,  thence  to  undertake  an  important  mission  to 
Rome.  Hist.  Chyapa,  51-8;  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  380-5,  396-7.  Betanzos 
was  of  a  noble  family  from  Leon,  educated  for  the  law,  but  turned  pilgrim, 
and,  being  disowned  by  his  father,  he  took  the  habit  in  1514.  Although 
occupying  no  very  prominent  office,  he  ranked  high  in  the  order  for  his  austere 
virtue,  his  apostolic  zeal,  and  his  efforts  to  promote  its  interests.  Ddvila 
Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Ilex.,  5-32;  Torquemada,  iii.  41-2,  94,  106,  454-5. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  231. 

2^  By  order  of  July  12,  1530,  the  audiencia  had  been  enjoined  to  found  an 
establishment  of  heatas  for  teaching  Indian  maidens.  Puga,  Cedulario,  42. 
Vetancurt  gives  to  Friar  Antonio  de  la  Cruz  the  credit  of  bringing  the  first 
three  nuns;  namely,  Paula  de  Santa  Ana,  Luisa  de  San  Francisco,  and  Fran- 
cisca  Evangelista.  Trat.  Mex.,  41.  Gonzalez  Davila  names  Elena  de  Medrano 
as  leader.  Teatro  Edes.,  i.  7;  Medina,  Ckr6n.  8.  Diego,  237.  Beaumont  as- 
sumes that  Augustinian  nuns  also  came  with  Cortes.  Chrdn.  Mich.,  iii.  264. 
Brotherhoods  were  fostered  to  encourage  a  religious  feeling,  and  the  Archico- 
fradla  de  Caballeros  de  la  Santa  Vera  Cruz  is  claimed  to  have  been  founded 
as  early  as  1523,  by  Cortes.  See  names  and  other  information  in  Pap.  Var., 
xlvii.,  pt.  iii.  4. 


304         ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 


Pales  toward  the  end  of  1528.^^  With  characteristic 
devotion  he  knelt,  immediately  on  landing,  to  express 
thanks  for  being  permitted  to  regain  his  native  shore 
after  so  many  vicissitudes.  While  awaiting  the  land- 
ing of  his  party  and  effects,  which  involved  considera- 
ble delay  under  the  cautious  restrictions  then  ruling, 
he  proceeded  to  the  convent  of  La  Rabida  near  by, 
there  to  perform  his  devotions  and  despatch  advices. 
It  was  in  this  sacred  spot  that  Columbus  had  sought 
shelter  when  on  his  way  to  advocate  those  grand 
projects  which  were  to  reveal  a  new  world ;  to  point 
out  the  field  whereon  the  conqueror  might  achieve 
fame  while  giving  new  domains  and  fresh  souls  to  the 
king  and  church.  Here  also  Pizarro,  the  conqueror 
of  the  other  great  empire  in  America,  is  said  to  have 
met  the  victor  of  Montezuma;  the  latter  with  his 
great  achievements  ended,  the  former  at  the  opening 
of  a  brilliant  career. Another  strange  coincidence : 
with  Cortes  was  Juan  de  Pada,  a  valiant  soldier  dur- 
ing the  conquest,  who  afterward  joined  Almagro,  and 
avenged  his  death  by  cutting  down  Pizarro  in  the 
midst  of  his  successes. 

During  the  voyage  Sandoval  had  been  ill,  and  on 
landing  he  was  taken  to  the  house  of  a  rope-maker  to 
receive  the  necessary  care.  The  hardships  he  had 
undergone  in  the  Indies,  particularly  during  the  Hon- 
duras campaign,  had  undermined  his  health,  for  he 
sank  rapidly.  During  a  fit  of  depression  he  sent  for 
Cortes.    While  the  servant  was  absent,  the  host,  a 

^^Gomara,  Hist  Max.,  283;  Sandoval,  Carlos  V.,  i.  895.  Bernal  Diaz  writes 
December  1527,  meaning  1528  no  doubt,  while  Herrera,  followed  by  Prescott 
and  others,  gives  the  end  of  May  1528.  There  are  several  reasons  supporting 
the  better  authority  of  Gomara  and  Sandoval.  '  En  quarenta  y  vn  dias  llegd 
a  Castilla,  sin  parar  en  la  Habana.'  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  224.  Both 
of  which  statements  appear  to  be  unfounded. 

2^  The  meeting  j)robably  took  place  in  another  part  of  Spain,  though  his- 
torians and  poets  have  preferred  to  associate  it  with  a  spot  hallowed  by  the 
presence  of  Columbus.  The  intercourse  between  the  two  men  was  natural 
enough,  for  they  had  known  one  another  in  the  Antilles,  and  were  allured  by 
the  similarity  of  their  enterprise  and  renown.  *  Fue  cosa  notable  ver  juntos 
a  estos  dos  liombres,  que  eran  mirados,  como  Capitanes  de  los  mas  notables 
del  mundo,  en  aquel  tiempo.'  Herrera,  dec.  iv,  lib.  iv.  cap.  i. ;  Pizarro  y 
Orcllana,  Varones  Ilvst.,  121. 


DEATH  OF  SANDOVAL. 


305 


burly,  brutal  fellow,  entered  the  room  and  stealthily 
examined  it.  Sandoval  pretended  to  be  asleep.  The 
man  thereupon  broke  open  the  treasury-box  contain- 
ing a  number  of  gold  bars  and  carried  them  away,  the 
sick  man,  unable  even  to  stand,  being  afraid  to  make 
an  outcry  lest  the  robber  should  murder  him.  Cortes 
soon  entered,  but  no  trace  could  be  found  of  the  man, 
who  appears  to  have  gained  Portugal  with  his  booty. 
Sandoval  did  not  long  survive.  In  his  will  he  named 
the  general  as  executor.  To  his  sisters  he  gave  the 
greater  part  of  his  fortune, the  remainder  being  left 
to  convents  and  poor  people  to  form  a  crown  of  bless- 
ings to  his  memory.  He  was  buried  with  great  pomp 
in  La  Rdbida,  Cortes  and  all  his  suite  assuming  deep 
mourning,  which  was  not  alone  upon  the  surface. 
Poor  Sandoval !  so  young,  so  gentle,  the  purest  and 
noblest  of  them  all,  and  to  die  so  soon  on  his  return 
with  all  the  joys  and  glories  of  home  unrealized. 
An  enemy  even  could  not  meet  this  cavalier  without 
admiration  of  his  character,  and  none  could  long  be 
his  associate  without  learning  to  love  him.  Though 
but  thirty-one  he  had  by  his  bravery  and  skill 
achieved  a  reputation  equal  to  any,  as  one  of  the  fore- 
most captains  in  all  the  Indies.  He  had  not  been 
given  the  same  opportunities  for  independent  achieve- 
ment as  Alvarado,  but  neither  had  he  nor  would  he 
have  stained  his  name  with  the  cruelties  of  Tonatiuh. 
He  was  also  more  prudent  than  the  latter,  and  more 
frank  and  loyal,  and  probably  abler  than  Olid,  the 
third  of  the  great  captains  of  Cortes.  In  the  total 
of  his  admirable  qualities  as  man  and  officer  he  sur- 
passed any  of  his  associates,  and  gradually  assumed 
the  chief  place  in  the  affection  of  his  leader,  who 
usually  addressed  him  by  the  endearing  name  of  Son 
Sandoval."  His  men  also  loved  him  as  they  did  no 
other  commander  for  his  kind  demeanor,  his  rare  disin- 
terestedness and  his  constant  regard  for  their  welfare, 

'  Vna  hermana. .  .se  casd  con  vn  hi  jo  bastardo  del  [Conde  de  Medellin.' 
Bemal  Diaz,  loc.  cit. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  20 


306         ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— CORTES  IK  SPAIN. 


even  to  the  neglect  of  his  own  comfort  and  advan- 
tage— a  marked  contrast  to  the  absorbing  selfishness, 
insatiate  greed,  and  relentless  cruelty  of  nearly  all  the 
adventurers  who  overran  the  new  region,  and  con- 
trolled the  destiny  of  its  peoples.  And  now  after  his 
multitudinous  dangers  and  strange  adventures,  he 
reached  the  shores  of  Spain  only  to  die  of  disease 
and  find  a  grave  in  the  soil  which  gave  him  birth. 

The  news  of  the  arrival  of  Cortes  created  quite  a 
revulsion  of  feeling  at  court,  where  his  presence  was 
entirely  unexpected.  The  prestige  of  success  with 
high  honors  and  reputed  wealth  drove  calumniators  for 
the  moment  to  the  wall.  Doubts  and  suspicions  were 
dispelled,  and  one  vied  with  another  to  honor  the  so 
lately  assailed  soldier.  The  court  was  then  at  Toledo, 
and  the  king  ordered  the  towns  along  the  way  to  rs- 
ceive  the  hero  with  suitable  demonstrations.  Crowds 
thronged  the  line  of  march  to  behold  the  famous  cap- 
tain, and  to  gaze  at  the  strange  retinue.  The  Indians 
in  flowing  plumage  and  gaudy  ornaments  'had  been 
seen  frequently  enough  since  Columbus  first  brought 
them  to  Spain,  but  the  tumblers  and  athletes,  the 
albinos  and  monstrosities,  were  new,  and  most  of  the 
animals,  while  curious  interest  was  attracted  by  the 
plants  and  merchandise,  and  the  heavy  coffers  that 
betokened  rare  treasures  raised  eager  expectation. 
All  this,  however,  served  but  as  a  frame  to  the  picture 
of  the  leader,  who  was  conspicuous  by  his  dignified 
bearing  and  simple  elegance  of  dress. 

On  approaching  Seville  he  was  met  by  the  power- 
ful duke  de  Medina  Sidonia  and  conducted  with  great 
pomp  to  his  castle,  receiving  in  return  for  his  own 
presents  several  fine  Andalusian  horses. From  here 
he  proceeded  to  Guadalupe  to  hold  a  novena  at  this 

29  Herrera  states  that  he  avoided  Seville,  where  Alvarado  then  happened 
to  be,  preparing  to  return  to  Guatemala  with  his  newly  secured  commission 
as  governor.  Remesal  gives  as  reason  that  he  was  offended  with  the  lato 
lieutenant  for  neglecting  to  marry  his  cousin,  as  agreed.  Hist.  Chja'pa,  39. 
It  is  probable  that  the  avoidance  was  mutual,  and  based  in  part  at  least  on 
the  interference  of  Alvarado  in  Cortes'  projects  to  his  own  advancement.  For 
full  particulars,  see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.,  this  series. 


ROYAL  HONORS. 


307 


celebrated  slirine,  and  to  obtain  masses  for  his  dead 
friend.  It  so  happened  that  Maria  de  Mendoza,  wife 
of  the  powerful  secretary,  Cobos,  was  there  at  the 
time,  attended  by  a  large  suite.  Aware  of  his  influ- 
ence with  the  fair  sex,  Cortes  resolved  not  to  miss  so 
good  an  opportunity  to  win  the  approval  of  the  im- 
perial favorite.  Never  did  his  fluent  tongue  serve 
him  to  better  purpose  than  when  he  made  his  bow 
before  Dona  Maria.  He  even  ventured  upon  a  mild 
flirtation  with  her  beautiful  sister,  sighing  a  subtle 
allusion  to  the  chains  that  bound  him  to  another. 
All  the  ladies  were  enchanted  with  the  gallant  and 
talented  hero,  who  could  so  well  supplement  his  fas- 
cination with  rich  presents,  and  Dona  Mana  wrote 
the  most  glowing  commendations  of  her  protege  to 
her  lord,  sufficient  at  least  to  dissipate  many  of  his 
prejudices  against  the  adventurer. 

In  promise  of  coming  honors,  the  sovereign  was 
pleased  to  assign  Cortes  quarters  during  his  stay  at 
court.  On  approaching  Toledo  he  was  met  by  the 
duke  of  Bejar  with  a  brilliant  retinue,  who  con- 
ducted him  into  the  city.  The  following  day,  in  com- 
pany with  the  admiral  of  the  Indies,  Cobos,  and 
others,  he  was  received  by  the  emperor,  and  kneeling 
to  kiss  his  hand  was  graciously  commanded  to  rise. 
He  thereupon  gave  an  outline  of  his  achievements, 
and  illustrated  the  resources  of  the  country  with 
specimens  of  produce,  natives,  and  treasures.  In 
conclusion  he  made  excuses  for  the  length  of  his 
speech  and  the  boldness  of  his  utterances,  and  pre- 
sented a  memorial  wherein  his  services  were  more 
fully  recorded.  The  emperor  appeared  greatly  im- 
pressed by  the  story  of  the  conquest,  related  with  all 

It  has  even  been  hinted  that  Dona  Maria  made  an  effort  to  unite  the  two, 
and  that  Cortes'  unwillingness  made  her  his  enemy,  greatly  to  his  preju- 
dice. But  this  is  unlikely,  for  the  alliance  with  the  ducal  family  was  already 
a  settled  affair.  Bemal  Diaz  hints  that  the  match  would  have  procured 
him  the  greatest  favors  at  court.  Hist.  Verdad.,  225.  The  sister  married 
not  long  afterward  the  adelantado  of  the  Canaries. 

Bemal  Diaz  states  that  Cobos  was  so  pleased  that  he  showed  his  wife's 
letters  to  the  king. 


308         ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 


the  skill  and  grace  of  which  the  Estremaduran  was 
master,  and  by  his  self-possessed  dignity  and  evident 
loyalty.  Charles  frequently  called  the  hero  to  his 
presence  to  be  entertained  by  his  conversation,  or  to 
consult  him  upon  affairs  of  state,  particularly  concern- 
ing Mexico,  and  many  of  his  suggestions  for  its 
government  were  carried  out.  Taking  their  cue  from 
the  emperor,  the  courtiers  danced  attendance  upon 
the  adventurer,  and  stayed  awhile  their  supercilious 
slander.  Cortes  became  the  fashion ;  and  he  seemed 
to  play  his  part  as  well  at  the  court  of  Charles  as 
at  that  of  Montezuma.  His  audacity  was  charming ; 
at  times,  indeed,  startling  to  old  courtiers.  One  Sun- 
day, it  is  related,  he  had  been  commanded  to  attend 
mass  at  the  court  chapel.  He  surprised  the  assembly 
by  coming  late,  and  further  by  passing  in  front  of 
royalty  and  taking  a  seat  beside  the  duke  of  Nassau, 
a  sovereign  prince  of  Germany.  The  disturbance 
was  hardly  calmed  by  the  information  that  Cortes 
had  been  instructed  so  to  proceed.  A  still  more 
conspicuous  mark  of  favor  was  a  visit  of  the  em- 
peror to  his  chamber  during  an  illness  arising  from 
change  of  climate  and  other  causes.  This  act  of  con- 
descension created  general  remark,  and  was  regarded 
by  many  as  sufficient  compensation  for  the  greatest 
services. 

More  substantial  honors  were  accorded  by  cedulas 
of  July  6,  1529,  whereby  Cortes,  in  consideration  of 
his  many  achievements  in  acquiring  for  the  crown 
and  church  so  many  provinces,  at  great  personal  risk, 
and  in  order  to  set  an  example  for  good  and  loyal  ser- 
vice, was  granted  twenty-two  towns  in  New  Spain, 
chiefly  in  Oajaca,  to  contain  not  exceeding  twenty- 
three  thousand  vassals,  including  their  lands  and  sub- 
ordinate hamlets,  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction,  offices 
and  rentals,  and  with  full  power  to  dispose  thereof 

It  was  the  greatest  of  all  favors  bestowed  upon  Cortes,  *  desafuciado  de 
los  Medicos.'  Pizarro  y  Orallana,  Varones  IlvsL,  120.  This  occurred  a  few  days 
after  his  arrival  at  Toledo,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  at  the  instance  of  Be  jar.  Hist. 
Verdaxl.,  225. 


EXTENSIVE  GRANTS. 


309 


according  to  his  pleasure  and  that  of  his  heirs. He 
had  been  offered  his  choice  throughout  New  Spain, 
although  the  kingdom  of  Michoacan  was  pointed  out 
for  selection;  but  he  preferred  the  fertile  valley  of 
Oajaca,  together  with  a  few  places  particularly  ad- 
mired in  and  round  the  lake  valley,  including  the  two 
favorite  towns  of  Coyuhuacan  and  Cuernavaca,  which 
he  had  fancied  from  the  first,  Huastepec,  with  its 
famed  gardens,  Jalapa,  the  beautiful  health-resort 
lying  half-way  between  Vera  Cruz  and  the  plateau 
summit,  the  seaport  of  Tehuantepec,  and  several 
places  in  the  fertile  province  of  Matlalzinco.  The 


ter.    He  also  received  certain  lands  and  lots  in  and 


new,  of  Montezuma,  and  two  isles  in  the  lake,  Xico 


ference,  and  intended  for  hunting-parks/* 

*  Como  de  cosa  vuestra,  propia. '  Appeals  from  him  or  his  alcalde  mayor 
could,  however,  be  made  to  the  king,  council,  or  audiencias;  no  fortress  must 
be  erected  without  permission;  mines  and  salt-fields  were  retained  for  the 
crown;  but  the  jurisdiction,  revenues,  and  tribute  otherwise  due  to  the  crown 
were  conceded  to  him  and  his  heirs.  In  case  of  transfer,  church  and  convents 
could  not  be  included  without  royal  permission;  nor  could  a  sale  be  made 
without  first  giving  the  refusal  to  the  sovereign.  The  estate  was  subject  to 
the  regulations  for  government  issued  December  4,  1528.  Possession  could  be 
taken  from  date.  This  document,  wherein  Cortes  is  addressed  as  '  Don,  and 
governor  and  captain-general  of  New  Spain,'  is  dated  at  Barcelona,  July  6, 
1529,  and  countersigned  by  Secretary  Francisco  de  los  Cobos,  the  bishop  of 
Osma,  who  was  the  president  of  the  Council,  and  Doctor  Beltran,  licentiate 
for  the  court.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  291-7.  The  towns  named 
in  the  c6dula  are:  Caljmacan  (Coyuhuacan),  Atlacabuye  (Atlacubaya,  later 
Tacubaya),  Matalcingo  (Matlalzinco),  Taluca  (Toluca),  Calimaya,  Quanixaca 
(Quauhnahuac,  later  Cuernavaca),  Guastepeque  (Huastepec),  Acapiptla  (Aca- 
pichtla),  Antepeque  (Antepec),  Tepuzlan  (Tepotzotlan),  Guaxaca  (Oajaca), 
Cayulapeque  (Cuitlopan  probably),  Tlantequila  (Tenquilaba),  Bacoa  (Tepeaca 
probably),  Teguamtepeque  (Tehuantepec,  a  seaport),  Yalapa  (Jalapa),  Utlate- 
peque  (Huitlatepec),  Atroyatan  (perhaps  Atloixtlan),  Quetasta  (Cuetlachtlan), 
Tuztlatapeca  (Tuxtepec,  evidently),  Yzcalpan.  Gomara,  who  differs  consid- 
erably in  spelling,  adds  Etlan,  as  the  twenty-second  town.  Hist.  Mex.,  284. 
The  list  of  the  towns,  hamlets,  and  farms,  according  to  the  modified  list  of 
1532,  is  given  in  Pacheco  duud.  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  500-2.  See  also  Puga, 
Cedulario,  66-7;  Montewmjor,  Svmarios,  150-2. 

The  latter,  known  also  as  El  Penol  del  Marques,  was  the  scene  of  exploit 
when  the  first  fleet  sailed  against  Tenochtitlan.  See  Hist.  Mex. ,  i.  625,  this  series. 
The  boundaries  of  the  lots  and  the  land  along  Tlacopan  road  are  minutely 


near  Mexico  city. 


and 


310         ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 


There  was  one  thing  above  all,  however,  that  Cortes 
longed  for — a  title.  Wealth  he  possessed,  and  lands 
he  could  acquire,  but  the  credential  of  nobility,  to 
raise  him  above  the  rank  of  adventurer,  give  him  a 
place  in  the  select  circle  of  the  court,  and  even  to 
admit  him  into  the  fellowship  of  grandees,  this  the 
sovereign  alone  could  confer,  and  charily  enough  it 
was  dispensed  to  the  man  of  inferior  connection,  how- 
ever great  his  merits.  The  emperor  understood  the 
longing,  and  perceiving  the  necessity  for  some  such 
recognition  of  great  services,  since  the  grant  of  estates 
was  really  a  mere  confirmation  of  what  Cortes  already 
possessed,  he  gave  him  the  title  of  Marques  del  Valle 
de  Oajaca.^^  Henceforth  the  name  of  Cortes  gave 
way  gradually  to  the  designation  Marques  del  Valle, 
Oajaca  being  rarely  used,  though  the  mere  term  ^  the 
marquis'  was  his  common  appellation  in  New  Spain, 
just  as  Hhe  admiral'  was  set  apart  for  Columbus. 
The  title  and  authority  of  captain-general  of  New 
Spain  and  provinces,  and  coasts  of  the  South  Sea, 
were  also  conferred  on  him,  with  power  to  appoint 
and  remove  lieutenants.^^ 

Cortes  had  evidently  expected  a  dukedom,  with  a 
proportionately  larger  domain,  for  when  the  several 
documents  for  title  and  estates  were  presented,  he 
declined  to  receive  them,  declaring  the  reward  unequal 

given  in  Packeco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  376-81;  JReales  CMulas,  MS., 
1.  48-9.  See  also  Carr-iedo,  Estudios  Hist.,  ii.  7.  The  grant  of  the  isles  is 
dated  6th  of  July,  that  of  the  lots,  July  27,  1529,  though  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc. ,  ii.  28-9,  prints  July  23.  Among  the  lands  was  the  Tlaspana,  afterward 
known  as  Rancho  de  los  Tepetates. 

3^  This  grant  is  dated  July  6th,  the  'July  20th,'  in  Col.  Doc.  InM.,  i.  105-8, 
being  an  error.  Yet  in  a  cedula  of  April  1st  he  is  already  called  Marques. 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  379-80= 

2^  The  grant  of  marquisates  became  more  common  after  this,  chiefly  in 
connection  with  services  in  the  Indies.  Pizarro  received  it,  and  Cobos  was 
made  Marques  de  Cameraza,  shortly  after  Cortes.  There  was  an  evident  dis- 
inclination to  increase  the  number  of  dukes,  and  so  th  is  half-way  concession 
was  tendered  where  the  merits  really  deserved  a  dukedom. 

This  commission  is  also  dated  July  6th,  but  is  merely  a  forn^^al  repetition 
of  one  issued  April  1,  1529,  in  answer  to  an  ai)peal  for  his  reinstatement,  both 
as  governor  and  captain-general.  He  was  told  that  the  governorship  could 
not  be  granted  till  the  residencia  reports  arrived.  Real  Cidula  and  Titulo,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  379-80,  384-6;  Panes,  Vireyes,  in  Monu- 
rmntos  Domin.  £Jsp.,  MS.,  71;  Col.  Doc.  Md.,  i.  103-5. 


NOT  ENOUGH. 


311 


to  his  services.  When  summoned  before  the  emperor, 
he  observed  that  the  sovereign  could  not  have  been 
properly  informed  of  the  extent  and  resources  of  the 
country  he  had  gained  for  the  crown,  or  of  the 
immense  efforts  for  its  conquest.  "Cortes,  what  I 
have  given  is  not  in  final  payment  of  your  services," 
was  the  politic  reply.  ^'I  shall  deal  with  you  as  the 
archer  at  practice,  whose  aim  gradually  improves  till 
he  hits  the  mark.  Receive  therefore  what  I  have 
given,  as  an  earnest,  until,  with  a  better  understanding 
of  how  matters  are  yonder,  I  shall  be  able  to  conform 
more  entirely  to  your  merits." Cortes  could  not  but 
kiss  the  royal  hand  and  accept,  though  he  was  by  no 
means  satisfied.  Indeed,  when  the  partial  concession 
of  a  habit  of  Santiago  was  tendered,  he  declined  it  on 
the  ground  that  no  adequate  rental  or  encomienda  ac- 
companied the  title  to  support  it.^^ 

Among  his  most  cherished  desires  was  the  rein- 
stallation as  governor,  both  as  a  solace  for  his  injured 
pride,  and  for  the  power  it  conferred  to  grant  offices, 
encomiendas,  and  other  favors  to  adherents.  The 
latter  was  sufficient  inducement  both  for  patrons  and 
friends  to  support  the  application  with  powerful  argu- 
ments and  repeated  instances.  But  the  counter- 
argument of  opponents  proved  stronger,  upheld  as 
they  were  by  reports  from  New  Spain,  where  his 
enemies  now  held  sway.  Neither  did  the  emperor 
desire  a  repetition  of  the  troubles  which  promised 
to  arise  from  such  an  appointment,  nor,  perhaps,  to 
hold  out  the  temptation  it  offered  to  an  ambitious 
subject  not  wholly  satisfied  with  the  reward  granted 
for  his  services.    The  suspicions  concerning  Cortes' 

^^Cortls,  Ifemorial,  in  Col.  Doc.  Inid.,  iv.  224-5.  A  substantial  increase 
in  favors  never  came,  and  for  years  afterward  we  find  him  clamoring  about  the 
neglect,  and  the  reduction  in  his  grants  owing  to  ambiguous  documents. 

^^Yet  his  name  remained  on  the  register  of  the  order.  Torres,  Hist. 
(Jrdenas  Mil.,  103.  The  honor  was  hardly  worth  his  while,  as  a  marquis. 
His  two  natural  sons  Martin  and  Luis  received  it.  Most  writers,  including 
Prescott,  consider  the  reward  as  a  whole  gratifying,  but  his  biographer 
Pizarro  y  Orellana  hesitates  not  to  write,  '  Todas  parecieron  pequenas,  con- 
siderando  los  servicios,  lealtad,  y  hazanas  deste  gran  Caudillo ' — an  expression 
which  appears  to  echo  a  wide-spread  sentiment.  Varoiies  Host.,  120. 


312 


ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 


loyalty  liad  evidently  revived  to  some  extent,  and  it 
had  furthermore  been  concluded  for  the  present  to 
try  the  efficacy  of  an  audiencia  in  that  country.  In 
any  case  the  result  of  the  residencia  must  be  awaited. 
The  crown  had  long  been  impressed  with  the  policy 
of  not  confiding  the  government  of  a  new  region  to 
its  conqueror,  and  this  even  before  Columbus  demon- 
strated the  wisdom  of  the  measure  by  his  failures. 
The  Great  Captain  had  aspired  to  rule  in  Naples,  but 
was  recalled  for  a  diiferent  reward.  These  and  other 
answers  were  given  to  the  applicants,  but,  aware 
probably  that  a  delay  would  lessen  their  chances,  they 
persisted  till  the  emperor  returned  a  sharp  refusal. 

Speak  no  more  of  it,"  he  said  to  the  duke  of  Nassau, 
who  was  among  the  supporters  of  the  petitions;  "he 
has  now  a  marquisate  with  greater  rental  than  all 
your  duchy  yields."  Cortes'  influence  was  evidently 
waning,  and  while  the  reason  may  readily  be  found  in 
the  severe  reports  of  the  residencia  judges,  additional 
ones  have  been  alleged  in  the  offence  he  is  supposed 
to  have  given  the  empress  by  bestowing  on  another 
the  choicest  of  the  gems  brought  from  Mexico,  after 
receiving  her  intimation  to  inspect  them,  and  by  neg- 
lecting to  court  the  favor  of  the  president  of  the 
council  and  Secretary  Cobos,  on  obtaining  his  mar- 
quisate. 

One  more  concession  was  made,  however,  both  as 
an  honor  and  to  promote  the  interest  and  extension 
of  the  crown,  by  permitting  him  to  make  discovery  ex- 
peditions in  the  South  Sea  of  New  Spain,  and  to  con- 
quer and  settle  any  island  or  coast  thereof,  westward, 
not  included  in  the  grants  to  others,  such  as  those  to 
Narvaez  and  Guzman.  Of  all  such  discoveries  and 
conquests  he  was  made  governor,  magistrate,  and 

^^Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  225-6,  points  wholly  to  these  additional 
reasons,  particularly  to  the  latter.  Cortes  relied  too  much  on  the  support  of 
Bejar,  and  of  the  sovereign  prince  of  Nassau,  by  whose  friendship  he  was 
deeply  imjjressed,  while  Cobos  and  President  Loaisa  objected  to  this  foreign 
interloper.  '  Porq  no  piense  ningun  conquistador  que  se  le  deue,'  is  Gomara's 
chief  reason  for  the  refusal  of  the  government.  Hist.  Mex.,  284. 


FURTHER  INDUCEMENTS. 


313 


alguacil  mayor  for  life,  with  power  to  appoint  officials 
and  deputies.  Further,  one  twelfth  of  all  such  land 
was  granted  to  him  till  a  full  report  concerning  its 
nature  and  resources  should  enable  the  sovereign 
better  to  decide.  This  grant  was  in  consideration 
of  the  expense  he  would  incur  as  discoverer  and  con- 
queror. He  must  be  governed  by  the  regulations 
lately  issued  for  discovery  expeditions,  wherein  it  is 
forbidden  to  take  anything  from  the  natives  without 
payment  or  permission,  including  their  labor,  or  to 
carry  them  away  from  their  country,  or  to  enslave 
them,  save  for  refusing  the  faith  or  to  submit  to  the 
sovereign.  Two  friars  or  clergymen  must  accompany 
the  expedition  to  convert  and  instruct  the  natives,  to 
prepare  a  report  upon  them  and  the  country,  and 
to  give  permission  for  enslavement  when  this  was 
deemed  indispensable.  Enrolment  of  men  for  the 
expedition  must  not  be  made  from  among  actual  set- 
tlers.^^  This  commission  was  issued  in  October  1529 
by  the  queen,  the  emperor  having  gone  to  Italy  to  be 
crowned. 

In  the  distribution  of  favors  the  friends  and  com- 
panions of  Cortes  also  received  a  share  in  the  form  of 
coats  of  arms,  offices,  and  lands,  together  with  a  con- 
firmation of  the  encomiendas  already  granted  them. 
All  who  took  part  in  the  actual  conquest  were  per- 
mitted to  carry  weapons  even  in  Spain.^^  The  young 
native  nobles  who  came  with  Cortes  were  given  in 
charge  of  Friar  Antonio  de  Ciudad  Rodrigo  to  re- 
ceive dresses  and  religious  images,  and  to  be  taken 

These  essential  features  for  the  government  of  discoverers,  part  of  a 
cedula  issued  November  7,  1527,  are  incorporated  in  the  commission  to  Cortes 
dated  October  27,  1529.  On  the  5th  of  November  following,  a  confirmatory 
cedula  was  issued,  detailing  certain  powers  to  be  exercised  by  the  governor, 
such  as  exiling  and  punishing  objectionable  persons.  The  text  of  both  is 
given  in  Puga^  Cedulario,  36-7;  Col  Doc.  Irdd.,  i.  108-22,  ii.  401-5;  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  490-6,  xxii.  285-95;  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  app.  ii. 
21-5;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  v.  325-6.  By  decrees  of  May  9  and  June  9, 
1530,  Juan  Galbarro  and  Juan  de  Sdmano  of  Tenochtitlan  were  appointed 
treasurer  and  comptroller,  respectively,  of  the  lands  Cortes  might  discover 
and  occupy  in  the  South  Sea.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  77-83. 

*2 '  En  estos  Reynos,  como  en  la  Nueva  Espana,  pudiessen  traer  armas 
ofensiuas,  y  defensiuas.'  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vi.  cap.  iv. 


314        ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— CORTl^S  IN  SPAIN. 


home/^  To  the  daughters  of  Montezuma,  whom 
Cortes  had  taken  under  his  care  at  Mexico,  were  con- 
firmed the  estates  given  them  by  him  on  their  mar- 
riage,^* to  the  great  dehght  of  the  natives,  who 
regarded  this  act  as  a  favor  to  the  whole  people.  The 
services  of  the  Tlascaltecs  were  further  remembered 
by  exempting  them  from  being  given  in  encomienda 
even  to  the  crown.*^ 

Shortly  after  receiving  the  title  of  marquis,  Cortes 
was  formally  united  to  the  woman  already  bound  to 
him  by  his  father,*^  the  beautiful  and  spirited  Juana 
Ramirez  de  Arellano  y  Ziiniga,  daughter  of  the  sec- 
ond conde  de  Aguilar,  and  niece  of  the  duque  de 
Bejar,*^  a  connection  which  admitted  him  to  the  inti- 
mate circles  of  the  highest  society  in  Spain.  Bril- 
liant as  the  marriage  must  be  regarded  for  Cortes,  it 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  looked  upon  as  a  conde- 
scension on  the  part  of  the  bride,  for  the  groom 
ranked  as  one  of  the  most  famous  generals  of  the 
age,  the  rumored  possessor  of  untold  wealth  and 
unlimited  resources,  and  withal  a  gentleman  by  birth, 
whose  credit  for  services  rendered  and  opportunities 
to  render  more,  promised  for  him  even  greater  honors 
and  grants  than  he  had  received.  All  this  was  tempt- 
ing even  to  the  foremost  of  Spain's  grandees,  among 
whom  wealth  was  not  over-abundant,  and  the  uncle  the 
duke  is  said  to  have  been  quite  eager  for  the  match. 
Many  of  the  grandees  dated  their  boasted  titles  but 

*^The  dress  is  described  in  a  special  decree  to  that  effect,  in  Ternaux* 
Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  88. 

So  far  one  or  two  out  of  four  had  married  it  appears.  Cortes'  successor 
took  away  the  grants,  and  these  were  now  restored,  chiefly  as  a  matter  of 
policy. 

Herrera,  loc.  cit. 

Be  jar  '  trato  con  mucho  calor  de  casar  le.  Y  assi  le  case  con  dona  luana 
. .  .por  los  poderes  que  tuuo  Martin  Cortes.'  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  284. 

The  father  was  Carlos  Ramirez  de  Arellano,  the  mother,  Juana  de 
Ztiniga,  daughter  of  Conde  de  Banares,  first-born  of  Alvaro  de  Zuniga,  first 
duke  of  Be  jar.  Both  families  came  of  royal  blood.  The  title  of  Conde 
Aguilar  de  Inestrillas  was  created  in  1476,  in  favor  of  Arellano,  first  gentle- 
man of  the  bedchamber.  The  title  of  the  duke  de  Bejar  was  created  in 
1485.  Siculo,  Cosas  Mem.,  24^5;  Clavlgero,  Stoma  Mens.,  iii.  236;  Alaman, 
Disert.,  ii.  123.  *  Hermana  del  Conde  de  Aguilar,'  says  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib. 
iv.  cap.  i.,  from  which  it  would  appear  that  the  father  had  already  died. 


THE  BRIDE'S  JEWELS. 


315 


one  or  two  generations  back,  and  beyond  this  they 
ranked  with  the  ordinary  nobihty,  to  which  Cortes' 
ancestors  belonged. 

Juana  was  indeed  an  envied  bride,  and  the  more  so 
when  she  appeared  at  court  decked  in  the  magnificent 
jewels  bestowed  by  her  husband.  The  choicest  were 
five  stones  of  great  size  and  brilliancy  supposed  to  be 
emeralds,  and  so  pronounced  by  experts,  for  one  of 
which  forty  thousand  ducats  was  offered.^^  They  had 
been  cut  by  Aztec  lapidaries  with  admirable  skill  and 
taste,  three  in  the  form  of  a  rose,  a  bugle,  and  a  fish, 
the  fourth  as  a  bell,  with  a  pearl  for  clapper,  and 
bearing  on  the  rim  the  inscription,  "  Blessed  the  one 
who  reared  thee."  The  fifth  and  finest  was  in  the 
shape  of  a  cup,  with  golden  foot,  and  four  chains 
secured  by  a  pearl  which  served  for  the  handle.  The 
golden  rim  bore  the  scripture  text,  ''Inter  natos  mu- 
lierum  non  surrexit  major." 

Quite  a  number  of  people  were  gratified  with  a  share 
of  the  precious  stones,  pearls,  and  gold  trinkets  brought 
by  Cortes,  all  distributed  with  politic  calculation.  A 
portion  was  set  apart  to  procure  spiritual  favors, 
through  the  instrumentality  of  Juan  de  Rada,  who 
was  sent  to  Italy  to  kiss  the  feet  of  Clement  VII.  in 
the  name  of  his  master,  to  relate  his  efforts  for  the 
advancement  of  the  faith,  and  represent  the  spiritual 
wants  of  the  newly  conquered  region,  among  which 
were  more  friars,  and  a  reduction  of  tithes.  The  pope 
held  solemn  services  to  render  thanks  for  the  acquisi- 
tion of  so  many  souls,  and  issued  a  number  of  bulls 

*^But  refused,  says  Gomara,  though  Herrera,  ubi  sup.,  writes:  *Le  dauan. 
por  ella  mercaderes  de  Seuilla;  quarenta  mil  ducados,'  to  resell  to  the  Great 
Turk.  The  stones  have  since  been  classed  as  jade  or  serpentine,  since  no 
emeralds  exist  in  Mexico.  Alaman,  DiserL,  ii.  31. 

These  five  stones,  *  que  las  apodaron  en  cien  mil  ducados,'  were  lost  when 
Cortes  landed  at  Algiers  in  1541,  during  the  storm  which  wrecked  a  part  of 
the  Spanish  fleet.  Gormra,  Hkt.  Mex.,  284,  347;  Cavo,  Tres  S'lglos,  i.  75. 
These,  the  *  finest  jewels  possessed  by  woman  in  Spain,'  had  been  described  to 
the  empress,  and  roused  her  curiosity.  Cortes  was  informed  that  she  wished 
to  see  and  probably  to  buy  them,  and,  unwilling  to  part  with  them,  they  were 
sent  to  his  wife  before  appearing  at  court,  according  to  Gomara.  This  was 
probably  represented  to  the  empress  with  a  little  exaggeration,  and  she  re- 
membered it  to  his  prejudice.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad,,  226. 


316 


ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— CORTlfeS  IN  SPAIN. 


granting  absolution  to  conquerors  for  excesses,  indul- 
gencies  for  churches  and  hospitals,  and  special  favors 
for  Cortes  and  Kada,  for  the  former  notably  the  per- 
petual patronage  of  hospitals  founded  in  his  name, 
and  the  legitimation  of  his  natural  children/^  The 
favors  for  Rada  consisted  chiefly  of  recommendations 
for  his  advancement,  and  these  not  being  carried  out, 
the  disappointed  soldier  went  to  Peru,  where  in  the 
capacity  of  an  Almagrist  captain  he  led  the  onslaught 
wherein  fell  the  mighty  Pizarro.^^ 

After  the  departure  of  the  emperor  from  Spain, 
Cortes  found  no  reason  to  prolong  his  stay.  He  felt 
on  the  contrary  that  he  must  hasten  back  to  Mexico 
to  protect  his  interests  before  it  was  too  late.  The 
decision  of  the  crown  to  appoint  a  new  government 
for  New  Spain  gave  cause  for  delay,  however,  as  it 
would  be  preferable  that  he  should  not  enter  into 
Mexico  before  the  change  had  taken  place.  The 
representations  from  there  sought,  indeed,  to  prevent 
his  return  at  any  time.  The  India  Council  appear 
to  have  advised  him  to  wait  yet  a  while ;  but,  finding 
that  the  delay  would  prove  long,  he  disregarded  the 
hint,  and  early  in  the  spring  of  1530^^  he  left  Se- 
ville, attended  by  a  brilliant  retinue  of  companions 
and  servants,  nearly  four  hundred,  well  armed  and 
equipped,  and  befitting  his  position  as  a  leading  noble 
of  the  kingdom,  and  the  central  figure  in  the  empire 
he  had  won.    He  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  and 

These  are  named  as  Martin  Cortes,  Luis  de  Altamirano,  and  Catarina 
Pizarro.  The  only  hospital  so  far  founded  by  Cortes*  was  de  la  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion,  now  Jesus  Nazareno.  The  bulls  are  given  in  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii. 
app.  ii.  26-48.  By  request  of  the  sovereign  to  whom  belonged  the  patronage 
of  churches,  Cortes  surrendered  the  bull  granting  to  him  such  privileges. 
Puga,  Cedulario,  75;  Pacheco  Sbud  Cardenas,  Col  Doc,  xiii.  237^1. 

He  was  an  hidalgo  from  the  mountains  of  Castile.  Almagro  the  elder 
at  first  placed  him  in  charge  of  his  son  Diego,  who  later  made  him  maestro 
de  campo.  '  Su  Santidad  le  hizo  merced . . .  de  le  hazer  Conde  Palatino, '  is 
Bemal  Diaz'  addition  to  favors  granted  him  by  the  pope.  Hist.  Verdad.,  227. 

^2  A  royal  decree  forbidding  his  entrance  into  Mexico  is  dated  March  22, 
1530,  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  403-5,  hence  he  must  have  left 
before  that  date.  In  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  Cortes  explains  that  he  waited 
for  some  time  at  Seville,  and  subsequently  at  San  Liicar,  hoping  to  join  the 
new  oidores.  Escritos  Sueltos,  177-8.  Alaman  assumes  without  good  reason 
that  he  was  bidden  to  wait  for  the  oidores.  Disert.,  ii.  32. 


RETURN  TO  MEXICO. 


317 


toother,  and  proud  indeed  must  have  been  the  parent 
to  share  in  the  ovation  which  fell  from  every  side 
upon  the  renowned  conqueror,  and  to  witness  the 
scenes  of  his  achievements.^^ 

After  waiting  at  San  Domingo  for  over  two 
months,  in  vain  expectation  of  the  new  oidores, 
Cortes  found  the  cost  of  maintaining  four  hundred 
men  too  severe;  he  therefore  proceeded,  and  arrived 
safely  at  Vera  Cruz  the  15th  of  July. 

His  reception  was  not  unlike  that  tendered  him 
four  years  before,  when  he  was  hailed  by  oppressed 
natives  and  persecuted  Spaniards  as  a  savior.  It  was 
not  fully  understood  on  the  present  occasion  what 
power  he  possessed,  but  the  mere  presence  of  the 
hero,  fresh  from  the  hallowed  circle  of  the  court,  and 
radiant  with  the  honors  and  retinue  of  a  grandee,  was 
enough  to  obtain  for  him  an  ovation  worthy  of  his 
pretensions.  The  natives,  in  whose  eyes  none  could 
compare  with  Malinche,  the  conqueror,  were  the  most 
demonstrative,  as  with  flowers  they  strewed  the  path 
before  him,  and  crowded  round  to  place  at  his  feet 
their  presents,  from  the  humble  oflering  of  provisions 
on  the  part  of  the  poor  common  people,  to  the  embroi- 
dered robes  and  glittering  jewels  of  the  caciques  and 
nobles.  The  demonstrations  by  the  Spaniards,  who 
flocked  from  every  part  of  the  country  to  meet  him,^^ 
were  fraught  chiefly  with  abusive  accounts  of  the 
audiencia,  and  loud  complaints  over  the  outrages  com- 
mitted against  them. 

Cortes  exhibited  his  commission  to  the  municipality 
of  Vera  Cruz,  and  caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed 
captain-general,  whereupon  he  took  formal  possession 

Under  their  care  came  a  number  of  Franciscan  nuns  and  a  dozen  friars 
of  the  order  of  Mercy.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  231;  Pacheco  and  Carde- 
nas, Col.  Doc,  xiii.  412. 

A  later  investigation  made  it  appear  that  the  costly  presents  were  with- 
drawn from  the  eyes  of  officials,  and  that  Cortes  sent  secretly  to  Spain  some 
10,000  pesos'  worth  of  trinkets.  Informacion,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xii.  531-40. 

*  Casi  todos  los  Espafioles  de  Mexico,  con  achaque  de  salir  a  recibir  le. 
En  pocos  diaa  se  le,iutaron  mas  de  mil.'  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  286-7. 


318         ERECTION  OF  BISHOPRICS— CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 


of  Izcalpan,  five  leagues  from  the  port,  as  one  of  the 
towns  granted  him  by  the  crown. 

Both  alarmed  and  angered  at  these  independent 
proceedings,  the  oidores  sent  orders  for  all  Spaniards 
to  return  to  their  towns  under  severe  penalties,^'^  so  as 
to  enable  them  to  keep  back  Cortes,  and  perhaps  to 
drive  him  from  the  country.  The  natives  were  for- 
bidden to  hold  intercourse  with  him,  or  to  supply  him 
food.  As  for  the  authorities  at  Vera  Cruz  who  had 
countenanced  the  captain-general,  they  were  punished, 
and  Alcalde  Mejia  received  orders  to  dispossess  him, 
and  cast  down  the  gibbet  erected  on  his  grant  in  sign 
of  authority.  The  oidores  had  heard  of  the  coming 
of  new  members  from  Spain,  but  seem  to  have  at  first 
regarded  them  as  intended  to  replace  their  defunct 
associates,  and  they  felt  therefore  as  confident  as  ever. 
Others  understood  the  case  rightly,  however,  and 
many  had  suflered  too  much  already  from  the  audi- 
encia  to  fear  additional  persecution,  so  that  they  pre- 
ferred to  remain  with  their  old  leader. 

While  at  Vera  Cruz,  Cortes  received  a  decree  from 
the  queen  forbidding  him  to  approach  within  ten 
leagues  of  Mexico,  until  the  new  audiencia  arrived, 
lest  his  presence  should  give  rise  to  troubles.  He 
resolved  nevertheless  to  leave  the  unhealthy  coast  and 
establish  his  headquarters  at  Tezcuco,  although  this 
lay  within  the  prescribed  limit,  for  here  alone  could 
he  have  ready  access  to  supplies  for  his  numerous  ret- 
inue. In  their  alarm  the  oidores  sent  an  appeal  to 
Guzman  for  aid,  and  took  steps  to  defend  the  capital. 
Cortes  being  both  unwilling  and  afraid  to  create  dis- 
turbance, commissioned  Bishop  Garces  and  some  of 

Also  called  La  Rinconada.  According  to  his  opponents  these  proceed- 
ings were  arrogantly  conducted,  *  con  alguna  manera  de  boUicio, '  and  this  is 
not  unlikely  with  so  large  a  band  of  turbulent  followers.  It  is  even  said  that 
he  claimed  all  manner  of  authority  not  mentioned  in  his  commission,  and 
threatened  to  hang  the  oidores.  Letters  of  Salmeron  and  Guzman,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  190,  412. 

'So  pena  de  muerte.'  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  viii.  cap.  ii. 
^8  This  bore  the  date  March  22d,  and  was  read  to  him  also  at  Tlascala  by 
an  ofl&cer  of  the  audiencia,  on  August  9th. 


INFAMOUS  PERSECUTIONS. 


319 


the  friars  to  represent  his  peaceful  intents.  If  their 
miHtary  preparations  had  for  an  object  the  pacification 
of  some  district,  he  as  captain-general  would  take 
charge  of  any  such  undertaking,  otherwise  he  implored 
and  even  commanded  them  to  pursue  a  peaceful  course. 
This  representation  had  a  certain  effect,  but  the  re- 
sentment of  the  oidores  was  not  relaxed.  They  laid 
hands  on  the  remaining  property  of  their  opponent, 
cutting  off  all  supplies  from  that  source,  and  then 
sought  by  strict  orders  and  severe  punishment  to 
lessen  his  intercourse  with  the  natives,  and  by  dimin . 
ishing  the  contributions  on  which  he  subsisted  to 
drive  him  away.^^ 

Galled  by  the  deference  shown  to  him,  they  sought 
to  rouse  a  hostile  feeling  among  the  Spaniards  by  de- 
claring that  the  laws  restricting  encomiendas  and  other 
privileges  were  due  to  his  efforts.  Under  these  re- 
strictions Cortes'  party  was  brought  to  such  a  stress, 
according  to  his  own  statement,  that  more  than  a  hun- 
dred died  from  want  of  food,  including  his  aged  mother. 
This,  however,  was  exaggeration,  and  the  deaths 
must  be  attributed  chiefly  to  the  usual  fever  which  so 
frequently  attacked  new-comers.  Though  resolved 
not  to  be  driven  to  overt  acts,  he  felt  it  necessary  to 
intimate  that  unless  the  persecution  relaxed  he  would 
be  obliged  to  seize  the  towns  granted  him  by  the 
emperor,  so  as  to  save  the  rest  of  his  party  from  star- 
vation. Greater  harmony  was  also  necessary  to  check 
the  growing  insubordination  among  the  natives,  who 
felt  encouraged  by  the  dissension  to  attack  isolated 
Spaniards.  Reasoning  and  meditation  had  their 
effect,  and  Cortes  remained  at  his  camp  to  await  the 
new  rulers. 

Algiiaciles  were  constantly  busy  arresting  chiefs  and  purveyors,  and 
leading  them  to  punishment  with  halters  round  the  neck.  CorUs,  Escritos 
Suelto.%  228. 

^  The  lord  of  Tezcuco  killed  several  chiefs  and  took  refuge  in  sanctuary  to 
escape  arrest.  Zumdrraga,  Lettre,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  tom.  v. 
181.  *  Y  no  en  muchos  dias  faltuan  mas  de  dozientos,'  writes  Gomara  some- 
what hastily.  Hist.  Mex.,  287. 


CHAPTER  XVL 


THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 
1530-1532. 

The  New  President  and  Oidores — Their  Instructions — Measures  eor 
Settlers  and  Natives — Sumptuary  Laws — Impressive  Entry  of  the 
Oidores — The  Government  House — Swearing  Allegiance  to  the 
Sovereign — Residencia  and  Fate  op  Matienzo  and  Delgadillo— 

CORREGIMIENTO  SySTEM  INTRODUCED — A  ChECK  TO  SLAVERY — ADVANCE- 
MENT OF  Natives — Social  Reforms — Founding  of  Puebla  of  the 
Angels — Secret  Order  to  Restrict  Encomiendas — General  Clamor 
AGAINST  It — The  Conquerors  and  their  Reward. 

After  the  reception  in  Spain  of  Bishop  Zumd-r- 
raga's  raking  denunciation  of  the  audiencia,  every 
ship  that  left  Mexico  carried  scores  of  letters  detail- 
ing the  ceaseless  abuses  of  which  Spaniards  as  well  as 
Indians  were  victims.  The  conduct  of  Guzman  dur- 
ing his  brief  sway  at  Pd-nuco  was  known  already  at 
court,  and  now  that  to  these  charges  were  added 
others  still  more  damnatory,  as  well  as  complaints 
against  Matienzo  and  Delgadillo,  it  became  evident 
to  Charles  that  his  ministers  had  erred  in  the  selec- 
tion of  men  to  whom  the  destinies  of  the  colony  had 
been  confided.  He  resolved  on  their  removal,  and  as 
his  presence  abroad  was  necessary,  he  charged  the 
empress  to  see  justice  dealt  to  these  malefactors,  and 
worthy  persons  sent  to  take  their  places.  Isabel  of 
Portugal  was  a  princess  of  noble  sentiments  and  of 
sterling  sense.  Having  submitted  the  matter  to  the 
council,  she  resolved  to  make  a  viceroyalty  of  New 
Spain,  and  to  send  thither  as  ruler  from  among  the 
nobles  surrounding  the  throne  a  man  whose  birth  and 

320" 


THE  PRESIDENCY. 


321 


position  were  guaranties  not  only  of  his  loyalty  but 
of  his  freedom  from  the  excessive  avarice  and  vile 
ambition  native  to  men  like  Guzman.  But  time  was 
required  both  for  selecting  such  a  person,  and  to  ena- 
ble him  to  make  preparations;  and  as  the  ills  of  New 
Spain  demanded  an  immediate  remedy,  it  was  decided 
to  send  a  new  audiencia  composed  of  members  well 
known  for  prudence  and  rectitude.^  Some  trouble 
was  encountered  in  the  selection,  several  persons  ex- 
cusing themselves;  but  finally  the  presidency  was 
conferred  upon  Sebastian  Ramirez  de  Fuenleal,  some- 
time inquisitor  of  Seville  and  oidor  of  Granada,  and 
then  bishop  of  Santo  Domingo  and  president  of  the 
audiencia  of  that  island.^  He  was  informed  immedi- 
ately of  the  appointment,  and  ordered  to  be  ready  to 
join  his  colleagues  on  their  arrival  at  Santo  Domin- 
go.^ The  selection  of  the  oidores  was  intrusted  to 
the  venerable  bishop  of  Badajoz,  president  of  the 
audiencia  of  Valladolid,  with  instructions  to  choose 
only  those  worthy  of  association  with  the  illustrious 
prelate.  The  bishop,  after  due  deliberation,  named 
Juan  de  Salmeron,  Alonso  Maldonado,  Francisco 
Ceynos,*  and  Vasco  de  Quiroga  for  these  positions ; 
and  the  nominations  were  accepted  without  question 
by  the  empress. 

Salmeron  had  acquired  both  skill  and  reputation  as 
alcalde  mayor  of  Castilla  del  Oro,  and  Ceynos  as  late 

*The  appointment  had  been  determined  upon  early  in  March  1530 — see 
the  queens  decree  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  404 — but  the 
oidores  were  not  officially  named  until  the  12th  of  July  following.  Puga, 
Cedidario,  37. 

^  Of  the  family  of  the  count  of  Villaescusa  de  Haro,  bom  in  the  province 
of  Cuenca,  and  well  educated  at  the  college  of  Santa  Cruz  at  Valladolid,  He 
had  been  made  third  bishop  of  Santo  Domingo  in  1524,  and  three  years  later, 
president  of  the  audiencia  established  there.  Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  ix.  cap.  i. ; 
Datos  Biog.,  in  Cartas  de  Ind.,  829;  Mex.,  Not.  Ciudad,  266.  Oviedo,  i.  82, 
says  that  he  was  also  bishop  of  Concepcion  de  la  Vega  in  the  island  of  Santo 
Domingo. 

2  The  order  was  dated  April  12,  1530.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  i.  262. 

*  I  have  preferred  the  spelling  of  Puga,  Cedulario,  56,  and  of  Cortes,  Real 
C6dula,  in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  241.  Torquemada,  Monq. 
Ind.,  i.  603,  twists  the  name  into  '  Cavnos.'  Lacunza,  Discurso,  Hist.,  459,  says 
*  Cainos.'  They  came  respectively  from  Madrid,  Salamanca,  Toro,  or  Zamora, 
and  Madrigal.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  230, 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  21 


S22 


THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


fiscal  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  was  admirably- 
fitted  to  act  as  oidor,  but  Quiroga's  leanings  were  of 
too  clerical  a  character.^  According  to  the  instruc- 
tions, dated  July  12,  1530,  on  arrival  in  New  Spain 
they  were  to  forward  to  their  predecessors  the  letter 
of  the  empress,  notifying  them  of  the  change.  Their 
residence  at  Mexico  should  be  the  palace  of  Cortes, 
who  would  be  asked  to  sell  it  at  a  fair  appraisement. 
In  the  absence  of  the  president,  the  oldest  oidor  must 
preside.  As  protection  of  the  natives  was  particu- 
larly enjoined,  they  must  strictly  adhere  to  the  order 
disregarded  by  the  former  audiencia,  to  hold  no  na- 
tives, not  even  the  ten  servants  allowed  to  the  former, 
their  pay  being  for  that  reason  increased  by  one  fourth.^ 
All  unfinished  business  pending  before  the  first  audi- 
encia was  to  be  promptly  despatched.^  The  residencia 
of  the  late  oidores  and  officials  should  be  proclaimed 
without  delay,^  and  if  guilty  they  must  be  sent  to 
Spain,  together  with  the  papers  in  the  case.^  Guz- 

^So  observes  Mendoza,  Carta^  in  Florida,  Cot  Doc,  i.  121-2.  See  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  i.,  this  series.  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vii,  cap.  viii.,  says  that  'el 
Consejo  supremo  daua  priessa  en  la  partida  de  los  nueuos  Oydores,  i  procu- 
raua  de  embiarlos  con  mucha  conformidad  de  el  Marques  del  Valle.'  Taken 
alone  the  latter  part  of  the  sentence  might  be  construed  to  mean  that  Cortes' 
feelings  or  wishes  were  consulted  in  the  appointment  of  the  oidores,  but  it 
refers  most  likely  to  the  orders  given  that  Cortes  and  the  oidores  should  sail 
together;  for  Cortes  himself  admits  that  the  matter  was  not  referred  to  his 
judgment.  EscHtos  Sueltos,  176-8. 

^'The  salary  amounted  to  500,000  maravedis.  Puga,  Cedulario,  110.  Mo- 
reno, Frag.  Quiroga,  13,  says  600,000,  which  may  include  extras.  The  late 
oidores  should  be  made  to  pay  the  natives  employed  by  them,  and  if  any 
of  the  laborers  had  died  the  amount  should  be  applied  to  the  hospital  fund. 
Land  and  other  property  extorted  should  be  returned,  even  in  case  of  bona 
Jide  sale,  if  rightful  owners  so  demanded.  The  fees  of  audiencia  officers  should 
be  the  same  as  those  of  Valladolid  and  G-ranada. 

Including  the  residencia  of  Cortes.  But  this  had  already  been  concluded. 
The  accounts  of  the  late  administrator  of  decedents'  estates,  Lopez  de  Avila, 
were  to  be  examined,  and,  as  the  office  had  been  abolished  owing  to  fraudu- 
lent management,  the  unsettled  estates  and  fees  must  be  taken  in  charge.  In 
1550  a  juzgado  de  bienes  de  difuntos  was  established,  from  which  the  crowTi 
derived  a  goodly  revenue.  Becop.  de  Indias,  i.  489.  For  previous  regulations, 
see  Puga,  Cedulario,  13,  14,  20,  73-4;  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hacienda,  v.  458. 

^  The  process  was  specified,  yet  Fuenleal  in  a  letter  of  the  30th  of  April, 
1532,  asked  for  further  instructions.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xiii.  20&-9. 

^  The  royal  officials  had  already  been  ordered  to  Spain,  but  the  factor  had 
alone  presented  himself.  They  must  now  be  sent  after  having  submitted 
their  accounts  and  left  deputies.  One  charge  against  them  was  the  engaging 
in  business  contrary  to  instructions.    The  residencia  of  alcalde  mayores  might 


INSTRUCTIONS. 


323 


man,  if  not  guilty,  should  return  to  Pdnuco.^^  The 
es"cates  of  Cortes  should  be  restored,  and  friendly 
relations  maintained.  This  applied  also  to  adherents 
who  had  suffered  in  his  cause,^^  and  to  all  whose  prop- 
erty had  been  unjustly  seized. 

In  distributing  encomiendas  they  should  give  con- 
querors the  preference,  without  favoritism,  the  limit 
for  such  grants  in  the  towns  being  two  hundred  pesos 
income/^  The  towns  might  for  the  present  elect  their 
own  alcaldes.  Sumptuary  laws  should  be  enforced 
with  more  strictness,  since  extravagance  in  dress  and 
living  was  a  cause  for  oppressing  the  natives.  Gam- 
bling must  be  punished,  yet  the  fines  imposed  for 
offences  committed  in  this  respect  during  the  period 
of  conquest  were  to  be  remitted,  except  in  extreme 
cases.  Concubinage  must  be  suppressed,  yet  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  cause  no  social  disturbance.  While 
the  maintenance  of  harmonious  relations  with  the 
clergy  was  a  duty,  as  otherwise  the  salvation  of  souls 
would  be  unattainable,  they  were  instructed  to  report, 
after  their  acquaintance  with  the  country,  whether 
the  actual  bishops  of  Mexico  and  Tlascala  were  fitted 
to  occupy  those  positions,  and  if  it  were  not  well  to 
increase  the  number  of  bishoprics.  The  crown  had 
been  informed  that,  contrary  to  the  agreement  made 
with  all  bishops  of  the  Indies,  the  two  referred  to 
were  in  the  habit  of  collecting  personal  tithes;  this 
must  be  strictly  prohibited  in  any  form.    Friars  could 

be  taken  by  deputies.  Alguacil  Mayor  Proano  should,  if  reinstated,  as  not 
guilty,  be  restricted  to  the  power  enjoyed  by  similar  officers  in  Valladolid  and 
Granada. 

^•^Or  a  lieutenant  should  be  appointed.  Puga,  Cedulario,  45.  It  was 
pointed  out  afterward  that  this  province  was  too  poor  to  support  a  governor, 
and  Fuenleal  recommended  the  appointment  of  a  settler  as  alcalde  mayor, 
for  sole  ruler,  with  some  deputies  to  collect  taxes.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and 
CdrdeTim,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  222. 

Such  as  Paz'  brothers,  Altamirano,  who  returned  to  testify  against  Guz- 
man, Ordaz,  and  others. 

All  petitions  to  the  emperor  in  this  and  other  cases  should  first  be  exam- 
ined by  the  audiencia,  to  guard  against  unfounded  pretensions  and  statements. 

By  decree  of  1530  Cortes  was  ordered  to  have  restored  to  him  12,000 
pesos  in  fines  for  eight  years  of  gambling.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  in  Col.  Doc.y 
xii.  510.  Regulations  were  also  issued  to  restrict  gambling.  Pu(ja,  Cedulano^ 
70;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  60-4. 


324         THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


hold  no  encomiendas,  and  exactions  by  them  should 
be  redressed  and  punished.^^ 

The  nuns  sent  to  teach  native  girls  should  be  pro- 
tected and  favored  both  by  the  audiencia  and  the 
bishops.  The  care  of  the  natives  was  particularly 
enjoined,  and  Bishop  Zumdrraga  received  praise  for 
his  energetic  defence  of  them.  There  must  be  no 
more  branding,  and  traffic  in  slaves  must  be  reformed 
or  abolished.  Wrongfully  enslaved  natives  were  to 
be  liberated.  Conversion  being  a  main  obj  ect,  churches 
should  be  erected,  religious  education  promoted,  and 
exemplary  life  set  forth.  In  order  to  promote  the 
spread  of  Spanish  customs  and  culture  the  audiencia 
should  appoint,  from  among  Indians  dwelling  in  the 
towns  of  the  Spaniards,  two  regidores  and  an  alguacil, 
to  sit  in  cabildo  with  the  Spanish  officers,  who  under 
penalty  of  the  royal  displeasure  must  treat  them  with 
the  greatest  consideration.-^^  On  the  other  hand,  they 
must  not  be  initiated  into  branches  of  knowledge 
which  might  endanger  the  colonists.  They  should 
not  be  allowed  to  ride,  and  neither  horses  nor  mules 
must  be  sold  or  given  to  them  under  penalty  of  death 
and  confiscation.  The  sale  or  gift  of  arms  to  them 
was  also  forbidden.  A  full  report  of  the  condition 
and  resources  of  all  the  provinces  subjugated  must  be 
sent  in,  also  information  concerning  adjoining  districts, 
officials,  and  other  subjects.  Encouragement  should 
be  given  to  the  cultivation  of  flax  and  other  products, 
and  all  women,  natives  and  Spanish,  should  know  how 
to  spin  and  weave. 

The  belief  in  the  existence  of  a  hill  of  silver  in 
Michoacan  still  lingered  in  the  royal  imagination,  and 
it  was  ordered  that  careful  assays  should  be  made,  not 
only  here  but  in  all  provinces  where  the  precious 
metals  existed.  The  crown  had  abandoned  its  claim 
to  all  tithes  on  gold  taken  from  mines,  which  were 

^*  It  was  instanced  that  the  Franciscans  had  exacted  gold  from  the  Cem- 
poalans. 

Fraud  on  the  part  of  interpreters  should  be  prevented  by  employing  two 
to  give  separate  renderings. 


THE  NEW  OIDORES. 


325 


iiow  free  to  all,  but  no  gold  having  been  obtained, 
except  from  natives,  the  royal  intent  was  defeated; 
it  was  ordered,  therefore,  that  the  privilege  should  be 
annulled.  Frauds  against  the  treasury,  in  non-pay- 
ment of  tribute,  secretion  of  moneys,  and  unauthor- 
ized loans,  must  be  investigated,  and  in  order  to 
protect  the  custom-house  revenue  the  three  crown- 
officers  were  to  reside  at  Vera  Cruz,  each  in  turn,  and, 
conjointly  with  a  regidor  and  the  justice  of  that  city, 
appraise  all  cargoes  in  the  presence  of  a  notary. 

Meanwhile  fresh  complaints  of  Guzman  and  the 
oidores  continued  to  arrive,  until  it  seemed  that  their 
sole  aim  had  been  to  disobey  every  instruction  given 
to  them.  The  newly  appointed  oidores  had  been  for 
some  time  at  Seville,^^  and  were  now  hurried  away. 
They  sailed  on  the  16th  of  September,  1530,  with 
orders  to  touch  at  Santo  Domingo  so  that  their  presi- 
dent might  join  them,  but  on  account  of  stormy 
weather  they  were  unable  to  obey  these  instructions, 
and  landed  at  Vera  Cruz  at  the  end  of  the  year.^^ 
With  them  went  several  persons  appointed  to  office,  and 
others  on  whom  the  emperor  had  conferred  honors  for 
distinguished  services. The  report  of  the  coming  of 
the  new  audiencia,  so  long  expected  in  Mexico,  had  been 

Many  of  the  instructions  are  mere  repetitions  of  those  issued  to  the  firs 
audiencia,  and  others  are  trivial.  They  are  all  to  be  found  in  Puga,  Cedula- 
rio,  38  et  seq. ;  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vii.  cap.  viii.  Many  are  incorporated 
in  the  general  laws  of  Eecop.  de  Indias,  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  and  Monte- 
may  or,  Svmarios.  The  ordinances  for  the  government  of  the  audiencia  were 
similar  to  those  given  to  the  previous  body.  See  also  Fomeca,  Hist.  Haci- 
enda, i,  ii.  v.;  Gonzalez  Ddvda,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  24.  Puga's  work,  properly 
entitled  PhiUjnis  Secundus,  etc.,  Promsiones,  Cedulas,  Jnstrumentos,  etc.,  Mex- 
ico, 1563,  is  remarkable  as  the  first  law-book  printed  in  America,  and  perhaps 
the  first  American  book  of  any  practical  value,  the  earlier  specimens  of  typog- 
raphy, of  which  I  have  several,  being  chiefly  ecclesiastic  treatises. 

During  their  stay  in  that  city  one  of  them  belied  his  reputation  for  dis- 
cretion by  meriting  a  reproof  on  the  part  of  the  India  Council  for  communi- 
cating to  an  officer  of  the  India  house  a  certain  royal  order.  Herrera,  dec.  iv. 
lib.  vii.  cap.  viii. 

'  Nous  arrivkmes  ici  le  23  decembre, '  at  Mexico,  evidently.  Letter  of 
audiencia,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  tom,  v.  138. 

Among  those  to  whom  the  privilege  of  using  coats  of  arms  had  been 
granted  were  Gerdnimo  Lopez,  Juan  de  Burgos,  Hernando  Gomez,  Ruy  Gon- 
zalez, and  Garcia  del  Pilar.  Id.  AW  of  these  persons  could  not  have  accom- 
panied the  audiencia;  the  last  named,  as  we  shall  see,  was  serving  at  the  time 
as  interpreter  to  Guzman  in  Jalisco. 


32a 


THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


hailed  with  joy  by  all  but  Matienzo  and  Delgadillo, 
who  pretended  that  the  new  magistrates  were  simply 
to  fill  the  places  of  the  president  and  the  two  oidores, 
made  vacant  by  death  and  absence.  Whether  it  had 
been  entertained  or  not,  the  illusion  was  rudely  dis- 
pelled when  the  four  oidores  came  on  immediately  from 
Vera  Cruz.  Convinced  at  length,  with  becoming  impu- 
dence they  covered  their  criminal  hearts  with  the  garb 
of  humility,  and  when  their  judges  approached  the 
city  they  were  foremost  to  render  homage  during  the 
pompous  reception.  The  oidores  entered  Mexico  in 
accordance  with  the  instructions  they  had  received. 
Just  before  they  reached  the  city  a  box  containing  the 
royal  seal  was  placed  on  a  richly  caparisoned  mule,  on 
each  side  of  which  walked  two  oidores,  the  seniors  in 
advance,  marching  under  a  rich  canopy  of  silk,  borne 
by  the  noblest  in  the  land,  whereon  were  emblazoned 
in  all  the  pride  of  heraldry  the  arms  of  Castile  and 
Aragon.  They  took  their  seats  on  the  12th  of  Jan- 
uary, 1531,  their  instructions  and  the  ordinances  for 
their  government  being  read  in  full  audience,  after 
which  each  of  the  four,  placing  the  documents  upon 
his  head,  promised  obedience.  The  president  did  not 
arrive  until  September  from  Santo  Domingo,  where  he 
had  been  waiting  the  arrival  of  his  associates. They 
took  possession  of  the  finished  palace  of  Cortes,  accord- 
ing to  orders,  although  not  readily  agreeing  with  him 
upon  the  price. 

2"  Hearing  at  last  of  their  arrival  in  New  Spain,  he  set  out  and  reached 
Vera  Cruz  September  23d.  There  seems  to  have  existed  an  impression  that 
he  would  not  come.  No  one  desired  his  presence  more  than  Quiroga,  who,  on 
the  14th  of  August,  wrote  to  the  India  Council  urging  that  the  bishop  of 
Santo  Domingo  be  not  allowed  to  decline  the  position  of  president,  for  the 
state  of  affairs  in  New  Spain  demanded  his  presence.  He  added  that  no  soldier 
should  be  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs  but  a  man  of  letters,  whose  conscien- 
tiousness, experience,  and  freedom  from  avarice  fitted  him  for  the  position; 
such  a  man  was  Fuenleal,  as  he,  while  in  Hispaniola,  had  had  ample  oppor- 
tunity of  judging. 

'''^This  was  the  western  building,  with  the  shops,  and  20,000  pesos  de  oro 
was  demanded  for  the  whole,  but  the  audiencia  paid  him  barely  half  that 
amount  for  the  main  building,  returning  the  shops  which  yielded  a  rental  of 
3,000  pesos  or  more.  Cortes  demanded  more,  and  was  still  complaining  of 
delayed  payment  in  1533.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  550-1.  It 
was  proposed  in  1537  to  buy  also  the  shops,  but  during  the  interval  of  commu- 


A  HUNDRED  VERDICTS  FOR  CORTES.  327 


One  of  their  first  acts  was  a  renewal  of  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  king,  the  queen-mother,  and  the 
young  prince  Felipe,  in  accordance  with  special  in- 
structions. This  was  administered  after  solemn  mass 
by  the  bishop,  on  a  raised  and  decorated  platform, 
first  to  the  audiencia,  then  to  the  officers  of  the  mu- 
nicipality and  leading  citizens,  in  the  presence  of  the 
assembled  subjects.  A  similar  procedure  was  exacted 
in  all  the  settlements  of  the  country. After  a  pre- 
liminary investigation  the  residencia  of  the  late  audi- 
encia was  proclaimed,  and  an  embargo  placed  upon 
their  property  including  Guzman's  Pdnuco  estates. 
Now  for  the  first  time  dared  the  oppressed  give  vent 
to  the  feelings  pent  up  during  a  long  series  of  indig- 
nities and  outrages,  and  haste  was  made  from  all  parts 
to  testify  against  the  tyrants,  and  to  claim  damages. 
The  claims  of  Cortes'  attorneys  alone  aggregated  some 
two  hundred  thousand  pesos  de  oro.  Matienzo  and 
Delgadillo  naturally  threw  the  chief  blame  on  the 
absent  Guzman,  but  there  was  enough  immediate  evi- 
dence to  cause  their  arrest,  the  former,  as  the  least 
guilty,  being  confined  merely  to  the  city  limits,  while 
the  insolence  of  the  latter  was  softened  by  a  term  of 
prison  seclusion.^*  The  suit  against  them  proved  strong, 
Cortes  alone  gaining  a  hundred  verdicts,^^  and  they 

nication  with  Spain  on  this  point  property  doubled  in  value,  and  Mendoza 
objected  to  pay  the  50,000  ducats  demanded.  Cortes'  other  house  was  then 
valued  at  60,000  castellanos.  Mendoza,  Carta,  in  Id.,  ii.  200-1.  See  letter  of 
oidores  in  Ternaux-Corwpams,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  torn,  v,  161,  on  payments,  and 
Puga,  Cedulario,  37-8,  on  royal  order  to  buy.  The  occupation  of  this  house 
involved  the  audiencia  in  certain  meddling  with  municipal  affairs,  which  was 
resented  by  the  city  council.  Appeals  were  addressed  to  the  home  govern- 
ment and  resulted  in  a  cedula  granting  one  oidor  the  right  to  assist  in  the 
cabildo  sessions.  Id.,  109-10. 

■''^ Torquemada,  i.  605,  describes  the  ceremony,  and  adds:  *  Y  esta  fue  la 
primera  Jura,  que  huvo  en  estas  Indias.' 

23  Which  consisted  of  slaves  and  live-stock,  the  whole  insufficient  to  cover 
the  '  dix  mille  pesos  qu'il  a  pris  dans  le  tresor  royal.'  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy., 
serie  ii.  tom.  v.  139.  Delgadillo  had  hastened  to  convert  his  property  into 
money.  Id.,  174. 

'^^  Matienzo  was  even  trusted  so  far  as  to  be  sent  to  Panuco  to  report  on  the 
slave-trade  there.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. ,  228. 

Yet  not  all  he  sought,  for  his  suits  against  them  and  Guzman  continued 
until  after  his  death.  See  Paclieco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxix.  298  et  seq., 
xxiv.  462.  They  were  mulcted  40,000  pesos  de  oro  in  1532,  for  25  of  those 
suits.  Cartas  de  Indias,  748. 


328 


THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


were  sentenced  to  heavy  payments,  for  which  their 
property  was  wholly  insufficient.  They  were  sent  to 
Spain  in  the  autumn  of  1532,  together  with  the  evi- 
dence, there  to  linger  in  disgrace  and  poverty. 

The  encomiendas  wrongfully  granted  to  their  friends 
were  either  restored  to  the  rightful  owner,  or  taken 
for  the  crown,  yet  several  holders  made  appeal  and 
managed  to  retain  their  grants. 

With  the  residencia,  the  administration  of  justice, 
and  the  inauguration  of  reforms,  involving  long  sit- 
tings and  rounds  of  visits,  the  audiencia  had  a  hard 
task  before  them,  working  daily  twelve  hours  out  of 
the  twenty-four,  not  excepting  feast-days.  Fuenleal, 
indeed,  felt  it  necessary  to  recommend  the  appoint- 
ment of  two  more  oidores  for  a  term  of  two  years, 
the  others  serving  four  years. In  a  special  council, 
assisted  by  the  bishop,  a  number  of  friars,  Cortes,  and 
several  officials  and  residents,  the  holding  and  treat- 
ment of  the  natives  were  carefully  considered,  as  well 
as  the  tribute  system  and  cognate  branches,  and  many 
valuable  conclusions  were  reached  to  aid  the  audiencia 
in  executing  the  orders  for  the  withdrawal  of  enco- 
miendas. Under  the  direction  of  the  empress  the  sev- 
eral councils  in  Spain  had  joined  at  the  end  of  1529 
to  consider  Indian  affairs,  notably  the  holding  of 
Indians,  and  had  resolved  that  encomiendas  should 
not  be  sustained.  Their  recommendation  was  to  effect 
this  change  within  one  year,  granting  present  holders 
but  half  the  revenue  during  that  time.  In  view  of 
the  reasons  presented  by  Cortes  as  well  as  by  the 
friars  in  favor  of  the  system,  and  the  danger  of  so 
sudden  a  reform,  the  second  audiencia  was  empowered 

'  "^^  Fuenleal,  Carta,  in  Pa^lieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  251;  Villa 
Sefior,  Theatro,  i.  14.  Two  brothers  of  Delgadillo  died  in  prison  for  their  out- 
rages. Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  230. 

Two  should  remain  in  the  capital  with  the  president,  the  rest  should 
travel,  each  in  his  district,  to  watch  over  the  execution  of  laws,  the  collection 
of  revenue,  and  the  welfare  generally  of  the  people.  A  relator  was  also  recom- 
mended, and  a  fiscal,  since  the  order  for  a  lawyer  to  fill  this  office  at  call  did 
not  promote  impartial  pleadings.  Cartas,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
xiii.  207,  225.  The  advice  was  partly  followed,  according  to  Puga,  Cedu- 
lario,  84. 


CORREGIMIENTOS. 


329 


to  use  their  judgment  before  they  took  a  step  that 
might  create  a  revolt  among  the  Spaniards,  retard 
settlement,  or  even  affect  the  natives  in  a  manner 
prejudicial  to  the  crown.  They  had  secret  orders 
nevertheless  to  withdraw  all  grants  unjustly  held,  to 
incorporate  for  the  crown  all  that  fell  vacant,  and  as 
many  more  as  they  could  with  safety. 

The  system  intended  to  replace  the  encomendero 
rule  was  that  of  corregimientos,  in  charge  of  petty 
governors  or  magistrates  known  as  corregidores,^^  who 
as  royal  representatives  were  to  govern  the  Indians  as 
tributary  vassals,  granting  them  almost  equal  freedom 
with  the  Spaniards.  They  must  report  on  the  land 
and  industrial  resources  of  the  natives  in  their  dis- 
trict, so  that  the  higher  authorities  might  determine 

'  2^  Salmeron  alludes  to  the  clamor  created  by  the  execution  of  this  secret 
decree;  but  'come  what  may,  your  Majesty's  orders  shall  be  carried  out,'  for 
they  are  just.  Letter,  in  l^ernaux-Cortvpam,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  126.  See 
also  Pufja,  Cedulario,  52,  and  Leon,  Trat.  Ecom.,  18,  on  the  new  order. 

2^  Who  held  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction  in  the  first  instance,  and  politi- 
cal and  economic  supervision  of  his  district.  They  were  of  three  classes: 
letrados,  or  versed  in  law,  polUkos  6  de  capa  y  espada,  and  poUticos  y  mili- 
tares.  All  had  the  same  power,  except  that  the  last  two,  as  not  versed  in 
law,  had  in  suits  to  consult  the  alcaldes  mayores,  who  acted  as  their  counsel. 
Those  now  to  be  appointed  in  New  Spain  were  not  all  of  this  formal  dignity, 
though  enjoying  the  title  and  duties.  In  the  instructions  for  their  guidance, 
dated  July  12,  1530,  they  were  ordered  to  obtain  an  account  of  the  lands  cul- 
tivated and  the  amount  and  kind  of  tribute  paid;  to  keep  a  record  of  the 
encomiendas  adjoining  their  corregimiento,  by  whom  held,  how  managed,  what 
tribute  was  obtained,  how  the  natives  were  treated,  what  religious  instruc- 
tion was  given,  and  whether  there  were  any  vagrants.  They  could  accept  no 
gift  or  fee,  directly  or  indirectly,  under  penalty  of  loss  of  office  and  a  fine 
seven  times  the  value  of  the  gift.  Sujjplies  might  be  obtained  from  the 
natives,  but  only  on  account  of  salary,  to  be  deducted  when  tribute  levy  was 
made.  They  could  form  no  business  connection,  and  could  neither  build  a 
house  nor  engage  in  trade.  Besides  responding  to  the  usual  demands  on 
their  political  and  judicial  duties,  they  must  make  an  annual  tour  of  their 
district  to  watch  over  the  interests  of  the  natives.  The  established  tariff  of 
official  fees  must  be  strictly  observed.  This  clause  was  much  needed  owing 
to  the  excessive  demands  of  judges  and  advocates.  The  audiencia  were  will- 
ing to  allow  at  first  eight  and  subsequently  five  times  the  amount  charged  in 
Spain,  while  20  times  more  was  expected,  and  that  in  nearly  all  trades  and 
professions.  See  Lettre,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  tom.  v.  123^. 
Setena  fines  were  to  be  applied  wholly  to  the  royal  household.  Tlie  super- 
vision of  municipal  duties,  of  religious  and  social  conduct,  of  roads  and  fences, 
of  inns,  and  so  forth,  was  enjoined.  All  official  acts  were  to  be  testified  toby 
notary.  The  care  of  the  Indians  was  particularly  urged,  to  liberate  them 
from  oppression,  idolatry,  and  vices,  and  to  promote  Christian  civilization. 
The  instructions  are  quite  minute.  See  Pwja,  Cedulario,  52-6;  Herrera, 
dec.  iv.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xiv. 


330         THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


upon  the  kind  and  amount  of  tribute  to  be  collected 
by  the  corregidores.  They  must  watch  that  the  na- 
tives tilled  their  land  and  kept  to  their  other  work 
so  that  the  tribute  might  not  fall  off ;  they  must  pro- 
mote their  conversion  and  the  spread  of  civilization, 
and  protect  them  from  every  abuse  and  maltreatment, 
keeping  also  an  eye  upon  adjoining  encomenderos  and 
settlers  within  the  district,  and  watching  as  magis- 
trates over  the  observance  of  social,  religious,  and 
political  laws. 

An  alguacil  and  a  priest  aided  them  in  the  dis- 
charge of  these  duties.  Their  only  recompense  was 
a  salary  which  for  smaller  districts  amounted  to  a 
trifle  over  three  hundred  pesos. As  the  new  system 
would  materially  affect  the  conquerors  who  had  cer- 
tain claims  to  the  land  acquired  by  them,  it  was 
proposed  to  give  them  the  jDreference  in  appointing 
corregidores.  The  first  task  of  the  audiencia  was  to 
inspect  the  towns  and  apportion  districts  of  sufficient 
size  to  support  the  many  claimants  entitled  to  office. 
Many  of  the  divisions  were  fcoo  small  to  support  the 
triple  offices  of  corregidor,  alguacil,  and  priest,  and 
acting  corregidores  or  agents  were  appointed,  partly 
for  economic  reasons,  partly  to  allow  the  appoint- 
ment of  humbler  candidates,  as  but  too  many  of  the 
conquerors  were  declared  to  be  unfit  for  the  office  of 
corregidores.  By  March  1531,  about  ninety  of  the 
dispossessed  landholders  had  been  compensated  with 
appointments  as  corregidores,  alguaciles,  and  as  super- 
visors of  small  districts. 

Another  reform  introduced  was  the  treatment  of 
natives  by  encomenderos,  as  only  a  portion  had  been 
dispossessed.  The  audiencia  perceived  with  horror 
how  the  poor  creatures  had  been  torn  from  their 
homes  under  the  most  shallow  pretences,  to  be  en- 

'  Le  salaire  des  corregidors  varie  de  320  380  pesos  d'or,  celui  des 
alguazils  de  120  h  140,  et  celui  des  cures  de  150  -k  170.  lis  sont  tres-moderes, 
et  cependant  nous  ne  savons  avec  quoi  les  payer.'  Lettre  des  auditeurs,  in 
Ternaux-Corrvpans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  132. 

*  De  ceux ...  38  seront  corregidors  ou  alguazils. '  Id. 


TREATMENT  OF  THE  NATIVES. 


331 


slaved  and  branded;  some  carried  to  distant  regions 
and  made  to  work  in  the  mines,  there  to  die  from 
hardships  and  maltreatment.  Wars  had  been  forced 
upon  provinces  in  order  to  give  excuse  for  enslaving ; 
petty  offences  had  been  falsely  charged  against  free 
men  to  secure  their  condemnation,  and,  failing  in  this, 
they  had  been  declared  slaves  of  chiefs  and  transferred 
as  such  to  the  Spaniards.  For  this  a  remedy  existed 
in  a  cedula  of  August  2,  1530,  forbidding  enslave- 
ment either  in  war,  or  by  any  process  whatsoever, 
and  as  a  check  to  further  abuses  in  this  direction,  all 
holders  of  slaves  were  directed  to  register  them  be- 
fore the  royal  officials,  and  if  necessary  prove  their 
title.  Bishop  Zumdrraga  was  by  the  same  decree 
confirmed  as  protector  of  the  Indians,  to  watch  over 
its  observance,  and  shield  the  oppressed,  yet  with  au- 
thority subordinate  to  that  of  the  audiencia.^^  Strict 
as  the  law  appeared,  it  was  not  difficult  to  evade  it 
with  the  aid  of  corrupt  officials,  by  whom  the  audien- 
cia  could  easily  be  deceived.  Even  the  saintly  oidor 
Quiroga  joins  Salmeron  in  suggesting,  a  few  months 
after  the  issue  of  the  cedula,  that  natives  guilty  of 
rebellion,  idolatry,  and  social  crimes  be  condemned  to 
the  mines,  which  must  be  abandoned  unless  workers 
could  be  obtained. Despite  the  abuses  that  crept 
in,  a  salutary  check  had  nevertheless  been  given  to 
Indian  slavery.  Soon  followed  the  liberation  of  chil- 
dren born  of  such  slaves,  and  gradually  slavery  in  its 
real  sense  became  confined  to  the  negro  race.^* 

Another  evil  was  the  carrier  system,  by  which  chiefs 


^2  His  jurisdiction  was  limited  in  cases  of  maltreatment  to  50  pesos  de  oro, 
or  ten  days  imprisonment,  and  he  had  no  authority  over  officials.  Puga, 
Cedulario,  64-6.  His  interference  became  nevertheless  distasteful,  it  seems, 
to  Fuenleal,  who  recommended  that  no  more  protectors  be  appointed. 

Cartas,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  199-200,  424-5.  Sal- 
meron even  uses  the  word  enslavement  in  this  connection.  A  joint  letter  of 
the  audiencia,  of  March  1531,  states  that  the  order  against  slavery  had 
already  injured  mining  and  raised  the  price  of  goods.  Ternaux-Ccmpans, 
Voy. ,  serie  ii.  tom.  v.  147-8. 

Cortes  urges  in  1537  that  no  undue  haste  be  used  in  liberating  slaves, 
merely  that  children  be  declared  free.  Escritos  Sueltos,  277-8.  The  price  of 
slaves  in  ]532  was  40  pesos.    See  Fuenleal's  letter,  ubi  sup.,  258-9. 


332 


THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


or  towns  were  called  upon  to  furnish  men  to  enco- 
menderos  and  officials,  or  for  pretended  royal  service, 
to  transport  provision  and  material  to  the  settlements, 
or  for  armies.  The  burdens  and  pressure  to  which 
such  impressed  natives  were  submitted  were  quite 
appalling,  hundreds  perishing  on  the  road,  there  to 
be  left  as  carrion.^^  To  stop  the  impressment  was 
impossible,  as  available  beasts  of  burden  were  too  few, 
and  as  there  was  no  other  way  to  utilize  certain  na- 
tives who  were  accustomed  to  carrying.  Neverthe- 
less restrictions  were  introduced,  with  limits  on  the 
burden,  the  distance,  and  the  proportion  of  the  in- 
habitants to  be  thus  employed.  Married  men  were 
allowed  to  employ  four  carriers,  bachelors,  two,  who 
must  volunteer  for  the  work  and  receive  in  payment 
one  hundred  cacao  beans  daily. All  natives,  indeed, 
must  be  paid  for  work,  the  rate  and  number  of  hours 
being  determined  by  the  audiencia.^^ 

In  these  and  other  tasks  of  reform  this  body  was 
aided  by  native  alguaciles,  instructed  by  Spanish 
officers  and  intrusted  with  the  staff  of  office,  as  a  step 
to  teaching  them  the  administration  of  municipal 
affairs. A  further  step  was  the  establishment  of 
the  town  named  Santa  Fe,  near  Mexico,  for  converted 
natives,  especially  those  who  had  left  the  monasteries, 
and  here  under  the  care  of  friars  in  their  convent 
hospital  they  were  to  be  confirmed  in  the  knowledge 

The  Huexotzincas,  who  bordered  on  the  mountain  passes  leading  to 
Mexico  Valley,  were  constantly  impressed  for  scaling  the  ranges  with  bur- 
dens, a  strain  under  which  hundreds  perished,  as  Zumarraga  writes  in  his  oft- 
quoted  letter, 

'^^Fuenleal,  Carta,  in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  212.  He  sug- 
gests on  a  later  page,  that  enough  beasts  exist  to  dispense  with  much  of  the 
carrying,  and  urges  the  continued  introduction  of  live-stock.  Guzman  favored 
the  same  idea  for  Mexico,  but  not  for  New  Galicia,  where  few  beasts  could 
be  found.  Id.,  xiv.  86-7,  92-3.  Beaumont  adds  his  comments.  Cr6n.  Mich., 
iii.  447-8.  Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  i.  cap.  vi.,  alludes  to  the  limit  of  30  leagues 
for  certain  transportations,  with  proper  care  and  maintenance  of  the  carriers. 

Puga,  Cedulario,  77,  85.  The  audiencia  speaks  in  1531  of  *  un  demi- 
celemin  de  mais  par  jour '  to  workers  on  a  convent.  Ternaux-Com.'pans,  Voij., 
s6rie  ii.  tom.  v.  178.  At  a  later  date  the  pay  was  a  silver  cuartillo  daily,  and 
Mendoza  recommended  the  increase  to  ten  maravedis,  owing  to  the  rise  in 
prices  generally.  Itdacion,  in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  506-7. 

^^The  audiencia  did  not  find  the  Indians  civilized  enough  to  form  town 
councils.  Lettre,  in  Ternaux-Covivpans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  tom.  v.  168. 


PUEBLA  BE  LOS  ANGELES. 


333 


and  practice  of  European  arts  and  institutions.  Others 
were  placed  in  apprenticeship  to  Spanish  artisans. 
Efforts  were  also  made  to  gather  and  provide  for  half- 
breed  children  deserted  by  their  fathers/^  and  to 
administer  relief  for  the  suffering  created  by  the 
measles,  which  burst  suddenly  upon  the  natives  as  an 
epidemic,  and  committed  ravages  only  inferior  to  those 
of  the  small-pox.^^  Moors  and  Jews,  and  descendants 
of  those  who  had  been  stamped  by  the  inquisition, 
were  expelled,  so  that  their  presence  might  not  pro- 
fane the  increasing  number  of  converts. Measures 
against  vagrants  were  made  more  stringent,  as  they 
set  a  bad  example  to  the  community,  and  created  no 
little  mischief  in  the  native  towns.  This  applied  also 
to  many  idle  and  dissolute  persons,  who,  without  being 
actual  vagrants,  proved  equally  pernicious  to  the  com- 
munity. A  number  of  these  were  settled  in  different 
towns,  and  given  land,  together  with  ten  or  twenty 
natives  to  aid  them  in  cultivating  it. 

Among  the  results  of  the  colonization  measures  was 
the  founding  in  1530  of  the  city  of  Puebla  de  los  An- 
geles, by  Hernando  de  Saavedra,  corregidor  of  Tlascala, 
with  the  approval  of  the  audiencia.  Bishop  Garces  had 

^^It  was  founded  by  Quiroga,  who  projected  two  more.  Id.,  135,  166; 
Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  310-11. 

*°  They  might  be  intrusted  to  encomenderos  till  of  an  age  to  care  for  them- 
selves. Puga,  Cedulario,  88.  Quiroga  had  been  actuated  to  this  step  partly 
by  the  number  of  children  drowned  in  the  ditches  round  Mexico.  Moreno, 
Fragmentos,  20-1.  The  illegitimate  offspring  of  Indians  and  Spaniards 
received  the  name  of  Montaneses.  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  174.  Bishop  Zumar- 
raga  had  fined  Indian  adulterers,  but  this  act  was  annulled.  Ordenes  de  la 
Corona,  MS.,  ii.  6. 

*^It  stands  recorded  in  the  native  annals  as  tepiton  zahuatl,  small  pest, 
the  small-pox  being  called  great  pest.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  514-15.  Moto- 
linia  places  it  'eleven  years  after  the  conquest,'  Hist.  Ind.,  i.  15;  while 
Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  it  came  in  1527,  preceded  by  a  ' sabre-like  light*  in 
the  heavens,  from  which  the  priest  predicted  what  followed,  namely,  an  epi- 
demic of  measles  and  a  sort  of  leprosy.  In  the  year  after,  a  rain  of  toads 
terrified  the  settlers  of  Goazacoalco.  Hist.  Conq.  (Paris,  1837),  iv.  461-2.  In 
Oajaca,  Bel,  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Hoc.,  ix.  212,  a  famine  is  recorded, 
which  extended  over  Miguatlan  region.  Sahagun  describes  a  pest  about  that 
period,  '  y  salia  como  agua  de  las  bocas .  . ,  gran  copia  de  sangre  [a]  por  lo  cual 
moria  y  murid  infinita  gente,'  Hist.  Gen.,  ii.  273. 

*^  Several  petitions  appeared  to  this  effect.  See  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  xii.  124,  136.  The  decree  against  Jews  appears  in  Lihrode  Cahildo, 
MS.,  194,  and  that  against  the  others  was  already  issued  by  the  previous 
audiencia,  both  to  be  evaded  by  bribes. 


334 


THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


already  represented  to  the  crown  that  unless  a  Spanish 
town  was  established  in  his  diocese  little  progress  could 
be  made  in  the  way  of  either  spiritual  or  temporal  im- 
provement, and  he  applied  for  permission  to  found  one. 
The  necessity  was,  however,  so  evident  that,  confident 
of  the  approval  of  the  king,  the  audiencia  authorized 
the  beginning  of  the  w^ork  before  the  receipt  of  instruc- 
tions from  the  crown/^  According  to  Motolinia,  the 
work  was  begun  on  the  16th  of  April,^  and  from 
Bishop  Zumarraga's  statements  we  learn  that  the  site 
first  selected  was  situated  on  low  ground,  and  that  it 
had  been  decided  before  he  left  New  Spain,  in  1532, 
to  remove  the  town  to  a  higher  position/^ 

Although  great  assistance  had  been  given  to  the 
settlers  by  supplying  them  with  native  labor  from  the 
neighboring  towns  of  Tlascala,  Tepeaca,  and  others, 
during  the  first  three  years  the  colony  did  not  make 
that  progress  which  the  promoters  of  it  had  hoped. 
The  cause  was  the  uncertainty  as  to  the  royal  orders 


*^By  c^dula  of  January  18,  1581,  the  queen  approved  of  the  plan  by 
instructing  the  audiencia  to  found  a  town  on  an  eligible  site.  Puga,  Cedidario, 
68. 

There  is  some  descrepancy  about  the  date  of  the  founding  of  Puebla,  but 
that  given  by  Motolinia  is  well  supported.  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  232;  Concilios 
Prov.,  1555-65,  243.  Salmeron,  writing  on  the  30th  of  March,  1531,  uses  these 
words:  '  Se  comienza  a  ensayar  la  Puebla  de  los  Angeles,'  Paclieco  a,nd  Cardenas^ 
Col.  Doc,  xiii.  196;  yet  on  August  14,  1531,  he  describes  the  town  as  fairly  built, 
containing  a  church,  public  structures,  four  hostelries,  and  50  houses,  and  the  set- 
tlers already  engaged  in  agriculture.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy. ,  serie  ii.  torn.  v. 
163-5,  187-90.  Vetancurt  gives  April  16,  1530,  as  the  date  when  the  first  mass 
was  said,  which  statement  is  corroborated  by  Motolinia.  Vetancurt,  however, 
errs  in  asserting  that  the  work  was  begun  by  permission  of  Fuenleal,  as  the 
president  had  not  yet  arrived  in  New  Spain.  Chron.,  47.  Zamacois  states 
the  city  was  founded  in  1533  as  a  measure  resolved  upon  by  Fuenleal  and  the 
audiencia.  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  562.  Some  minor  authorities  give  the  year  1531, 
and  others  1532,  as  the  date  of  the  founding  of  this  town. 

Pac/ieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xvi.  560-2.  The  new  town  was  built 
on  the  margin  of  the  river  Atoyac.  The  site  was  five  leagues  south  of  Tlas- 
cala, 20  leagues  east  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  40  leagues  west  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Upon  it  were  very  ancient  ruins,  those,  according  to  tradition,  of  the  city 
of  Quilaxcolapan,  founded  centuries  before  by  Vemecat  and  Xicalantoalt. 
Another  name  given  to  this  ancient  city  was  Vasipalan,  meaning  *  country  of 
snakes.'  Medina,  Chron.  de  San  Diego  de  Mex.,  242-3.  Quilaxcolapan  signifies 
the  '  place  where  entrails  are  washed, '  the  name  being  derived  from  the  cus- 
tom of  throwing  into  the  streams  near  by  the  entrails  of  human  victims  sac- 
rificed by  the  Tlascaltecs.  Alcald,  Descri.p.  Puebla,  MS.,  15. 

*^  Salmeron,  in  a  letter  dated  November  1,  1532,  states  that  the  colony 
was  on  the  decrease.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  207. 


COLONIAL  DEVELOPMENT. 


335 


with  regard  to  privileges  and  immunities.  Doubt  also 
prevailed  as  to  repartiniientos.^^  Meanwhile  the  queen, 
by  cedula  of  the  20th  of  March,  1532,  sanctioned  the 
proceeding,  and  instructed  the  audiencia  to  advance 
the  settlement  as  fully  as  lay  in  its  power,  granting 
exemption  from  taxation  for  thirty  years.  She  also 
conferred  upon  the  town  the  title  of  city,  and  granted 
it  a  coat  of  arms  appropriate  to  its  name  of  Puebla 
de  los  Angeles. 

Yet  for  some  time  discontent  prevailed  among  the 
colonists,  and  their  numbers  decreased  considerably.^^ 
But  this  unfavorable  state  of  affairs  did  not  last  for 
many  years,  as  in  1535  a  subscription  to  the  amount 


'  Les  mecontents  rep^tent  sans  cesse  aux  colons  qu'ils  les  perdent  et  se 
perdent  eux-memes,  puisque  cet  essai  prouve  qu'on  peut  gouverner  le  pays  sans 
repartimientos. '  Id. 

Medina,  Chron.  de  San  Diego  de  Mex.,  243;  Puga,  Cedulario,  76.  The  arms 
consisted  of  five  towers,  through  the  central  one  of  which  rushed  a  rapid  river. 
The  shield  was  surmounted  by 
an  imperial  crown,  and  sup- 
ported by  two  angels  holding 
in  their  hands  the  letters  K  and 
V,  which,  as  Medina  conjec- 
tures, signified  Charles  V.  In 
the  orle  is  inscribed  the  motto: 
'Angelis  svis  Devs  Mandavit 
de  se  vt  cvstodiant  te.'  I  re- 
produce a  wood-cut  represen- 
tation of  these  arms  from  Gon- 
mlez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Udes.,  i., 
between  pp.  70  and  71,  in  which 
an  error  of  se  for  te  occurs  in 
the  motto.  Calle  asserts  that 
the  coat  of  arms  was  granted 
on  the  20th  of  July,  1538,  and 
the  title  of  *  muy  Noble,  y  Leal ' 
on  February  24,  1561.  Mem.  y 
Not.,  61. 

Salmeron,  in  March  1531,  informed  the  crown,  without  giving  any  reasons, 
that  this  name  had  been  adopted  subject  to  his  Majesty's  approval.  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  196.  Tradition,  however,  assigns  reasons  for 
the  name.  One  is  that  Bishop  Garces  saw,  in  a  dream,  angels  surveying  the 
site,  ConciUos  Prov.,  1555-65,  243;  and  another  one  informs  us  that  while  the 
Sjjaniards  were  employed  in  founding  the  city  a  great  multitude  of  angels 
appeared  in  a  dream  to  Queen  Isabel  and  indicated  to  her  the  site.  Garcia, 
Hist.  Beth.,  lib.  iii.  19. 

^"Luis  de  Castilla  made  declaration  in  Toledo  1534,  that  he  had  been  at 
Puebla  and  that  the  vecinos  were  dissatisfied.  Although  he  had  heard  thatj 
there  were  60  colonists  when  it  was  first  settled,  when  he  was  there  there 
were  only  17.  These  complained  that  Tlascala  and  Cholula  had  not  been, 
assigned  to  them  in  repartimiento,  though  a  promise  to  that  effect  had  been 
made.  Puebla,  Probanza,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  xvi.  557-9. 


Arms  op  Puebla  de  Los  Angeles. 


S36         THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


of  eleven  hundred  and  twenty-six  pesos  was  raised  for 
the  erection  of  a  more  suitable  church,  which  was 
begun  in  August  1536  and  completed  in  October  1539, 
From  this  time  continued  success  followed,  and  Puebla 
became  not  only  the  cathedral  town  of  the  diocese3^^ 
but  a  flourishing  agricultural  and  manufacturing  cen- 
tre.^^ 

Flattered  by  the  good  effect  of  many  benevolent 
measures,  and  the  ease  with  which  reforms  had  been 
introduced  into  the  Indian  department,  the  audiencia 
began  to  write  glowing  reports  of  their  progress,  and 
of  the  improvement  of  affairs  generally.  Their  secret 
orders  were  not  divulged,  and  for  a  long  time  the 
withdrawal  of  encomiendas  was  understood  to  be  a 
step  toward  a  new  distribution,  partly  of  grants  in  per- 
petuity. This  belief  was  fostered  to  some  extent  by 
the  utterances  of  certain  oidores,  made  in  good  faith 
in  favor  of  encomiendas  as  needful  to  colonial  advance- 
ment, and  partly  by  the  public  letters  of  Fuenleal 
to  the  same  effect.  But  the  latter  were  intended 
only  to  deceive  the  settlers,  or  calm  them,  for  in  pri- 
vate letters  he  spoke  against  all  but  temporary  grants, 
and  made  light  of  protests  from  the  colonists. Some 
of  these,  however,  thought  it  prudent  to  secure  all 
the  benefit  possible  from  the  natives  held,  and  this  to 
a  degree  that  left  a  stamp  of  desolation  upon  many  a 
fair  district.  This  done,  they  were  ready  to  join 
those  who  had  been  dispossessed  in  an  overwhelming 
clamor  against  the  gradually  disclosing  pohcy  of  the 
audiencia.    The  country  would   surely  be  ruined. 

The  episcopal  seat  was  removed  from  Tlascalato  Puebla  in  1550.  About 
this  period  it  contained  500  vecinos.  Mex.  Inform.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  XV.  447-9.  As  early  as  1531  Salmeron  had  suggested  that  Puebla 
should  be  made  the  seat  of  the  bishopric — Ternaux-CompahS,  serie  ii.  torn. 
V.  185 — and  Bishop  Garces  also  agitated  the  question  of  removal  thither. 
He  did  not,  however,  live  to  see  the  change  effected. 

Notably  that  of  silk.  By  cedula  of  April  23,  1548,  free  license  was 
given  to  its  inhabitants  to  establish  silk  factories  without  being  subject  to 
control  or  interference.  Recop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  108. 

'  El  aber  quitado  los  indios  y  avellos  tomado  para  Vuestra  Magesta.d 
fue  cosa  guiada  por  Dios.'  A  little  below  he  urges  delay  in  considering  per- 
petuity grants,  'aunque  en  el  parecer  que  envio  digo  otra  cosa.'  Carta,  in 
Padieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  252-3. 


CORREGIMIENTOS  OR  ENCOMIENDAS. 


337 


Without  natives  to  work  for  them  the  Castihan  would 
be  reduced  to  starvation  and  compelled  to  go  in  search 
of  other  fields.  The  natives  would  relapse  into  their 
old  ways,  grow  arrogant,  rise  against  the  Spaniards, 
and  none  might  predict  the  end. 

The  corregidores  also  joined  in  the  cry,  and  com- 
plained bitterly  of  the  small  pay  which  barely  sufficed 
for  absolute  necessaries.^*  The  friars,  who  were  inter- 
ested, for  that  matter,  by  reason  of  a  number  of  snug 
grants,  came  to  their  aid  with  strong  arguments, 
dwelling  in  particular  on  the  need  of  the  encomienda 
system  to  promote  conversion,  and  thereby  maintain 
control  over  the  natives.  The  oidores  became  divided 
on  this  point,  Salmeron  and  Quiroga  showing  a  pref- 
erence for  the  system,  and  the  able  Ceynos  appearing 
against  crown  holdings  by  which  the  revenue  was 
reduced  to  nothing.  It  was  also  argued  that  encomen- 
deros  could  be  supervised  in  their  treatment  of  vassals 
fully  as  well  as  corregidores,  and  would  not  only  take 
greater  interest  in  their  charge,  but  insure  a  larger 
tribute.  The  economic  feature  must  after  all  out- 
weigh philanthropy,  at  least  with  a  monarch  in  need  of 
funds,  and  as  corregimientos  involved  a  costly  staff  of 
petty  governors  and  collectors,  with  payment  of  army 
and  perisioners,  nearly  all  of  whom  could  be  discarded 
under  the  encomienda  system,  which  also  afibrded  a 
surer  return,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  high  resolves 
were  shaken.  Viceroy  Mendoza,  indeed,  received 
orders  to  stay  his  hand  against  encomenderos,  and,  as 
he  strongly  condemiied  corregidores,  and  advocated 
native  service  as  necessary  for  the  country, we  find 

This  is  graphically  set  forth  ia  a  petition  from  a  number  of  conquerors, 
in  Col.  Doc.  Inid.,  i.  526-30. 

Ceynos  recommended  entailed  grants,  with  enriquena  clause,  of  most 
land,  and  in  large  lots,  say  to  about  400  deserving  men  in  all,  200  of  whom 
were  to  reside  at  Mexico,  paying  one  tenth  of  revenue  to  the  crown.  Smaller 
grants  lead  to  extortion.  Carta,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  158  et  seq.,  237. 
The  representations  of  the  friars,  headed  by  Valencia  and  Betanzos,  are  given 
in  Id.,  156,  190,  and  others  appear  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv. 
56(>-71,  xi.  197-8,  xii.  123-6,  140,  xvi.  560. 

^<^See  his  letters  in  Id.,  ii.  183-5,  Florida,  Col.  Doc,  i.  122,  and  Ternaux- 
Vompans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  tom.  x.  364,  wherein  he  also  exposes  the  corregidores 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  22 


338         THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


the  old  system  revived  with  ever  increasing  entailment, 
for  a  number  of  lives,  side  by  side  with  corregimiento 
rule,  till  it  withers  in  the  general  advancement,  and 
disappears  by  decree  of  Carlos  III/'' 

The  question  was  of  vital  importance  to  the  con- 
querors, who,  after  performing  achievements  unequalled 
for  daring  and  grandeur,  as  Bernal  Diaz  asserts,  had 
for  a  dozen  years  assisted  to  establish  a  new  country 
for  the  crown.  If  their  motives  were  not  governed 
wholly  by  patriotism,  the  result  nevertheless  appeared 
to  the  benefit  of  their  God,  their  country,  and  their 
king,  and  they  were  entitled  to  a  better  reward  than 
appears  to  have  been  given  them — instance  such  meri- 
torious men  as  Montano,  the  volcano-climber.  Much 
of  the  complaint,  as  recorded  in  different  memorials, 
and  in  the  soldier  chronicle  of  Bernal  Diaz,  is  no 
doubt  the  chronic  grumbling  of  men  disappointed  in 
their  inordinate  pretensions,  or  torn  by  envy  at  the 
greater  honors  and  opulence  gained  by  favorites  of 
fortune,  or  by  persons  more  careful  of  their  opportu- 
nities than  the  reckless,  shiftless  adventurers  who  seized 
an  emperor  and  subdued  a  nation,  and  then  abandoned 
the  substance  to  disperse  in  profitless  search  of  new 
worlds  to  conquer.  There  had  been  here  a  Monte- 
zuma, and  there  an  Atahualpa ;  surely  there  was  noth- 
ing so  very  improbable  in  the  fancy  that  there  might 
be  half  a  score  of  such  kingdoms  scattered  about  the 
world.  But  the  gold  and  pearls  of  new  kingdoms 
once  more  melted  into  air,  and  when  the  restless  sol- 
diers returned  to  neglected  grants,  they  found  them- 
selves too  often  stripped  of  these.  And  so  they 
struggled  on,  a  prey  to  their  own  folly,  yet  ever 
bringing  accusations  against  a  not  altogether  thankless 

as  negligent  officers  and  cruel  extortioners.  The  commissioners  sent  to  do 
justice,  Puga,  Cedulario,  75,  did  little  good. 

In  Leon,  Trat.  Encom. ,  4  et  seq. ,  we  find  the  rules  and  progress  of  the 
system  fully  revealed,  with  entailment  to  the  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  genera- 
tion, in  from  1559  to  1629.  Mendoza  speaks  of  a  system  of  deductions  and 
vacancies  in  the  corregidoi"  holdings,  m  order  to  obtain  funds  to  support 
appointees  for  whom  no  place  could  be  found.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  CoL 
Doc,  vi.  500. 


DISPERSION  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. 


339 


government,  and  finding  consolation  in  tirades  and 
petitions,  and  above  all  in  dwelling  upon  the  pictures 
of  the  glorious  past,  dimmed  here  and  there  by  recol- 
lections of  those  who  had  yielded  life  upon  the  terrible 
stone  of  sacrifice,  yet  anon  illumined  by  heroic  deaths 
on  the  battle-field.  Many  succumbed  to  broken 
health,  and  a  half-century  after  the  landing  of  Cortes 
but  five  of  his  famous  band  of  five  hundred  and  two- 
score  remained,  as  Bernal  Diaz  querulously  relates : 
*'A11  of  us  aged  and  infirm,  and  very  poor,  burdened 
with  sons,  and  daughters  to  marry,  and  with  grand- 
children ;  and  so  we  live  in  trouble  and  misery  " — a 
sentence  which  may  possibly  belie  itself,  however. 
But  let  the  old  soldier  grumble ;  it  gives  us  pleasure 
sometimes  to  exaggerate  our  merits. 

As  for  the  band  of  Narvaez,  about  a  thousand 
strong,  he  knows  of  but  twelve  remaining;  and  the 
followers  of  Garay,  all  gone  or  dispersed.  Yet  the  con- 
querors did  not  disappear  so  entirely  after  all;  the 
number  of  prominent  and  wealthy  men  who  in  later 
generations  claimed  descent  from  them  is  quite  numer- 
ous, and  many,  indeed,  have  by  illustrious  deeds 
revived  the  laurels  gained  by  their  forefathers.'^^ 

Bernal  Diaz'  own  family,  despite  his  complaints,  rose  to  prominence,  or 
rather  sustained  itself,  as  told  in  Juarros,  Guat.,  i.  338;  Pinelo,  Epitome,  ii. 
604.  His  own  book  concludes  with  brief  biographies  of  a  large  number  of 
his  comrades.  Hist.  Verdad.,  14,  129,  240-7,  and  passim;  the  records  in  (7or- 
t6s,  Residencia,  i.  ii.,  and  Ramirez,  jProceso,  give  additional  facts,  and  long 
and  nearly  complete  lists  of  the  first-comers  have  been  collected  in  Icazbal- 
ceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  431-6;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  6p.,  ii.  254-63;  Dice. 
Univ.,  ii.  492-510;  Ilustracion  Mex.,  i.  345-9.  The  Monumentos  Hist,  y 
Polit.,  MS.,  opens  with  a  list  of  descendants  living  in  1590,  and  gives  some 
account  of  their  condition.  See  also  Mex.  Manif.  al  Rey,  22-6;  Gonzalez 
Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  177;  Torquemada,  i.  351,  etc.  Additional  authorities 
for  the  three  preceding  chapters  are:  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii. 
45-6,  114,  200-3;  iv.  146-7,  566-74;  vi.  277,  500,  507;  viii.  21;  ix.  212;  xi. 
197-8;  xii.-xiii.  passim;  xv.  443;  xvi.  368,  560;  xxvi.  352-564;  xxvii.-ix.; 
Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  162-9;  Ternaux-Com/pans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  tom.  x. 
205-57,  345-65;  serie  ii.  tom.  i.  209  et  seq. ;  tom.  v.  passim;  Lihro  de  Cahildo, 
MS.,  144,  194,  240-4;  Oviedo,  i.  114-15;  iii.  520-35;  Leon,  Trat.  Encmi.,  18 
et  seq.;  Pwja,  Cedulario,  6  passim;  Cartas  de  Indias,  659,  837-41;  Torque- 
mada,  i.  312-13,  502-3,  599-608;  iii.  39^2,  101-2,  157,  et  seq.;  Las  Casas, 
Rerjio.  Ind.  Devastat.,  40-5,  91-112;  Ramirez,  Proceso,  191-205,  236-58; 
Fifjueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  121-2;  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  pp.  xlviii.-ix., 
Ivi.-lxiv.,  14  et  seq.;  ii.  pp.  xxiii.-v.,  28-30,  156-89;  Col.  Doc  In6d.,  i.  29, 
31-41,  10.3-22,  521-30;  ii.  401-5;  iv.  224-6;  Arckivo  Mex.,  Doc,  i.  passim; 
ii.  81,  166-7,  297-302;  MorelU,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis.,  104;  Florida,  Col.  Doc, 


340 


THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA  AND  ITS  REFORMS. 


121-33;  Ordenes  de  la  Corom,  MS.,  i.  1-6,  60-4;  Alfonso  el  Sahio,  Las  Siete^ 
Partidas,  i.-iv.;  Hecop.  de  Indias,  i.  570;  ii.  157-8,  197;  Cortes,  Escritos 
Sneltos,  75  passim;  Ramirez,  Doc.,  MS.,  269-362,  399-402;  Daran,  Hist. 
Ind.,  MS.,  517-25;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  224  passim;  Vireyes,  Instrvc., 
MS.,  serie  ii.  pt.  i.;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  20-4,  71,  80-6,  262; 
A  rroniz.  Hist.  Orizaba,  314-15;  Medina,  Chrdn.  de  San  Diego,  9,  10,  19-20, 
242-3,  256;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex.,  1-54,  126-49;  Prescotfs  Mex., 
ii.  477,  311-33;  also  notes  in  Mex.  eds.,  i.-ii. ;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  164, 
182;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  47-96;  112-13,  156-9;  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  136-7; 
164-8,  276-9;  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  210  passim;  iv  51,  85-96,  115-16, 
571-90;  V.  229,  287-9;  Ddvila,  Continuacion,  MS.,  30,  284-93,  312;  Busta- 
mante,  Necesidad,  41-3;  Monumentos  D&niin.  Esp.,  MS.,  8j  62,  72-6;  pt.  v, 
6,  7,  34,  41,  45-50;  pt.  vi.  322-9;  Escosura,  Conjuracion,  ii.  48-62;  Burgoa, 
Geog.  Descrip.  Oajaca,  i.  3-64;  ii.  380-97;  Villa  Senor,  Theatro,  i.  13-14;  ii. 
112;  Lerdo  d^  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  pt.  iv.  248-52;  Montemayor,  Svmarios, 
pt.  i.  87-105,  175-81,  209-36;  pt.  ii.-iii.  passim;  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  250-70, 
app.  29-30,  125,  215-22;  ii.  20-33,  151-96,  307-16,  app.  15-49;  Burgoa, 
Palestra  Hist.,  1-15;  Concilios  Prov.,  1555  y  1565,  29-34,  227-82;  Salazar, 
Mex.,  1554,  303-7;  Salazar  y  Olarte  Conq.  Mex.,  346-52,  398-441;  Cortes, 
Hist.  N.  Esp.,  12-13;  Prov.  Sto  Evangelio,  pt.  i.;  Calle  Mem.  y  Not.,  41^; 
Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  '22-7;  Mex.  Extractos  de  Cedidas,  MS.,  5-12;  Mex., 
Not.  Cindad,  265;  Lacunza,  Discursos  Hist.,  pt.  xxxiii.  458-60;  Vetancvrt, 
Menolog.,  485;  Id.,  Chron.,  26^8;  Id.,  Trat.  Mex.,  28-54;  Id.,  Puebla,  54^6; 
Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult,  ii.  374-418;  v.  149-306;  Museo  Mex.,  iii.  82;  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  723-74;  La  Ilustracion  Mexicana,  i.  345-0; 
Pelaez,  Meni.  Guat.,  i.  123-9;  Nueva  Esp.  Breve  Res.,  MS.,  225^5;  Mex., 
Manijlesto  al  Rey.,  22-6;  Mex.  Mem,.  Agric.  1843,  9,  10;  Peter  Martyr,  de 
InsvUs,  147-57;  Aa,  Naauheurige  Versameling,  xxviii.;  Dice.  Univ.,  i.  356-8, 
500-13;  ii.  475-510;  v.  678;  vi.  475-8;  viii.  62-3,  135,  213  et  seq.;  ix.  412-13; 
x.  746-69;  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  148-9;  Granados,  Tardes  Am.,  28-338; 
Evans'  Sister  Rep.,  42;  Fnndacion,  Prov.  Santiago,  MS.,  1,  2,  15;  Helps' 
Span.  Conq.,  iii.  114  et  seq.;  iv.  354;  Id.,  Cortes,  ii.  176-82,  248-58;  Cavo, 
Tres  Sighs,  i.  66-116;  Clemente,  Tablas  Chronoldg.,  173-220;  Remesal,  Hist. 
Chyapa,  10-13,  35-41,  104-11,  479;  Revilla,  Resumen  Hist.,  481-8;  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.  Boletin,  i.  228,  828-41;  ii.  7,  137,  254^63,  434-44;  iii.  347;  v.  325-6; 
X.  108-13;  xi.  501;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  197  passim;  v.  71,  165;  x. 
1208-9;  Santos,  Chron.  Hospitalaria,  433,  473;  Pap.  Francis,  MS.,  i.  pt.  i.; 
Larenaudi^re,  Mex.  et  Giiat.,  152-8;  Mazariegos  Chiapa,  33-^3;  Lafmrpe, 
Abrege,  x.  62-122;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  46-60;  Campbell's  Hist.  Span.  Am., 
41;  Diorama,  169-70;  Cortds,  Brieven,  ii.  290-3;  Sandoval,  Hist.  Carlos  V.,  i. 
895;  Nouv.  Bib.  des  Voy.,  124r-7;  Pimentel,  Mem.  Lit.  Actual,  168-76;  Guerra^ 
N.  Esp.,  ii.  608-10;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.,  i.  213-16,  434-9;  Voyages,  New  Col, 
i.  348;  Nouvelles  An.  des  Voy.,  xcix.  192;  Iglesias  y  Conventos  de  Mex.,  62^, 
175-90;  Frost's  Pic.  Hist.  Mex.,  130-4;  Garcia,  Hist.  Beth.,  liii.  19-20j 
Young's  Hist.  Mex.,  46;  Bussierre,  L'Emp.  Mex.,  356-80;  Sanchez,  Pueb, 
Sagrada.,  1-162;  Salmon's  Mod.  Hist.,  iii.  196;  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq., 
vii.  198;  Jalisco,  Mem.  Hist.,  205-12;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes  1801,  i.  p.  xl.;  Heller, 
Reisen  in  Mex.,  128;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  87-90;  Touron,  Hist.  Gen.  Am., 
v.  93-7;  Episcopado,  Mex.,  7;  Portilla,  Esp.  in  Mex.,  199-202;  Gottfried, 
Reisen,  iv.;  Cortes,  Aven,  y  Conq.,  289-304;  Dunbar's  Mex.  Papers,  192; 
Lettres  ^difantes,  iv,  356-68;  Diario  Mex.,  viii.  325;  El  Lkeo  Mexicana,  L 
280-97;  Fossey,  Mexique,  601;  Grijalva,  Crd?dca,  2-9. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 
1526-1534. 

Coruna's  Mission — Advance  of  the  Cross — Entry  of  Guzman  into  Mi- 
CHOACAN — His  Atrocities — Terrible  Fate  of  King  Tangaxoan — 
Cajvipaign  in  Cuinas,  Cuitzco,  and  along  Chapala  Lake — Battle  of 
Tonala — Raids  from  Nochistlan — El  Gran  Teul — Operations  in 
Jalisco — In  Quest  of  the  Amazons — The  Greater  Spain — Cross- 
ing THE  EspiRiTu  Santo — On  to  Aztatlan — Devastating  Floods — 
Branding  Slaves — The  Amazon  Myth — Change  of  Plans — Found- 
ing OF  Towns — Guzman  Defies  the  Audiencia — Castilla  s  Discom- 
fiture— Nemesis — Bibliography. 

It  has  been  related  how  Cortes,  lured  by  ever 
present  rumors  of  gold  and  pearls,  had  sent  forth 
expeditions  which  skirted  the  southern  sea  from  rich 
Tututepec  to  distant  Jalisco,  and  then  retired  to 
Colima  and  Tzintzuntzan  to  form  nuclei  for  proposed 
colonies,  and  starting-points  for  more  effective  inva- 
sions. In  Michoacan  the  exploitation  of  mines  proved 
a  means  to  attract  and  maintain  settlers  chiefly  of  a 
reckless  class,  whose  conduct  was  not  calculated  to 
create  admiration.  The  native  king,  indeed,  had  cause 
for  bitter  complaints,  and  after  the  overthrow  of 
Salazar,  in  1526,^  he  came  to  Mexico  for  redress, 
there  to  observe  for  himself  the  beneficial  influence  of 
friars,  particularly  in  restraining  the  colonists  in  ex- 
cesses against  natives.  Of  a  timid  nature,  Tangaxoan 
thought  it  politic  not  only  to  accept  baptism,  with  the 

^Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  215,  places  this  visit  during  the  troublous 
time  of  Salazar 's  rule;  but  had  he  come  then  that  rapacious  tyrant  would 
have  held  him  a  prisoner  to  extort  treasures,  for  Albornoz  writes  in  1525  that 
the  king  should  be  sent  for  and  seized,  because  he  resisted  the  miners.  Carta, 
isx  Isazbakta,  Col,  Doc,  i.  502-3. 

(341) 


342 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  G  ALICIA. 


name  of  Francisco,^  but  to  ask  for  friars  to  accom- 
pany him  and  spread  their  faith  in  his  kingdom.  This 
was  accorded,  and  Martin  de  Jesus,  also  known  as  De 
la  Coruna,  one  of  the  twelve  Franciscans,^  set  forth 
with  two  or  three  companions/ 

They  were  well  received,  and  soon  a  convent  and 
church  arose,  the  latter  dedicated  to  Santa  Ana, 
wherein  began  their  proselyting  work.  A  not  alto- 
gether politic  iconoclasm  created  a  hostile  feeling 
among  the  people,  abetted  by  the  native  priests,  and 
but  for  the  decided  attitude  of  the  king  and  his 
courtiers  in  favor  of  the  friars,  their  task  would  have 
been  difficult.  As  it  was,  idol  after  idol  v/as  cast 
down,  and  temples  were  purified  of  their  abomina- 
tions, or  destroyed,^  and  since  the  wrath  of  the  gods, 
manifested  only  in  impotent  oracles,  seemed  powerless 
against  the  attack  of  these  solitary  men,  the  people 
recovered  from  their  first  shock  and  began  to  look 
more  kindly  on  a  religion  held  by  doughty  conqueror 
and  patronized  by  royalty.  This  change  was  greatly 
promoted  by  the  exemplary  life  of  the  friars,  unselfish, 
devoid  of  greed,  patient,  benevolent,  and  sympathiz- 
ing, and  these  virtues  touched  the  people  in  particular 
through  the  care  of  children  and  invalids.    With  the 

2  So  Torquemada,  iii.  332,  assumes,  followed  by  Beaumont,  yet  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  the  baptism  took  place  later,  though  not  after  1529,  as  shown 
by  Pila7\  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  248.  Alegre  names  him  Antonio.  Hist. 
Corny.  Jesus,  i.  92,  and  so  does  Chimalpain.  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  78. 

^  He  is  highly  spoken  of  for  his  charitable  character  and  rigid  observance 
of  rules.  After  working  zealously  in  Michoacan  he  went  with  Cortes  to  Cal- 
ifornia, became  guardian  at  Cuernavaca,  returned  to  Patzcuaro,  where  he 
died  probably  in  1558.  Vetancurt  says  September  25th,  omitting  the  year. 
Menolog.,  185;  Dates  Biog.,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  780;  Torquemaday  iii.  435-7; 
Beristain  says  1568. 

^Mendieta,  Hist.  EcUs.,  376.  In  a  memorial  of  Gonzaga  five  are  men- 
tioned: Angel  de  Saliceto,  or  Saucedo,  later  known  as  Angel  de  Valcencia, 
Gerdnimo  de  la  Cruz,  Juan  Badiano,  or  Badillo,  properly  Vadier,  Miguel  de 
Bolonia,  and  Juan  de  Padilla,  and  Beaumont  insists  on  accepting  them,  but 
Torquemada  points  out  that  some  of  these  arrived  only  in  1527.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  731,  745-6,  takes  a  ground  opposite  to  the 
clear  statements  of  Mendieta,  and  perverts  his  quoted  authority,  Torque- 
mada. 

^The  chroniclers  gravely  relate  that  idols  even  of  gold  and  silver  were 
destroyed  or  cast  away.  *  Junt6  vna  gran  suma  de  idolos,  y  k  los  de  metal,  y 
oro  los  arroj6  en  lo  mas  profundo  de  la  laguna.'  Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  105. 


MARCH  OF  GUZMAN. 


S43 


arrival  of  more  friars,^  conversion  spread,  and  hermi- 
tages and  convents  were  soon  established  in  different 
towns,  as  Guayangareo,  Patzcuaro,  Acdmbaro,  Urua- 
pan,  and  Tarecuaro,  all  of  which  were  subordinated 
to  the  mother  institution  at  Tzintzuntzan,  a  city  con- 
firmed as  capital  by  decree  of  1528/ 


MiCHOACAN  AND  COLIMA. 


Thus  spread  a  peaceful  conquest,  marred  only  by 
occasional  excesses  from  ruthless  colonists,  and  the 
Tarascans  were  becoming  reconciled  to  the  Spanish 
domination,  tempered  as  it  was  by  the  influence  of 
the  cross.  But  the  peace  of  Michoacan  was  not  des- 
tined to  be  of  long  duration.  The  wealth  of  its  hills 
was  against  it,  as  demonstrated  not  alone  by  the 
unruly  conduct  of  the  first  colonists,  but  by  the 
infamous  proceedings  of  the  first  audiencia  against 
Tangaxoan  Caltzontzin,  king  of  Michoacan,  who  had 
been  summoned  to  Mexico  and  there  held  captive, 
with  significant  intimations  that  it  would  be  as  well 
for  him  to  arrange  for  a  plentiful  supply  of  gold. 

^The  records  of  Acambaro  give  the  names  of  several  additional  friars 
who  are  said  to  have  arrived  already  before  the  close  of  1526.  Beaumont, 
Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  27-53.    1527  is  a  more  correct  date. 

Pwja,  Cedulario,  27.  Beaumont  enumerates  several  more  establishments, 
notably  round  Lake  Patzcuaro.  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  243-8. 


344 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GAUCIA. 


It  was  in  December  1529  that  Nunc  de  Guzman 
left  the  capital  as  one  flying  from  retribution.  He 
appeared  in  Michoacan  at  the  head  of  a  well-equipped 
army,  accompanied  by  the  king,  who  now  served  in 
the  additional  capacity  of  hostage.^  The  return  of  the 
monarch  was  sufficient  in  itself  to  give  rise  to  dem- 
onstrations of  joy,  notably  at  Tzintzuntzan,  although 
the  festivities  were  soon  marred  by  bitter  grief.  Im- 
mediately after  his  arrival  the  president  required  the 
king  to  furnish  the  Spaniards  with  from  six  to  ten  thou- 
sand servants  for  the  march  northward,  and  a  few  days 
later,  under  pretext  that  Tangaxoan  did  not  supply 
the  necessary  provisions,  Guzman  placed  him  in  irons 
arid  confined  him  in  a  room  near  his  own.  Gold  and 
silver  were  also  demanded,  but  the  amount  given  was 
far  from  satisfying  Guzman's  greed,  and  Tangaxoan 
was  repeatedly  tortured^  in  the  effort  to  ascertain 
from  him  the  hiding-place  of  his  store  of  precious  met- 
als, small  amounts  of  which  were  still  brought  in  from 
time  to  time  in  the  vain  hope  of  obtaining  the  royal 
captive's  release. 

As  soon  as  the  requisite  number  of  natives  had  been 
furnished  they  were  distributed  among  the  Spaniards, 
and  the  march  of  the  army  continued,  the  lord  of 
each  town  or  village  being  carried  along  in  chains  as 
a  guaranty  of  submission  on  the  part  of  his  sub- 
jects, after  the  manner  of  Tangaxoan,  Don  Pedro 
the  governor,  and  Don  Alonso,  the  king's  son-in-law. 
From  Tzintzuntzan  they  went  to  Purudndiro,  fording 
the  river  Tololotlan,  or  Lerma,  February  2,  1530,  at 
or  near  Conguripo.  From  the  day,  they  named  the 
river  Nuestra  Seriora  de  la  Purificacion  del  Buen  Paso, 


^  The  king  was  apparently  at  liberty,  but  a  guard,  specially  appointed  to 
watch  him,  would  have  made  futile  any  attempt  to  escape.  Guzman,  Rel. 
Andn.,  463. 

^  Garcia  del  Pilar  and  the  alcalde  Godoy  were  employed  for  the  purpose, 
but  the  statement  of  the  former  leaves  it  uncertain  whether  the  kmg  was  tor- 
tured while  in  Tzintzuntzan.  An  order  was  given,  but  before  it  was  carried 
into  effect  two  friars  interceded  and  the  king  was  restored  to  his  prison,  where 
he  was  kept  altogether  about  three  weeks,  until  the  march  of  the  army  was 
resumed.  Pilar,  Melacion,  248-9;  Guzman,      Hd.  Andn.,  403. 


THE  TORTURE  APPLIED. 


345 


taking  formal  possession  by  appropriate  ceremonies, 
on  February  7tli,  of  the  country  on  the  northern  bank 
now  visited  for  the  first  time,  and  building  a  kind 
of  walled  church,  or  hermitage,  also  dedicated  to  Our 
Lady  of  the  Purification.^^ 

Encamping  near  the  ford,  Guzman  proceeded  to 
further  try  the  king,  charging  him  with  the  murder 
of  several  Spaniards,  relapse  into  paganism,  and  the 
treacherous  design  of  laying  an  ambush  for  the  army. 
Observing  that  his  prisoner  was  not  willing  to  confess 
crimes  which  he  never  had  committed,  Guzman  re- 
solved to  apply  more  forcible  remedies. 

Two  Tarascan  interpreters  were  the  first  victims. 
Information  was  demanded  as  to  the  number  of  Chris- 
tians killed  by  their  ruler,  the  time  since  the  occur- 
rence, and  the  whereabouts  of  Caltzontzin's  wives  and 
treasure.  It  was  of  no  avail  that  they  protested 
ignorance,  the  lash  and  dripping  water  were  employed 
to  revive  their  memory,  and  at  last  fire  was  applied 
to  the  feet,  until  the  toes  dropped  off.^^ 

During  the  following  three  days  Don  Pedro,  Don 
Alsonso,  and  even  Tangaxoan  were  subjected  to  the 
same  treatment,  all  except  the  application  of  fire,  and 

^"Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  354-60,  followed  by  Ramirez,  Proceso,  203-6, 
and  others,  represents  the  army  as  having  reached  the  river  on  December  8th 
at  Conguripo,  whence  they  went  to  Tzint  ^'u  j tzan,  thence  to  Puruandiro,  and 
after  advancing  a  few  leagues  crossed  a  groat  river.  No  one  would  suppose 
from  this  version  that  Conguripo  and  the  crossing  near  Puruandiro  were 
identical  as  is  the  fact;  clearly  the  authors  had  no  such  idea  themselves. 
Other  writers,  as  Frcjes,  Hint.  Breve,  73,  and  Romero,  J^of.  Mich.,  122,  make 
December  8th  the  date  of  the  final  crossing.  But  most  of  the  original 
documents  say  the  river  was  forded  in  February,  while  Guzman  in  Eamusio, 
iii.  331,  and  Oviedo,  iii.  563-5,  affirm  it  was  on  Purification  day,  or  February 
2d.  The  confusion  in  dates,  anc'  consequent  blunder  in  the  route,  arises  doubt- 
'  less  from  the  fact  that  certain  writers,  learning  that  the  event  took  place  on 
the  day  of  Nuestra  Senora,  have  supposed  it  was  the  Conception,  December 
8th,  instead  of  the  Purification,  February  2d,  of  our  i  idy.  Throughout  this 
campaign  there  is  the  greatest  confusion  in  dates.  I  have  spared  no  pains  in 
ascertaining  in  each  case  the  exact  or  approximate  dates;  but  I  have  not 
deemed  it  best,  except  in  a  few  cases  for  special  reasons,  to  show  in  note^  the 
methods  of  arriving  at  my  conclusions.  I  have  abundant  material  at  hand 
for  such  notes,  but  they  would  be  long  and  numerous,  and  serve  no  useful 
purpose  save  perhaps  as  a  record  of  the  author's  industry. 

^^Only  a  few  Spaniards  who  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  general  were 
present  at  this  infamous  proceeding,  conducted  in  a  small  hut  outside  the 
camp.  FilaTf  U'estinwnio,  in  liamirez,  Proceso,  266. 


346 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


with  the  same  result.  They  were  firm  in  denying 
the  possession  of  treasure,  and  affirmed,  as  was  doubt- 
less true,  that  the  gifts  already  made  represented  the 
accumulations  of  many  years,  and  that  as  their  coun- 
try produced  but  little  gold  they  had  no  more  to 
give.-^^  Irritated  by  failure,  Guzman  sentenced  the 
ruler  to  death,  declaring  him  guilty  of  all  the  charges  ; 
and  after  having  been  dragged  over  the  plain  tied  to 
the  tail  of  a  horse,  Tangaxoan  was  burned  alive  at 
the  stake. 

To  the  last  Tangaxoan  protested  his  innocence  and 
his  good  faith  toward  the  Christians,  called  on  his 
people  to  witness  how  the  Spaniards  rewarded  his 
devotion,  and  asked  that  his  ashes  be  taken  home^* 
for  burial.  This  request  was  disregarded,  however, 
and  the  ashes  were  thrown  into  the  river  by  order 
of  Guzman. These  facts  were  brought  out  at  the 
trial  of  the  infamous  president  in  later  years,  and  are 
supported  by  statements  of  the  best  authorities.  I 
believe  there  is  no  circumstance  to  be  urged  in  behalf 
of  Nuno  de  Guzman  which  can  justly  relieve  him  of 

^2  Pilar  and  the  author  of  the  4a  Eel.  Andn.  state  that  the  day  after  the 
torturing  of  Caltzontzin,  several  of  Guzman's  followers  left  the  camp  and 
returned  some  days  later  with  a  great  quantity  of  gold  and  silver,  found  in  a 
house  indicated  by  the  king  when  under  torture.  Filar,  JRelacion,  250-1,  and 
Guzman,  If.a  Bel.  An6n.,  461-5. 

'  El  pregon  decia  por  haber  muerto  muchos  cristianos, '  Guzman,  3a  Bel. 
Andn.,  439,  *  decia  el  pregon  a  este  hombre  por  traidor,  por  muchas  muertea 
de  cristianos  que  se  le  hanprobado.'  Sdmuno,  Bel.,  262.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad.,  230,  and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  752,  afl&rm 
that  the  king  was  strangled,  but  they  are  evidently  mistaken.  Pilar,  Testi- 
monio,  in  Baminez,  Proceso,  269,  says,  '  luego  pusieron  fuego  a  la  lena,  y 
comenzd  a  arder,  y  asi  quemd  al  dicho  Cazolzi,  hasta  que  naturalniente 
perdid  la  vida. '  Don  Pedro  and  Don  Alonso  were  only  saved  from  sharing 
the  king's  fate  on  account  of  the  intercession  of  the  former  contador  Albornoz 
and  of  Father  Miguel  de  Bolona.  Gil,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ep., 
i.  800, 

'  Mandaba  que  despues  de  quemado  cojiese  los  polvos,  y  cenizas  de  el. . . 
y  que  alii  hiciese  juntar  a  todos  les  senores  de  la  dicha  Provincia,  y  que  les 
contase . . .  que  viesen  el  galardon,  que  le  aban  los  Christianos. '  Pilar,  Testi' 
monk),  in  Bamirez,  Proceso,  269.  Navarrete,  Hist.  Jal.,  29,  says,  'though  the 
king's  will  was  complied  with,  the  Tarascos  remained  quiet;  their  own  king 
had  accustomed  them  to  pusillanimity.' 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  752,  following  an  old  manu- 
script, claims  that  the  greater  part  was  saved  by  friends  and  servants  of  the 
late  king,  and  secretly  buried  at  Patzcuaro,  with  all  the  honois  and  solem- 
nities due  to  his  rank. 


TANGAXOAK  BURNED. 


347 


the  black  crime  of  having  foully  and  without  provoca- 
tion murdered  the  kind-hearted  Caltzontzin.^^ 

These  proceedings  materially  affected  the  progress 
of  the  expedition,  for  the  news  spreading  throughout 
the  neighboring  districts  caused  the  natives  either 
to  fly,  or  to  rise  in  defence  of  their  homes,  only  to 
encounter  certain  defeat.  Any  other  leader  would 
have  been  startled  by  the  desolation  which  met  his 
eye  on  every  side,  but  Guzman  seemed  rather  to 
accept  it  as  a  flattering  tribute  to  his  renown,  and 
made  light  of  the  alarm  manifested  by  some  of  his 
followers,  declaring  that  he  would  assume  the  respon- 
sibility before  the  crown  of  all  his  acts. 

During  the  stay  of  nearly  two  weeks  at  the  camp 
by  the  ford  of  Purificacion,  and  while  the  proceedings 
against  Caltzontzin  were  carried  on,  detachments  were 
sent  out  in  different  directions  to  receive  the  submis- 
sion of  the  towns,  and  they  met  with  no  resistance. 
Then,  after  military  ordinances  were  published,  the 
army  started  down  the  river  on  or  near  the  northern 
bank,  and  after  a  march  of  six  days  arrived  on  the 
borders  of  Cuinao,  or  Coynan  province,  watered  by 
the  stream  known  afterward  as  the  Zula.  Chirinos, 
the  late  worthy  associate  of  the  tyrant  Salazar,  who 
accompanied  the  expedition  as  captain,  was  sent  in 
advance  to  demand  submission.  He  found  the  chief 
town  abandoned,  and  the  inhabitants  in  rapid  flight. 

It  is  fair  to  present  the  excuses  that  have  been  offered  for  Guzman's  act. 
Oviedo,  iii.  564-5,  says  the  king  refused  to  give  information  about  the  northern 
country,  and  that  he  confessed  the  murder  of  35  Spaniards,  whose  remains 
were  used  at  pagan  festivals.  Salazar  y  Olarte,  Conq.  Mex.,  426,  tells  us  he 
had  relapsed  into  idolatry  and  sacrificed  Spaniards,  dressing  himself  in  the 
skins  of  the  victims.  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  23-4,  says  he  was  accused 
of  disloyal  plots,  was  formally  tried  and  convicted,  and  that  so  learned  a 
lawyer  as  Guzman  would  not  have  proceeded  illegally!  Guzman  himself  in 
Carta  a  S.  M.,  in  Ramusio,  iii.  331,  says  that  Tangaxoan  was  tried  on  many 
charges,  especially  that  of  rebellious  designs,  impudently  referring  to  the 
records  of  the  trial.  If  from  the  standpoint  of  the  times  we  admit  relapse 
into  idolatry  as  a  justification  for  his  death,  it  is  very  evident  from  the  friend- 
ship of  the  friars  for  Caltzontzin  that  there  was  no  such  relapse  in  his  case, 

Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  27,  without  naming  any  authority,  states 
that  one  of  these  expeditions  penetrated  to  Guanajuato.  According  to  Tello, 
Guanajuato  was  then  conquered.  Both  Mota  Padilla  and  Navarrete,  who 
follows  him,  Hist.  Jal,  29,  mention  Penjamo  as  one  of  the  pueblos  subjected 
at  this  time. 


343 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GAUCIA. 


yet  defiant,  though  a  shght  skirmish,  involving  the 
capture  of  a  few  of  their  number  was  all  that  resulted 
from  the  demonstration.  For  several  weeks  the 
army  remained  in  the  camp  outside  of  Cuinao,  the 
town  itself  having  been  burned,  doubtless  by  Guz- 
man's order,  although  it  was  claimed,  as  also  in  many 
later  instances,  that  such  deeds  were  due  to  the 
Aztec  and  Tlascaltec  allies  who  could  not  be  con- 
trolled. Meanwhile  expeditions  were  made  into  the 
neighborhood  by  detachments  under  Guzman,  Chirinos, 
and  Cristobal  de  Onate,  to  reduce  the  country  and  to 
ravage.  Their  task  was  not  difficult,  for  the  villages 
and  farms  were  all  abandoned,  while  straggling  fugi- 
tives hovered  in  the  distance.  A  number  gradually 
came  in  to  tender  submission,  and  among  them  the 
cacique,  upon  whom  the  devout  Guzman  himself 
exerted  his  oratorical  power  in  behalf  of  the  faith  for 
which  he  was  thus  mowing  a  path.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  say  that  the  chieftain  was  convinced  by  the  argu- 
ments of  his  teacher. 

From  here  a  message  was  sent  to  the  adjoining 
province  of  Cuitzeo,^^  which  lay  on  both  sides  of  the 
main  river  on  and  near  the  shores  of  Lake  Chapala,^ 
the  chief  town  of  the  same  name  being  on  the  south- 
ern bank  and  within  the  territory  discovered  by  Fran- 
cisco Co.rtes  in  1524.  It  was,  however,  no  part  of 
Guzman's  policy  to  avoid  that  territory  or  to  respect 
the  rights  of  preceding  explorers.  Chimalhuacan 

It  is  amusing  to  read  Guzman's  account  of  this  effort,  and  to  note  the 
flow  of  devout  sentiments  from  his  pen.  Truly,  the  sovereign  must  have  con- 
gratulated himself  on  possessing  so  earnest  a  champion  of  the  cross.  See  Car- 
ta, in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  363-4.  According  to  Mota  Padilla, 
Conq.  N.  Gal. ,  29,  Fray  Martin  de  J esus  made  here  an  attempt  at  conversion, 
but  this  is  more  than  doubtful,  for  he  is  nowhere  else  mentioned  as  a  member 
of  the  expedition.  It  is  also  said  that,  while  in  Cuinao,  messengers  returned 
from  Michoacan,  bringing  more  gold  and  silver  than  ever  before.  They  had 
been  sent  by  Don  Pedro  and  Don  Alonso,  who  by  this  means  sought  to  obtain 
exemption  from  further  torture.  Pila7',  Pel.,  251,  and  Guzman,  4^  Pel.  Andn., 
466. 

Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  384,  followed  by  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  iv. 
500,  tells  us  this  was  not  Cuitzeo  de  la  Laguna  near  Lake  Chapala;  but  they 
are  clearly  in  error. 

'^^  Chapala,  lake  in  Jalisco;  Laet,  1633,  L,  Chapala;  Jefferys,  1776,  L.  Cha- 
pala; Kiepert,  1852,  lake  and  city  Chapala.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS,,  ii.  496. 


BATTLE  AT  THE  FORD. 


349 


and  the  Avalos  provinces  he  regarded  as  legitimate 
fields  of  conquest,  and  he  anticipated  pleasure  as  well 
as  profit  in  wresting  these  regions  from  Cortes. 
The  natives  of  Cuitzeo,  however,  were  not  at  all  inclined 
to  receive  the  strangers  with  open  arms,  and  their 
cacique  sent  answer  "that  he  knew  what  sort  of  men 
the  Spaniards  were,  and  challenged  them  to  enter  his 
country."  Guzman  is  said  to  have  hesitated  as  to  what 
course  he  should  pursue,  but  Cristobal  de  Onate  soon 
solved  his  doubts  by  tauntingly  observing  that  Cortes 
would  never  have  achieved  his  glorious  triumphs  had 
he  allowed  himself  to  be  regulated  by  formalities  and 
requerimientos.  He  made  his  demands  with  foot  in 
stirrup,  and  entered  the  very  camp  of  the  foe  to  hear 
the  answer. The  march  was  accordingly  directed 
toward  Cuitzeo,  and  before  long  they  came  in  sight  of 
the  enemy.  When  at  a  gunshot's  distance,  a  native 
champion  came  forth  to  test  in  a  personal  combat  the 
valor  and  weapons  of  the  Spaniards.  He  was  easily 
vanquished  by  Juan  Michel,  a  Portuguese  soldier, 
who  obtained  permission  to  exhibit  his  prowess,  and 
the  defeat  so  terrified  the  Indians  that  they  hastened 
to  seek  shelter  at  the  river.  Here  they  recovered 
their  courage,  and,  on  attempting  to  cross  the  stream 
on  rafts  and  by  fording,  Guzman's  forces  were  attacked 
in  the  water  and  a  desperate  struggle  ensued  in  the 
current,  on  the  banks,  and  on  the  river  island,  where 
the  foe  had  intrenched  them  selves. 

This  continued  for  several  days  with  severe  losses 
on  both  sides,  Guzman's  being  mostly  confined  to  his 
native  alUes.  A  few  horses  were  killed,  but  great 
care  was  used  in  disposing  of  the  bodies  so  that  the 

2iMota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Oal,  27,  here  as  well  as  in  the  rest  of  hig 
account  of  Guzman's  campaign,  seeks  to  defend  the  unscrupulous  policy  of 
the  j)resident. 

'^'^ '  Cortes. .  .con  las  armas  en  la  mano  y  el  pie  en  el  estribo;  remitia  sus 
embajadas,  mas  las  respuestas  las  oia  en  las  mismas  canales  de  las  poblaciones. ' 
Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  30. 

Captain  Vasquez,  armed  with  a  sword  and  a  buckler,  was  the  first  who 
leaped  into  the  river,  and,  followed  by  some  of  his  foot,- soldiers,  opened  the 
attack  upon  the  natives  intrenched  on  the  island.  Sdmano,  Relacion,  268. 


350 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


foe  might  not  know  that  those  dreaded  monsters  were 
vulnerable  to  their  weapons.  At  last  the  river  was 
passed,  Cuitzeo  was  taken,  and  within  a  fortnight  the 
neighboring  places  on  or  near  the  northern  shore  of 
Lake  Chapala,  and  on  both  sides  of  the  river  from  La 
Barca  to  Poncitlan,  were  reduced  to  allegiance  by  a 
series  of  minor  expeditions,  described  with  some  detail 
in  the  records,  but  a  fuller  narrative  of  which  is 
neither  practicable  nor  desirable  here.^* 

Prom  Cuitzeo  the  Spaniards  proceeded  to  Tonald,^^ 
the  aboriginal  name  of  the  region  about  the  present 
Guadalajara,  entering  and  taking  possession  of  the 
chief  town,  also  called  Tonald,  on  March  25th.  The 
town  and  province  were  at  the  time  under  a  female 
ruler,  who  received  the  Spaniards  with  kindness, 
mindful  of  the  former  visit  of  Francisco  Cortes ;  but 
some  of  her  people,  notably  those  of  Tetlan,  well  in- 
formed of  Guzman's  proceedings  in  Michoacan  and 
the  murder  of  Tangaxoan,  were  indignant  that  their 
mistress  had  welcomed  the  enemy  of  her  race,  and  two 

2*  I  deem  it  useless  to  give  long  lists  of  town  names,  most  of  which  can  be 
found  on  the  maps,  but  very  few  of  which  are  applied  to  the  same  localities 
as  in  aboriginal  times.  The  original  towns  were  for  the  most  part  destroyed, 
and  those  which  succeeded  them  under  Spanish  auspices  have  in  many  instances 
experienced  several  changes  of  locality,  while  retaining  the  same  names.  As 
a  rule  I  shall  name  only  such  towns  as  are  necessary  to  show  the  route  fol- 
lowed, and  such  as  acquired  some  importance  in  later  times.  Among  the  acts 
of  cruelty  perpetrated  in  this  region  was  the  setting  a  fierce  dog  on  the  fat 
cacique  of  Cuitzeo  for  alleged  neglect  in  fvirnishing  supplies,  an  act  attributed 
by  Salazar  y  Olarte,  Conq.  Mex.,  426-8,  to  a  'delirious  impulse'  on  the  part 
of  Guzman.  A  Mexican  chief  also  was  so  beaten  for  some  fancied  misconduct 
that  he  lost  permanently  the  use  of  his  hands.  Guzman,  J^a  Rel.  Andn.,  467. 
Navarrete,  Hist.  Jal.,  35,  speaks  of  the  artificial  formation  of  a  ford  by  filling 
the  river  with  sand.  Guzman,  Hamusio,  iii.  332-4,  tells  us  of  finding  cannibals 
and  burning  a  sodomite;  he  regrets  the  idolatrous  tendencies  of  the  natives, 
and  says — uncontradicted  so  far  as  I  know — that  he  is  himself  the  greatest 
sinner  of  all,  but  hopes  that  God  in  his  great  goodness  will  accept  his  efforts 
for  the  conversion  of  gentiles.  Oviedo,  iii.  565-6,  speaks  of  ovens  filled  with 
human  bodies  frying  in  their  fat  and  blood,  to  be  used  as  food. 

Chirinos  was  detailed  with  one  detachment  to  reach  Tonala  by  a  differ- 
ent route  and  render  Guzman  assistance  in  case  of  need.  Guzman,  Carta,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  370;  Tello,  in  Hist.  iV.  Gal,  ii.  343, 
and  others  imply  that  Chirinos  was  instructed  to  conquer  the  northern  regions, 
joining  the  main  army  at  Tepic;  but  probably  the  division  of  the  army  was 
not  effected  till  later.  On  the  march  from  Cuitzeo  to  Tonala  the  '  friendly 
Indians '  were  kept  in  chains,  or  under  strong  guard,  by  order  of  Guzman; 
to  prevent  them  from  escaping  or  abandoning  the  baggage.  Guzman,  Hel. 
An6n.,  467. 


FIGHTma  AND  PLUNDERING. 


or  three  thousand  of  them  gathered  with  hostile  dem- 
onstrations on  a  height  overlooking  the  capital,  near 
the  actual  site  of  Guadalajara.  A  demand  of  submis- 
sion was  haughtily  spurned,  whereupon  Guzman  led 
the  charge  against  them,  assisted  by  Onate  and.  Ver- 
dugo.  A.  lively  battle  ensued,  for  the  natives  fought 
with  a  desperation  hitherto  unparalleled;  but  they 
were  comparatively  few  in  number,  and  had  at  last  to 
succumb,  with  great  loss.  During  the  struggle  Guz- 
man's lance  was  wrested  from  his  grasp  and  directed 
against  himself,  but  one  of  his  companions  turned  the 
weapon  from  its  course  and  saved  his  life.  It  is  even 
said  the  fight  was  so  hot  that  Santiago  himself  felt 
obliged  to  appear  in  succor  of  his  faithful  children. 

After  this  battle  the  whole  province  was  quickly 
brought  into  subjection;  in  fact,  there  was  no  further 
resistance.  Yet  the  hostility  of  the  Tetlan  warriors 
gave  Guzman  a  pretext  for  plundering  and  burning, 
the  latter  part  of  the  performance  being  always  at- 
tributed to  the  unmanageable  Indian  allies.  On  the 
ground  that  the  province  had  not  been  permanently 
subjected  by  Francisco  Cortes,  Guzman  claimed  it  as 
a  new  conquest,  and  in  commemoration  of  his  great 
victory  two  chapels  were  built,  one  within  the  town, 
dedicated  to  the  holy  virgin;  the  other  on  the  lofty 
battle-ground,  dedicated  to  the  victoria  de  la  cruz,  by 
which  term  the  chapel  became  known,  and  in  token 
of  the  same  a  cross  was  erected,  some  sixty  feet  in 
height,  which  could  be  seen  for  many  a  league,  bearing 
witness  to  the  irresistible  valor  of  Christian  soldiers. 

2^Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  39,  says  the  attack  was  made  while  the 
Spaniards  were  seated  at  a  banquet  given  by  the  queen,  while  most  of  the 
original  authorities  and  eye-witnesses  state  that  the  battle  was  fought  before 
Guzman  entered  Tonala,  but  the  president's  own  report  shows  clearly  that  it 
took  place  after  he  had  left  the  town.  Sdmano,  Relacion,  269-70;  Guzman, 
3a  Rel.  An6n.,  441;  Id.,  4«  ReL,  468;  Ldpes,  Rel.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc. ,  xiv.  41 9-20.  The  day  after  the  battle  Chirinos  arrived,  and  was  sent 
to  the  other  side  of  the  river  to  disperse  the  reassembling  fugitives,  but  owing  to 
the  ruggedness  of  the  country  his  expedition  failed.  Gur^mjan,  in  Id.,  xiii.  374. 

'  Yo  no  les  muestro  boluntad  de  querello  [gold  and  silver]  ni  que  vengo 
d  ello . . .  yo  les  he  mandado  decir  que  no  tengo  necesidad  de  oro,  sino  de  que 
sean  buenos,'  says  the  president  hypocritically  in  his  letter  to  the  emperor  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  373-4. 


352 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


After  a  fortniglit's  stay  at  Tonald,  about  the  begin- 
ning of  April,  the  army  resumed  its  march,^^  passing 
almost  wholly  through  deserted  farms  and  villages. 
N  ear  Contla  a  body  of  natives  ventured  to  attack  the 
vanguard  under  the  maestro  de  campo,  in  retaliation 
for  which  a  hill  village  was  suprised  while  the  inhab- 
itants were  engaged  in  religious  exercises. On  ap- 


NuEVA  Galicia. 


proaching  Nochistlan,  Guzman  learned  that  numbers 
were  prepared  for  resistance.  Messengers  were  sent 
to  demand  peaceful  submission,  only  to  be  driven 

28  According  to  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  53,  and  Beaumont,  Cr6n. 
Mich.,  iii.  391-2,  a  garrison  was  left  at  Tonala  under  Captain  Vasquez  de 
Buendia.  Guzman  appropriated  Tonala  to  himself,  but  later  the  crown  took 
it  from  him  and  made  it  a  corregimiento.  Lettre,  in  Ternaux-Com'pans,  Voy.y 
serie  ii.  tom.  v.  177. 

IK)  «^  Tolilitla . . .  hallelos  en  una  borrachera,  por  donde  creo  que  no  noa 
salieron  de  guerra.*  Chtzman,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc^ 
xiii,  375,  The  places  touched  sines  Tonsild  were  Chapetala,  Ximoamtla, 
Ixcatlan,  Hacotla,  Contla,  Tolilitla. 


THE  GRA^D  TEUL. 


353 


back  by  missiles.  When  the  army  came  in  sight, 
however,  the  natives  retreated  toward  the  mountains, 
the  cavalry  pursuing  and  capturing  a  number.  The 
torch  was  now  applied  to  the  deserted  town,  and 
detachments  were  sent  to  explore  and  conquer  the 
neighboring  districts.  One  band  under  Chirinos, 
sent  to  Teul,  passed  through  an  ancient  city,  with 
many  large  buildings  similar  to  those  found  in  Mex- 
ico by  the  first  Spaniards,  but  returning  to  Nochis- 
tlan  the  accompanying  natives  burned  the  relics. 
Another  successful  expedition  was  made  under  Ver- 
dugo^^  in  the  direction  of  Xalpan;  within  a  few  days 
the  lords  of  that  region  appeared  in  the  camp,  tender- 
ing their  submission,  and  delivering  some  idols,  which 
were  immediately  destroyed. 

The  people  in  Nochistlan,  though  fugitives,  had  not 
abandoned  all  thoughts  of  resistance ;  and  when  one 
day  a  body  of  about  five  hundred  came  to  the  deserted 
town  in  search  of  provisions,  they  attacked  and  killed 
a  number  of  Aztecs  and  Tlascaltecs  and  pursued  the 
remainder  to  their  camp.  Immediately  some  Span- 
iards, and  later  Guzman  himself,  mounted  and  went 
to  the  rescue,  but  night  having  set  in,  the  enemy 
retreated  in  safety  to  the  penol.^^  Next  morning,  at 
the  head  of  a  division,  Onate  started  in  search  of  the 
fugitives,  and  was  followed  a  few  hours  later  by  Guz- 
man. During  the  day  various  encounters  took  place ; 
the  enemy  were  in  all  cases  put  to  flight,  though  sev- 
eral horses  were  wounded.  The  army  remained  here 
about  a  month,  celebrating  holy  week  in  a  small  church 
hastily  erected.  Soon  after  easter,  having  previously 
taken  possession  in  the  name  of  the  crown,  the  march 
was  resumed,^^  and  after  three  or  four  days  they  reached 

He  was  a  brother-in-law  of  Diego  Velazquez,  the  governor  of  Cuba,  and 
companion  of  Narvaez.  After  the  capture  of  the  latter,  he  enlisted  in  Cortes' 
army,  and  at  Villafane's  conspiracy,  without  knowing  it,  he  was  chosen  as 
successor  of  Cortes.  Later  he  settled  in  Mexico,  holding  alternately  the 
officers  of  regidor  and  alcalde.  See  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  passim,  this  series. 

This  penol  is  said  to  be  the  same  on  which  Alvarado  fell  in  later  years. 
^2  Telle,  followed  by  Mota  Padilla,  Beaumont,  Frejes,  Ramirez,  Navarrete, 
and  Gil,  speaks  of  expeditions  under  Chirinos  ard  Onate,  from  Cuitzeo  and 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  23 


354 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


the  "  grand  Teul,"  the  principal  aboriginal  town  of  all 
this  region,  spoken  of  as  a  kind  of  sacred  stronghold 
built  on  a  high  mesa,  and  containing  fine  temples, 
fountains,  and  statues  of  stone.^^  But  hallowed  as  it 
was  to  the  entire  native  population  of  that  region,  it 
possessed  little  attraction  for  the  Spaniards,  whose 
forces  under  Chirinos  had  reduced  it  to  ashes. 

From  here  it  was  decided  to  cross  the  western 
range  in  search  of  the  large  and  populous  provinces  on 
the  South  Sea,  distant  some  twelve  days'  journey,  and 
as  provisions  were  scarce,  with  few  prospects  of  re- 
plenishing along  the  route,  the  army  was  divided. 
One  division  under  Chirinos  marched  westward  across 
the  Nayarit  Mountains,  by  a  difficult  route  which  can 
not  be  exactly  traced  by  the  records,  and  arrived  at 
Topic  early  in  May.^*  Guzman  with  the  remainder 
followed  a  route  to  the  south,  recrossed  the  river,  and 
approached  Topic  by  way  of  Iztlan  and  Aliuacatlan, 
likewise  over  bad  roads,  where  part  of  the  baggage 
was  lost.  They  met  with  no  resistance,  though  some 
of  the  villages  had  been  abandoned.  On  reaching 
Jalisco,  the  last  place  explored  by  Francisco  Cortes 
in  1524,  they  learned  that  Chirinos  had  been  in  Topic 

Tonala,  as  distinct  from  the  operations  of  the  main  army,  exploring  part  of 
Aguascalientes  and  extending  as  far  as  Jerez  in  northern  Zacatecas.  Accord- 
ing to  these  authorities  the  main  army  remained  south  of  the  river,  waiting 
at  Aztatlan  until  joined  by  Onate's  force,  thence  proceeding  to  Tepic,  where 
was  Chirinos'  division.  Gil  even  makes  Guzman  in  his  march  from  Aztatlan 
to  Tepic  pass  as  far  south  as  Mascota.  But  all  these  statements  are  indefinite 
and  contradictory  to  those  of  Guzman  and  others,  who  agree  that  the  main 
army  crossed  the  river  and  marched  by  way  of  Nochistlan  to  Teul.  None  of 
the  latter  speaks  of  any  independent  branch  expedition,  but  Oilate  or  Chiri- 
nos are  repeatedly  mentioned  as  having  been  sent  forward  to  reconnoitre. 
Oviedo,  Herrera,  and  Salazar  agree  with  this  version,  at  least  with  that  which 
refers  to  Guzman's  march  in  person  through  Nochistlan.  See  Telh^  Hist.  N. 
Gal.,  343-7,  and  others,  ubi  sup. 

There  is  much  doubt  about  the  locality  of  '  the  grand  Teul. '  No  extensive 
ruins  so  far  as  I  know  have  been  discovered  in  the  region  of  the  pueblo  which 
now  bears  that  name.  For  a  description  of  the  aboriginal  remains  in  this 
region,  see  Native  Races,  iv.  578-93,  this  series.  Guzman  calls  Teul,  Teblichan, 
and  also  Teul  or  Tonauipan. 

2*  The  country  was  so  rugged  that  of  the  17  days  employed  they  could 
travel  only  three  days  on  horseback.  Guzman,  Carta,  383.  Telle,  Hist.  N.  Gal. , 
343-5,  compares  this  crossing  the  sierra  to  Hannibal's  crossing  the  Alps.  The 
Tepic  natives  thought  the  Spaniards  must  be  birds,  regarding  the  route  as 
impassable  to  men.  Ramirez,  Proceso,  207-8,  thinks  Chirinos  reached  the  coast 
north  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  returned  southward  to  Tepic. 


GUZMAN  AT  TEPIC. 


355 


for  three  days,  and  was  then  only  two  leagues  distant. 
Notwithstanding  the  lateness  of  the  hour  they  imme- 
diately joined  him.  Guzman  remained  at  Topic  about 
three  weeks  to  refresh  the  horses  and  to  await  reen- 
forcements  from  Mexico.  In  the  mean  time  parties 
were  sent  out  in  different  directions  to  receive  the  sub- 
mission of  the  native  chieftains  and  to  gather  supplies 
for  the  army.  There  was  no  organized  opposition  here, 
though  the  general  feeling  in  the  province  was  hostile, 
as  indeed  it  could  not  long  fail  to  be  under  the  treatment 
of  Guzman's  raiders,  and  as  the  commander  really 
wished  it  to  be,  so  that  the  conquest  might  not  seem  too 
easy,  and  that  an  excuse  for  plunder  might  not  be 
wanting.  The  caciques  of  Jalisco  declined  the  honor 
of  becoming  vassals  of  Spain,  and  all  the  efforts  of 
three  or  four  embassies  to  persuade  them  were  in  vain ; 
they  even  went  so  far  as  to  kill  several  of  the  allies 
and  one  Spaniard,  who,  too  confiding,  had  strayed 
from  the  camp.  Thereupon  an  expedition  against 
Jalisco  was  undertaken  in  three  divisions,  commanded 
by  Guzman,  Chirinos,  and  Onate,  respectively;  but 
besides  securing  a  few  prisoners  and  burning  the 
towns  and  villages  on  the  way,  nothing  was  achieved. 
Having  previously  been  informed  of  Guzman's  plans 
the  natives  fled  to  the  mountains,  and  though  pursued 
for  eight  leagues,  rough  ground  saved  them.^^ 

When  Guzman  halted  he  learned  that  the  ocean 
lay  but  two  leagues  distant,  whereupon  he  proceeded 
thither  the  following  day  and  took  possession.  After 
extending  his  exploration  a  short  distance  in  a  north- 
ern direction,  and  having  discovered  a  port,  sup- 
posed to  be  the  best  on  the  whole  coast,^^  he  re- 
turned to  Tepic,  whither  meanwhile  the  caciques  of 
Jalisco  and  neighbormg  towns  had  repaired,  volun- 

^^The  author  of  the  J^a  Bet  An6n.,  469,  asserts  that  Jalisco  had  peacefully 
submitted,  but  rebelled  when  an  excessive  tribute  was  imposed,  in  consequence 
of  which  Guzman  burned  the  town. 

Just  below  the  present  San  Bias;  Guzman  called  it  Martouchel,  and  as 
Mantanchel,  or  Port  of  Jalisco,  it  was  known  for  many  years.  Map-makera 
and  writers  evidently  considered  it  distinct  from  San  Bias. 


356 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


tarily  tendering  submission.  A  garrison  was  estab- 
lished, the  nucleus  of  the  villa  de  Compostela  founded 
the  next  year,  and  regular  officers  were  appointed  to 
collect  tribute  and  otherwise  attend  to  the  emperor  s 
interests  in  this  region.  In  the  last  days  of  May  the 
horses  were  rested,  the  province  was  pacified,  and  the 
army  ready  to  advance. 

Although  successful  in  the  acquisition,  or  rather 
aj)propriation,  of  vast  tracts  of  land  properly  belong- 
ing to  the  conquest  of  Francisco  Cortes,  so  far  the 
expedition  was  deemed  a  failure,  having  yielded  but 
little  gold  and  silver.  It  was  expected,  however,  that 
the  northern  provinces  and  especially  the  country  of 
the  Amazons,  the  Hesperides  of  the  sixteenth-cen- 
tury Spaniards,  would  yield  ample  compensation  for 
all  hardships.  Progress  hither  was  checked  some- 
what by  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Centipac,  or  Temoaque,  a  rich  and  populous  province 
on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Tololotlan,  where  Captain 
Barrios  had  been  sent  to  explore  and  seek  a  ford.  He 
crossed  the  river,  but  was  repulsed  with  some  loss  by 
the  native  chieftains,  who  sent  back  a  warning  to 
Guzman  not  to  invade  their  country  on  penalty  of 
being  cooked  and  eaten.  The  main  army,  however, 
marched  at  once  from  Topic  and  reached  the  bank  of 
the  river  on  the  29th  of  May,^^  when  the  commander, 
clad  in  his  best  armor  and  mounted  on  a  gayly  capar- 
isoned steed,  entered  the  stream,  and  halting  in  the 
midst  of  the  current  named  it  Espiritu  Santo.  Then 
mounting  the  opposite  bank,  closely  followed  by  the 
army,  Guzman  took  possession  of  the  new  territory 

Here  were  appointed  Francisco  Verdugo,  treasurer;  Cristobal  de  Ofiate, 
contador,  or  auditor;  Juan  de  Samano,  factor;  and  Hernan  Chirinos,  veedor, 
or  inspector;  but  most  of  these  officers  seem  to  have  gone  on  with  the  army. 

This  date — Espiritu  Santo  day — is  given  by  Guzman,  in  several  of  the 
original  documents,  and  by  Oviedo,  iii.  571.  Tello,  Hist.  Gal,  347, 
makes  the  date  May  1st,  which  is  the  day  of  San  Felipe  and  Santiago.  This 
author  was  perhaps  misled  by  the  name  Santiago  afterward  applied  to  the 
river.  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  401,  says  the  crossing  took  place  early  in 
1531.  A  native  captured  near  the  river  was  delivered  to  the  blood-hounds  for 
refusing  to  give  information. 


GREATER  SPAIK. 


357 


for  Christ  and  Charles,  by  waving  his  sword  and  witli 
it  cutting  down  some  branches  of  trees;  he  ordered 
the  trumpets  to  be  sounded,  and  pompously  pro- 
claimed that  this  new  conquest  be  thereafter  known 
as  "la  conquista  del  Espiritu  Santo  de  la  Mayor 
Espana,"  or  Greater  Spain.  The  acts  of  possession 
and  naming  were  properly  certified  before  the  notary, 
and  the  whole  world  was  defied  through  loud-voiced 
heralds  to  appear  and  dispute  the  regularity  of  the 
proceeding.  But  no  champion  of  aboriginal  rights, 
nor  envoy  from  any  old-world  nation  appeared  to  utter 
a  protest. 

The  army  of  Centipac  soon  appeared  drawn  up  not 
far  from  the  shore  to  utter  a  more  practical  protest  by 
disputing  the  further  advance  of  the  invaders.  That 
the  Spaniards  might  not  be  terrified  by  superior 
numbers  and  escape  annihilation  by  flight,  a  part  of 
the  native  force  was  at  first  placed  in  concealment ; 
but  the  leaders  soon  realized  that  their  full  strength 
was  needed,  as  the  Spaniards  attacked  and  were 
attacked  simultaneously  at  several  points,  one  part  of 
the  native  force  falling  furiously  on  the  division  in 
charge  of  the  baggage.  For  several  hours  a  desperate 
struggle  was  carried  on,  the  natives  exhibiting  not 
only  valor,  but  a  skill  in  military  tactics  unprece- 
dented in  Spanish  experience  of  aboriginal  warfare. 
Superior  weapons,  discipline,  horses,  and  at  least  equal 
numbers,  including  auxiliaries,  at  last  gave  the  victory 
to  the  invaders ;  the  brave  defenders  of  Centipac  fled, 
but  relatively  few  escaped. 

Armed  resistance  in  this  and  the  adjoining  prov- 
inces was  at  an  end,  and  the  army  of  Nuno  de  Guz- 

Tello,  349,  names  it  Castilla  la  Nueva  de  la  Mayor  Espana.  The  title 
Greater  Spain  was  bestowed  with  a  view  to  eclipse  the  glory  of  Cortes  as  the 
conqueror  of  New  Spain.  Mota  Padilla,  Gonq.  N.  Gal.,  23,  etc.,  says  that 
Guzman  gave  this  name  at  the  first  crossing  of  the  river  on  the  Michoacan 
border.  Ramirez,  Proceso,  208-11,  strangely  confused  in  this  part  of  Guz- 
man's trip,  identifies  this  Rio  Espiritu  Santo  with  the  Rio  de  las  Canas  instead 
of  the  Santiago  de  Tololotlan.  The  crossing  was  probably  not  far  from 
Santiago  Ixcuintla.  For  account  of  ancient  remains  on  this  river,  see  I^cUive 
Races,  iv.  575,  this  series. 


358 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


man  was  drawn  up  next  day  to  thank  the  holj  spirit 
for  the  victory .^^ 

For  two  or  three  days  the  army  remained  encamped 
near  the  river,  in  a  town  called  Temoaque  according 
to  some  documents  then  they  marched  northward, 
crossed  a  large  river,  and  encamped  at  the  town  of 
Omitlan  on  the  northern  bank.  The  river,  doubtless 
from  the  day  of  crossing,  June  5th,  was  called  Trini- 
dad, and  was  probably  that  now  known  as  the  San 
Pedro/^  Here  the  festival  of  Corpus  Christi  Sunday 
was  celebrated  on  June  9th,  and  here  they  remained 
about  forty  days  to  refresh  horses  and  men,  await 
correspondence  and  reenforcements  from  Mexico,  and 
receive  the  submission  of  the  country.  The  province 
was  fertile,  supplies  were  plentiful,  and  the  inhabitants 
well  disposed  at  first ;  but  very  soon,  despoiled  of  their 
property,  most  of  them  fled  to  the  mountains.  From 
Omitlan  several  officers  returned  to  Mexico,*^  and  by 
them  Guzman  sent  his  report  to  the  emperor,  dated 
July  8,  1530,  a  document  which,  except  where  it  refers 
to  the  outrages  committed,  is  one  of  the  best  author- 
ities extant.  Guzman  requests  the  emperor  to  confirm 
his  past  acts  and  the  names  he  had  given.  He  an- 
nounces his  intention  to  march  four  or  five  days  later 
to  Aztatlan,  three  days  farther  on,  a  province  reported 
to  be  rich  and  populous,  which  he  desired  to  reach 

*"  Seven  or  eight  Spaniards,  10  or  12  horses,  each  worth  about  400  pesos 
de  minas,  and  hundj-eds  of  native  allies,  all  of  whom  were  probably  valued 
less  than  a  single  horse,  were  killed,  while  a  large  part  of  all  the  forces  and 
about  50  horses  were  wounded  more  or  less  seriously.  Guzman  tells  us  that 
several  of  the  Indian  allies  were  killed  by  the  lance-thrusts  of  the  Spaniards, 
the  struggle  being  so  close  it  was  impossible  to  distinguish  them  from  the  foe. 
Oviedo  represents  the  force  of  the  enemy  at  12,000,  that  of  the  killed  as 
5,000,  and  says  all  the  Spaniards  were  wounded.  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  347  et 
seq.,  and  Beaumont,  Crda.  Mich.,  iii.  401,  state  that  the  entry  into  this  province 
was  without  resistance,  and  minutely  describe  the  ceremonies  and  attentions 
at  the  reception. 

*^The  author  of  the  3a  Rel.  Andn.,  446,  calls  the  place  Atecomatlari. 

*2  The  small  stream  between  the  Tololotlan  and  San  Pedro  could  hardly 
have  been  called  a  large  river  by  Guzman  and  others,  who  imply  that  the 
Trinidad  was  the  first  large  stream  north  of  the  Tololotlan. 

Captain  Bocanegra,  the  maestro  de  campo  Vallaroel,  and  the  comendador 
Barrios,  according  to  Sdmam,  279-80,  and  Lopez,  432,  436.  As  to  the  latter, 
l)oth  authorities  are  confused.  He  is  also  mentioned  as  having  returned  from 
Aztatlan  three  months  later. 


AZTATLAN. 


359 


before  the  threatened  rising  of  the  rivers  should  stop 
his  progress.  From  Aztatlan  he  proposed  to  press 
on  to  the  Amazon  country,  reported  to  be  ten  days 
distant/* 

About  the  middle  of  July  it  was  resolved  to  pro- 
ceed, and  Gonzalo  Lopez,  who  after  Yillaroel's  return 
to  Mexico  had  been  made  maestro  de  campo,  was 
sent  in  a  northerly  direction  to  find  suitable  winter 
quarters.  Passing  over  flooded  roads,  where  some- 
times the  water  reached  to  the  stirrups,  Lopez 
discovered  Aztatlan,  the  chief  town  of  a  province  of 
that  name,  and  with  this  information  he  returned  to 
the  camp.  A  few  days  afterward  the  whole  army 
resumed  the  march ;  but  instead  of  three  days,  as  ex- 
pected, it  required  nearly  a  week  to  reach  Aztatlan, 
on  account  of  the  rainy  season  and  the  marshy  nature 
of  the  soil.  Several  days  alone  were  spent  by  the 
maestro  de  campo  with  the  vanguard  in  building  two 
bridges  over  swollen  rivers,  which  otherwise  it  would 
have  been  impossible  for  the  foot-soldiers  to  pass.*^ 
Aztatlan  reached  at  last,  they  establish  themselves 
in  winter  quarters,  and  remained  there  about  five 
months.  This  province,  situated  on  the  northern 
bank  of  probably  the  actual  Rio  de  Acaponeta,*^ 
afforded  food  in  abundance,  and  at  first,  as  long  as 
the  rains  did  not  prevent  raids  for  plunder,  all  went 
well. 

Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  356-93,  and  in  Ramusio, 
iii.  331-9.    Guzman  also  asserts  that  a  church  was  built  at  Omitlan. 

Samano,  Rel. ,  279-80,  speaks  of  a  river  called  Santa  Ana  from  the  day 
of  crossing,  July  26th;  and  says  they  afterward  crossed  another  river,  on 
which  lay  Aztatlan  on  Santiago  day,  or  July  25th! 

*^It  was  certainly  on  either  the  Acaponeta  or  the  Rio  de  las  Canas,  the 
present  boundary  between  Jalisco  and  Sinaloa.  The  two  streams  are  not 
over  10  miles  apart  at  their  mouths.  The  Sa  Rel.  Andn.,  446-7,  makes  the 
distance  from  Omitlan  10  leagues,  and  adds  that  when  the  army  had  forded 
the  stream  and  were  pursuing  the  foe  they  came  to  a  larger  river,  which 
stopped  the  pursuit.  It  is  clear  that  no  such  stream  could  have  been  found 
near  the  Cafias  and  north  of  it.  The  la  Rel.  An6n.,  288-9,  makes  the  dis- 
tance 10  or  12  leagues  from  Espiritu  Santo  River.  The  statements  are  not 
definite  enough  for  exact  location  in  a  country  like  this,  where  there  are 
several  streams,  each  with  branches,  to  say  nothing  of  possible  changes  within 
three  centuries.  The  name  Aztatlan  applied  in  later  times  to  a  town  on  the 
Acaponeta,  is  considered  by  Ramirez,  Froceso,  208-11,  as  worthy  of  notice  in 


360. 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


While  here,  Guzman  learned  that  his  presentiment 
of  a  change  unfavorable  to  him  in  the  government  of 
New  Spain  had  been  verified.  A  letter  from  the 
oidores  Matienzo  and  Delgadillo  arrived  in  the  first 
week  of  September,  announcing  the  return  of  his 
enemy  Cortes  and  the  overthrow  of  the  first  audien- 
cia.  Certainly  Guzman  congratulated  himself  for 
having  so  timely  and  with  such  advantage  escaped 
the  company  of  his  former  associates.  Although 
probably  on  the  same  occasion  he  was  summoned  to 
appear  in  Mexico,  he  was  in  a  mood  rather  to  increase 
the  present  distance  from  the  capital,  until  he  could 
return  as  the  conqueror  of  a  new  kingdom. But  in 
any  case  it  would  be  better  not  to  leave  the  terri- 
tory wholly  to  his  enemies,  particularly  as  the  late 
oidores  would  doubtless  attempt  to  prove  their  own 
innocence  by  heaping  blame  upon  him.  It  was  diffi- 
cult, however,  to  find  a  person  intelligent  and  at  the 
same  time  trustworthy  enough  to  plead  successfully 
for  the  absent  governor.  Nevertheless  he  wonld  do 
what  he  could.  So  he  selected  the  former  veedor, 
Peralmindez  Chirinos,  whose  interest  he  considered 
as  linked  with  his  own,  especially  since  the  appoint- 
iment  at  Tepic  of  his  nephew,  Hernando  Chirinos,  as 
veedor.  With  a  letter  of  Guzman,  and  accompanied 
by  ten  or  twelve  other  Spaniards,  Chirinos  set  out 
from  Aztatlan  for  Mexico. 

Scarcely  had  Chirinos  departed  when  a  fresh  mis- 

this  connection.  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal,  349-50,  says  that  Aztatlan  was  burned, 
vaguely  implying  that  a  battle  was  fought  in  which  a  great  number  of  natives 
perished,  and  that  subsequently  the  province  submitted,  the  Spaniards  being 
received  amidst  dances  and  festivities.  He  also  gives  an  account  of  a  public 
performance  arranged  in  honor  of  the  strangers,  a  fight  between  a  tiger  and  a 
caiman  in  the  yard  of  a  house.  According  to  the  3a  Bel.  Andn.,  447,  the 
relics  of  a  Christian  trader  who  had  died  seven  years  before  were  found  at 
Aztatlan.    Have  we  here  a  trace  of  the  missing  Villadiego? 

^■^  The  author  of  Bel.  An6n.,  470,  says  he  had  received  the  news  of 
the  arrival  of  Cortes  already  at  Omitlan,  though  the  message  of  the  oidores 
reached  him  only  at  Aztatlan.  Beaumont  asserts  that  it  was  at  Tepic,  but 
his  account  of  this  expedition  is  very  confused.  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  400-1. 

*^In  his  letter  to  the  emperor,  dated  Chametla,  Jan.  15,  1531,  Guzman 
refers  to  another  sent  from  Aztatlan.  Guzman,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Carde- 
nas, Col.  Doc,  xiii.  406.  According  to  the  la  Rel.  An6n.,  292-4,  Chiiinos 
returned  from  Chametla  north  of  the  other  point  named. 


DIMINISHING  NUMBERS. 


361 


fortune  befell  Guzman.  About  the  20th  of  Septem- 
ber, when  the  ramy  season  was  nearly  over  and  the 
patience  of  the  inhabitants  quite  exhausted,  a  sudden 
rise  in  the  river  at  midnight,  preceded  by  a  tempest, 
and,  as  some  say,  by  the  appearance  of  a  comet,  sub- 
merged the  whole  region  of  the  camp  for  about  two 
leagues  in  circumference,  and  made  it  literally  azta- 
ilan,  '  place  of  waters' — now  known  as  Etzatlan.  The 
slight  shelter  of  the  soldiers — for  the  army  was  not 
encamped  in  the  town — was  blown  or  washed  away ; 
hogs,  cattle,  and  large  numbers  of  sick  allies  were 
drowned ;  and  it  is  even  said  that  the  towns  near  the 
river  were  flooded;  the  waters  subsided  rapidly,  but 
left  the  army  in  a  critical  situation. 

The  rich  stores  of  food  which  the  natives  had 
been  forced  to  supply  were  now  spoiled,  and  as  the 
people  had  for  the  most  part  fled  to  the  moun- 
tains, there  were  no  means  of  replenishing  the  store. 
A  pestilence  attacked  the  auxiliary  troops,  carrying 
them  ofl"  by  thousands;  the  survivors  were  threat- 
ened with  starvation. Notwithstanding  this,  Guz- 
man persisted  in  his  plans  of  further  exploration 
northward,  and  it  was  in  vain  the  Aztec  and  Tlas- 
caltec  leaders  implored  permission  to  leave  that  vale 
of  death  and  remove  to  some  healthier  locality.  In 
vain  they  offered  all  their  booty,  jewels,  gold,  and 
silver.  The  leader's  inflexibility  could  not  however 
prevent  attempts  to  escape.  A  number  of  Indians 
ran  away ;  others  were  killed  in  the  attempt ;  and  not 
a  few  recaptured  were  hanged,  while  others  anticipated 
such  a  fate  by  committing  suicide.    Even  the  Span- 

*^  The  accounts  given  of  this  inundation  are  doubtless  exaggerated.  It  is 
said  that  the  soldiers  escaped  drowning  only  by  climbing  trees;  that  1,000  sick 
Indians  were  drowned;  that  of  the  remainder  only  500  survived  the  famine 
and  the  pestilence;  that  the  survivors  had  to  live  on  toads  and  insects;  that 
all  the  Mexican  leaders  perished,  etc.  Beaumont,  Crdn  Mich.,  iii.  399-401, 
represents  the  flood  as  having  occurred  at  Tepic.  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  25-6, 
puts  the  flood  at  Chametla.  Navarrete  says  the  Spaniards  escaped  on  balsas 
to  Acaponeta.  Lopez,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  439,  makes 
the  somewhat  broad  assertion,  'Adolecieron  muchos  espanoles,  los  cuales,  asi 
ellos  como  los  indios,  fueron  curados  y  asistidos  del  capitan  general.  .  .como  si 
fuesen  sus  hijos.' 


362 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


iards  become  rebellious,  and  at  least  one  of  their  num- 
ber was  hanged  as  an  example. 

What  concerned  Guzman  most  was  the  decrease 
of  his  force.  He  was  determined  on  this  adven- 
ture. In  fact,  he  must  go  on ;  he  could  not  well  turn 
back.  It  was  sad  for  him  to  see  his  men  perish,  not 
because  of  the  men,  but  because  of  himself  Even 
now  if  he  would  continue  his  expedition  he  must  have 
reenforcements.  The  maestro  de  campo,  Gonzalo  de 
Lopez,  was  therefore  sent  to  Michoacan  and  the  Avalos 
provinces  for  Tarascan  warriors  and  carriers,  together 
with  hogs  and  other  supplies. 

At  length  Guzman  became  convinced  that  he  must 
remove  from  that  spot  if  he  would  not  see  the 
whole  army  perish,  for  disease  was  daily  thinning  his 
number.  A  division  under  Lope  de  Samaniego  was 
sent  northward  to  Chametla,  where  they  met  with  a 
friendly  reception,  and  brought  back  fowl  and  fish. 
As  they  gave  a  good  account  of  the  place  Guzman 
resolved  to  remove  thither,  sending  first  Verdugo  and 
Proano  with  a  small  force  to  prepare  quarters,  a  task 
which  they  easily  accomplished,  aided  by  the  friendly 
natives.  At  the  same  time,  that  is,  at  the  end  of 
November  or  beginning  of  December,  Garcia  del  Pilar 
was  sent  southward  to  hasten  the  return  of  Lopez, 
who  had  been  absent  about  forty-five  days.  He  found 
the  worthy  maestro  at  Ahuacatlan  faithfully  engaged 
in  branding  slaves,^^  for  the  northern  market.  On 

^  Another  Spaniard  was  saved  from  the  gibbet  only  on  account  of  influen- 
tial intercession;  others  charged  with  attempts  at  flight  were  kept  prisoners. 

Tello  and  Mota  Padilla,  followed  by  Navarrete,  says  it  was  the  captain 
Juan  Sanchez  de  Olea  who  was  sent  to  Mexico  for  aid.  According  to  Tello 
he  returned  in  two  months  with  6,000  carriers  and  supplies.  Mota  Padilla 
estimates  the  number  at  3,500.  Lopez,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
xiv.  437-8,  and  the  author  of  the  Sa  Rel.  Andn.,  447,  add,  that  a  commission 
was  given  by  Guzman  to  enslave  and  punish  the  natives  of  the  Jalisco  dis- 
trict for  having  attacked  a  convoy  of  provisions  sent  from  Michoacan,  killing 
some  of  the  men. 

^^Oviedo  informs  us  that  Lopez  served  under  Guzman  with  10  horsemen 
at  his  own  expense;  and  unlike  most  of  his  companions  he  came  back  as  poor 
as  he  started ! 

^2 Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  404,  speaks  of  5,000  slaves  sent  by  Guzman 
from  Jalisco  to  Panuco.  This  statement,  if  founded  on  fact,  probably  refers 
to  a  somewhat  later  period.    Pilar  and  Lopez  in  their  declarations  estimate 


THE  LAND  OF  THE  AMAZONS. 


3G3 


their  return  with  succor  they  found  Aztatlan  ahnost 
deserted,  Cristobal  de  Onate  alone  having  remained 
in  charge  of  the  baggage. 

About  three  weeks  after  Verdugo  had  been  sent  to 
Chametla,  Guzman  followed  with  the  main  army, 
and  was  kindly  received  by  the  natives/*  who  sent 
them  food,  and  furnished  a  thousand  carriers  to  trans- 
port their  baggage.  But  continued  friendships  the 
Spaniards  could  not  endure.  Would  not  some  of  the 
survivors  of  this  sickly  army,  some  of  the  soldiers 
of  this  dastardly  commander,  prick  these  unsophisti- 
cated natives  to  the  commission  of  some  rash  act 
which  would  justify  the  Spaniards  to  rob  and  enslave 
them!  Nothing  more  easy;  and  by  the  time  the 
maestro  de  campo  and  Pilar  arrived  with  reenforce- 
ments  the  country  was  in  a  state  of  glorious  hostility. 
Enslavement  flourished  so  that  soon  almost  any  num- 
ber of  human  beings  could  be  obtained  at  the  rate  of 
five  pesos  each.  Those  captured  in  raids  were  divided 
among  the  Spaniards  present. 

After  a  month's  stay  at  Chametla  the  army  pro- 
ceeded northward  to  the  Quezala  province,  and  thence 
to  Piastla,  easily  subduing  the  natives  of  the  district. 
The  women  were  becoming  more  beautiful  as  they 
continued  their  course,  which  seemed  to  indicate  that 
they  were  approaching  the  object  of  their  dreams, 
the  country  of  the  Amazons.  And  indeed,  glowing 
reports  of  Cihuatlan,  the  ^  place  of  women,*  confirmed 
the  marvellous  tales  which  had  reached  the  capital. 

the  number  at  1,000.  They  were  branded  with  an  iron  given  Lopez  by  Guz- 
man, and  with  the  commander's  authorization.  Making  considerable  allow- 
ance for  exaggeration  in  the  statement  of  Pilar,  there  still  remains  little  doubt 
that  the  outrages  committed  on  this  people  may  be  classed  among  the  most 
noteworthy  of  the  world.  See  Pilar,  256-7;  Guzman,  4a  Rel.  Andn.,  473-4; 
Lopez,  in  PacJieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  461-2. 

•''^  Passing  on  the  road  through  Acaponeta,  Juan  Sanchez  de  Olea  with 
auxiliaries  and  supplies  is  said  to  have  joined  them.  In  the  same  place  the 
troops  and  stores  were  mustered.  Tello,  Hist,  N.  Gal,  351-2.  The  province 
of  Chametla  was  on  a  river  from  12  to  20  leagues  beyond  Aztatlan  according  to 
different  estimates  by  Guzman's  officers.  The  chief  town,  bearing  the  same 
name,  was  about  five  leagues  from  the  river's  mouth,  which  formed  a  tolerably 
good  harbor.  The  stream  was  doubtless  the  one  flowing  into  the  sea  next 
above  the  Rio  de  las  Canas,  which  still  retains  the  name  on  some  modern 
maps,  as  does  indeed  a  town  near  the  original  site. 


364 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


All  was  SO  unknown;  great  patches  of  untraversed 
earth  spread  out  in  the  boundless  blank  plains ;  it  was 
as  easy  for  the  credulous  sixteenth-century  men  to 
believe  one  thing  as  another  concerning  those  lands  as 
concerning  the  unexplored  sky  or  the  dark  bowels  of  the 
earth — to  believe  of  all  these  places  to  be  what  they 
were  told,  whether  by  home  sages  or  foreign  savages. 
And  it  may  not  be  the  last  time  that  these  Span- 
iards awoke  to  disappointment,  when  they  learned  at 
Cihuatlan  that  the  Indians  had  been  telling  stories  to 
amuse  them;  that  there  was  no  Amazon  island  or 
other  great  wonder  there  awaiting  them.  Yet  for  a 
long  time  they  continued  to  talk  of  these  things,  and 
in  a  measure  to  believe  in  them  though  they  knew 
them  to  be  false.  Still,  the  determination  of  the 
commander  was  to  go  forward.  Marching  yet  far- 
ther north  they  came  to  Colombo,  in  the  province  of 
Culiacan,  where  they  remained  for  seven  months. 
Fruitless  explorations  were  sent  out  in  divers  direc- 
tions; tracts  of  barren  land  inhabited  by  rude  people 
offered  little  inducement  for  further  efforts.  The 
fading  of  the  Amazon  myth  tended  to  lower  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  soldiers,  but  Guzman  remained 
steadfast.  It  is  even  hinted  that  vague  rumors  of  the 
later  famous  Seven  Cities  had  reached  his  ears,  and 
served  to  fire  his  mind,  now  weakened  by  hardships  and 
disease. So  impaired  was  his  health  that  he  had  to 
be  carried  in  a  litter.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  march 
was  renewed,  now  in  an  easterly  direction  over  rough 
roads  and  across  steep  mountains. 

But  Guzman's  star  was  sinking,  and  however  much 
his  efforts  attempted  to  avert  it,  he  was  finally  com- 
pelled to  yield  before  nature's  barriers.  Confronted 
by  the  fact  that  to  continue  would  entail  the  loss  of  his 
entire  force  by  starvation,  he  returned  to  Culiacan, 
where  the  villa  de  San  Miguel  was  established.  Local 
authorities  were  appointed,  and  a  number  of  soldiers 

Guzman,  la  and  2a  Rel.  Andji.,  292,  303;  but  these  allusions  may  be  based 
on  later  reports. 


GUZMAN  IN  JALISCO. 


385 


left  there  as  settlers,  to  whom  were  given  repartimi- 
entos.  With  the  remainder  of  his  army  Guzman 
beg^an  about  the  middle  of  October  1531  his  march 
southward,  to  protect  what  he  chose  to  regard  as  his 
rights  in  Jalisco.  Having  failed  to  find  the  Amazon 
Isles,  and  having  also  by  his  unwise  and  oppressive 
policy  estranged  the  inhabitants  and  destroyed  the 
riches  of  the  provinces  to  which  he  had  some  claim 
as  discoverer,  and  which  should  have  satisfied  his  am- 
bition, he  felt  that  the  region  south  of  the  Rio  Grande 
del  Espiritu  Santo  must  be  preserved  at  any  cost. 
Perhaps  to  a  man  of  his  temper  these  lands  seemed 
all  the  more  desirable  because  another  had  a  better 
right  to  them.  His  northern  possessions  properly 
managed  would  have  brought  him  wealth  and  fame; 
he  chose  to  return  and  renew  his  quarrel  with  Cortes, 
and  thus  bring  upon  himself  ruin;  but  he  had  the 
satisfaction  of  knowing  that  in  these  later  years  his 
old  enemy  was  hardly  less  unfortunate  than  himself. 
Guzman  had  asked  the  emperor  to  confirm  the  name  he 
had  bestowed  of  Greater  Spain,  his  own  title  as  gov- 
ernor of  that  province,  his  distribution  of  the  towns 
among  his  friends,  and  his  right  to  enslave  rebellious 
natives.  His  petition  was  granted  except  in  the  mat- 
ter of  making  slaves,  and  in  the  substitution  of  the 
more  modest  and  appropriate  name  of  Nueva  Galicia. 
This  confirmation  of  his  authority  was  probably  re- 
ceived by  Guzman  before  his  return  to  Tepic.^^  His 
authority  as  governor  of  Panuco  was  continued,  but  of 
course  at  the  coming  of  the  second  audiencia  he  lost 
his  governorship  of  New  Spain. 

It  is  not  likely  that  definite  southern  limits  were 

Moia  Podilla,  CoTiq.  N.  Gal.,  83.  The  document  containing  this  confirma- 
tion so  far  as  I  know  is  not  extant.  The  first  mention  of  the  new  province  by 
royal  authority  which  I  have  found  is  in  a  cedula  of  Feb.  17,  1531.  Puga, 
Cedulario,  73.  The  new  province  is  spoken  of  in  the  earlier  documents  not  as 
Nueva  Galicia,  or  Nuevo  Reino  de  Galicia,  but  as  Galicia  de  Nueva  Espana. 
Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xi.,  says  tha"*-.  Guzman  received  notice  of  his 
appointment  at  Chiametla  on  his  journey  south.  The  oidores  at  first  doubted 
the  genuineness  of  the  commission.  Letter  of  1531,  in  Ternaux-Com.'pans,  Voy., 
serie  ii.  torn.  v.  136-8. 


366 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


at  first  assigned  to  New  Galicia,  and  the  governor's 
first  care  was  to  distribute  the  Jahsco  towns  among 
his  partisans/^  encroaching  without  scruple  on  the 
earlier  encomiendas  of  Francisco  Cortes  and  others  in 
southern  Jalisco,  the  A.valos  provinces,  Colima,  and 
even  Michoacan,  maintaining  that  the  former  dis- 
coverers had  not  permanently  occupied  the  territory, 
and  that  he  had  been  obliged  to  reconquer  it — a  plea 
of  some  plausibility,  were  it  not  that  the  hostility 
of  the  natives  and  the  necessity  for  reconquest  had 
resulted  altogether  from  his  own  outrageous  acts/^ 
He  founded,  either  immediately  or  within  a  few  years, 
several  Spanish  settlements.  Among  these  was  the 
villa  of  Santiago  de  Compostela,  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  Tepic  and  Jalisco  towns,  for  a  long  time 
the  capital  of  New  Galicia/^ 

Not  long  afterward  Juan  de  Onate  was  sent  to 
establish  Espiritu  Santo,  called  later  Guadalajara,  in 
honor  of  Guzman's  birthplace.    The  first  founding  was 

Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  355-62,  gives  a  list  of  the  principal  encomiendas  and 
the  persons  who  received  them.  See  also  Societd  Amer.,  i.  35-52.  Guzman 
was  in  some  way  prompted  to  it,  because  several  of  his  captains,  asking  per- 
mission to  go  to  Mexico,  went  to  Peru.  Afraid  lest  the  desertions  might 
materially  reduce  his  power,  thus  invalidating  his  conquest,  he  went  in  person 
to  Ahuacatlan  and  the  Rio  Grande,  where  by  liberal  grants  of  encomiendas  he 
contrived  to  satisfy  the  discontented.  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich. ,  iv.  58-9. 

The  dispossessed  holders  appealed  to  the  crown,  and  by  cedula  of  April 
20,  1533,  Guzman  was  forbidden  to  meddle  with  Colima  encomiendas.  Puga, 
Cedulario,  82.  He  pleaded  that  the  settlers  of  Colima  had  encroached  on 
Jalisco.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxiii.  438. 

Named  after  the  capital  of  Galicia  in  Spain  and  honored  with  all  the 
privileges  of  its  old-world  namesake.  Also  called  by  some  writers  Espiritu 
Santo  de  Compostela,  Compostela  y  Santiago.  Ogilby,  1671,  Dampier,  1699, 
Laet,  1633,  West-Ind.  Spieghel,  1624,  write  Gompostella;  the  latter  adds  Cen- 
quipa;  Jefferys,  1776,  Kiepert,  1852,  Compostella.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  ii. 
528.  Beaumont  and  Mota  Padilla  mention  the  year  as  1535,  but  the  different 
declarations  given  by  Guzman's  captains  about  the  year  1532  speak  already 
of  the  establishment,  and  agree  that  it  was  made  on  their  return  from  the 
north,  and  hastened  by  the  arrival  of  Castilla  from  Mexico.  Guzman  him- 
self says  in  his  letter  of  January  16,  1531,  that  the  'Villa  del  Espiritu  Santo/ 
as  he  calls  it,  had  been  established  in  the  Tepic  province,  and  that  it  was  the 
first  town  laid  out  on  this  expedition,  but  probably  the  real  foundation  was 
made  when  he  returned.  Ramirez,  Proceso,  215,  claims  that  Guzman  founded 
the  town  in  that  place  against  the  wishes  of  his  officers,  in  order  the  better 
to  defend  himself  by  sea  or  land  against  Cortes.  Tello  gives  a  list  of  the  early 
settlers.  Hist.  _ZV.  Gal.,  360-1.  Ancient  map-makers  fill  up  this  space  as  fol- 
lows: Lok,  1582,  Galicia,  in  large  letters  across  the  country;  Laet,  1633,  Nueva 
Galicia;  Kino,  1702,  Nova  Gallicia;  Jefferys,  1776,  New  Gallicia  or  Guadala- 
xara;  Kiepert,  1852,  Jalisco  or  Nueva  Galicia.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  ii.  552. 


FOUNDING  OF  GUADALAJARA. 


367 


at  Nochistlan;  but  in  1533  the  town  was  removed  to 
the  Jacotlan  Valley,  near  Cuquio,  and  finally  in  1541 
placed  south  of  the  river,  in  Tonald.  Even  in  1533 
the  transfer  was  talked  of,  the  latter  place  being  deemed 
more  convenient,  but  Guzman  objected,  preferring  to 
hold  that  region  for  himself. 

During  this  time  La  Purificacion  on  the  Colima 
frontier  was  also  founded  by  Guzman,  all  with  an 
eye  to  defeating  his  archenemy  in  case  of  open  rup- 
ture.^^ 

While  thus  engaged  in  establishing  his  authority 
in  the  south  of  New  Galicia,  Guzman  was  beset  with 
serious  difficulties  from  the  first.  The  second  audien- 
cia  had  come  with  instructions  to  proceed  with  the 
residencia  against  the  former  president  and  oidores, 
and  while  hastening  to  seize  the  property  of  the 


«<'Mota  PadiUa,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  55, 
77,  asserts  that  in  1530,  when  Guzman 
marched  northward,  a  garrison  under 
Juan  de  Onate  was  left  in  Nochistlan, 
and  that  on  December  3,  1530,  Guzman 
issued  at  Culiacan  a  commission  to  or- 
ganize that  settlement.  The  latter  date 
is  evidently  wrong,  as  Guzman  was  in 
January  1531  still  at  Chametla.  The 
statements  made  by  members  of  the 
expedition,  however,  agree  that  Gua- 
dalajara was  established  after  the 
founding  of  Compostela.  laRel.  Andn., 
292-3;  3a  Bel.  An6n.,  459-60;  Lopez, 
Eel.,  in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  xiv. 
46 1 .  By  a  c6dula  of  November  8,  1 529, 
the  king  granted  the  city  of  Guadala- 
jara a  coat  of  arms,  described  in  Telia, 
Hist.  N.  Gal.,  371-3;  Beojumont,  Cr6n. 
Mich.,  iv.  176-7;  Alegre,  Hist.  Camp. 
Jesus,  i.  81  passim;  Mota  Padilla, 
Conq.  N.  Gal,  109,  188-9;  Calk  Mem. 
y  Not.,  90;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro 
Ecles.,  i.  1 78-9.  Some  writers,  as  Beau- 
mont, Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  498,  557-8,  and 
Navarrete,  Hist.  Jal,  59,  mention  an- 
other intermediate  transfer  of  Guadalajara.  Ogilby,  167,  writes  Guadalarra; 
Laet,  1633,  Guadalajara;  Jefferys,  1776,  Kiepert,  1852,  Guadalaxara.  Cartog. 
Pac.  Cowit,  MS.,  ii.  492. 

^^Authorities  differ  between  1533  and  1536  as  the  date.    Tello,  Hist.  JV. 
Gal,  360,  gives  a  list  of  21  settlers.    Ogilby,  1671,  gives  this  place  as  Puri- 
Jicatio;  Dampier,  1699,  Purification;  Laet,  1633,  Purification  and  Acatlan; 
West-Ind.  SpiegJiel,  1624,  Purificatio  and  east  Ycatlan;  Jefferys,  1776,  la  Pu' 
rificadon;  Kiepert,  1852,  Purificacion.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  ii.  484, 


Coat  of  Arms 
OF  THE  City  of  Guadalajara. 


368 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


implicated  officials,  they  had  summoned  Guzman  to 
answer  at  Mexico  to  the  fast  accumulating  charges, 
including  not  only  abuses  as  head  of  the  administration, 
but  the  illegal  apj)ropriation  of  treasury  funds  for  his 
expedition,  the  torture  and  execution  of  Tangaxoan, 
and  other  outrages.  Guzman  paid  no  attention  to  the 
orders  of  the  government  at  Mexico,  which  he  refused 
to  recognize,  still  styling  himself  president  and  gov- 
ernor of  New  Spain.  His  policy  was  to  communicate 
directly  with  the  crown,  and  thus  gain  time  to  estab- 
lish himself  firmly  in  his  new  possessions,  and  to  take 
advantage  of  circumstances  in  finally  defending  his 
conduct  before  the  emperor. 

Meanwhile  he  sought  through  the  agency  of  friends 
at  court,  who  had  so  far  served  him  well,  and  by 
means  of  letters,  to  exculpate  himself  In  a  tone  of 
injured  innocence  he  protested  against  the  sequestra- 
tion of  his  property,  and  the  maliciousness  of  the 
charges  against  him.  "What  justice  is  it  that  per- 
mits such  measures  without  a  hearing?  Is  this  my 
reward  for  having  served  your  Majesty  with  so  much 
labor,  faithfulness,  and  honesty?"  It  is  well  for  some 
that  they  can  make  up  in  brazen  assurance  what  they 
lack  in  humanity  and  integrity. 

His  refusal  to  attend  at  Mexico  for  trial  was  based 
on  the  ground  that  the  conquest  in  the  north-west 
demanded  his  constant  attention,  and  as  even  his 
opponents  recognized  that  interference  therein  might 
imperil  Spanish  interests,  the  audiencia  resolved  to 
postpone  the  case.^^  Soon  after  came  orders  to  inves- 
tigate the  main  charges,  and  depositions  were  taken 
and  forwarded  to  Spain. 

^2  The  blame  for  slave  traffic  he  threw  upon  the  settlers.  The  reports  of 
the  bishop  could  serve  only  to  prove  his  malice  and  Guzman's  uprightness. 
*  No  puedo  de  todos  ser  amado,  mas  espero  en  la  misericordia  de  Dios.  Carta^ 
in  PacJieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  407-13. 

^"^Zumarraga  and  others  thought,  however,  that  Guzman  should  not  be 
left  in  charge  of  the  country.  Id.,  xvi.  363-75.  'Nous  lui  avons  accorde  un 
an.'  Letter  of  audiencia,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy,,  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  205; 
Torquemada,  i.  604-6. 

^*By  dififerent  decrees  of  1530  to  1532  the  crown  demanded  the  immedi- 
ate repayment  of  treasury  funds  and  the  investigation  of  Guzman's  rule  in 


EXPLOITS  OF  CASTILLA. 


369 


The  authorities  at  Mexico  clearly  saw  the  futility 
of  discountenancing  the  acts  and  attitude  of  Nuno  de 
Guzman.  Indeed,  with  the  forces  at  his  command, 
he  could  afford  to  bid  defiance  even  to  armed  oppo- 
nents, as  he  stood  prepared  to  do.  Cortes  had  natu- 
rally objected  to  the  advantage  taken  by  Guzman  of 
his  discoveries  and  plans  for  conquest,  but  this  could 
no  longer  be  remedied,  and  all  he  might  do  was  to 
take  possession  for  New  Spain  of  the  districts  actually 
subjugated  by  his  lieutenants,  and  at  the  same  time 
afford  an  opening  as  settlers  to  a  number  of  the  needy 
adherents  who  had  followed  him  from  Spain.  While 
taught  by  his  own  acts  in  similar  cases,  and  by  the 
trickery  of  others,  he  allowed  himself  nevertheless  to 
suppose  that  the  authority  of  sovereign  and  audiencia 
would  be  sufficient  to  obtain  respect  for  the  claim. 
In  this  belief,  as  captain-general,  he  commissioned 
Luis  de  Castilla,  a  knight  of  Santiago,  of  noble 
family,  to  proceed  with  a  hundred  men  to  settle  and 
rule  the  country  bordered  on  the  north  by  Rio  Tololo- 
tlan. 

Castilla  approached  Jalisco  from  the  south  at  the 
same  time  that  Guzman  returned  toward  it  from  the 
north.  Informed  of  the  presence  of  a  rival,  the  latter 
hastened  to  install  a  municijDality  at  Compostela,  as 
capital  of  the  district,  and  to  let  the  intimation  reach 
Castilla  that  he  had  been  anticipated.  Luis  replied 
that  he  came  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  and  must 
take  possession.  Guzman  was  by  no  means  prepared 
either  to  yield  or  to  shed  the  blood  of  officers  armed 
with  a  royal  commission ;  yet  peradventure  he  might 
capture  him.  To  this  end  artifice  alone  was  left  to 
him ;  so  he  sent  a  message  full  of  bland  assurances, 

Panuco,  and  his  execution  of  Tangaxoan.  Puga,  Cedulario,  75,  79-80,  83,  87. 
The  receipt  of  the  papers  was  acknowledged  in  April  1533,  the  examination 
having  begun  in  January  1532,  says  Beaumont.  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  379;  Id.,  MS., 
179.  The  chief  witness  was  Garcia  del  Pilar,  a  conqueror  under  Cortds, 
whose  services  had  procured  for  him  a  coat  of  arms.  Lately  he  had  served 
as  officer  and  interpreter  under  Guzman,  and  was  accordingly  well  informed. 
He  died  during  the  trial,  in  February.  CorUs,  Residencia,  ii.  201-24.  Bernal 
Diaz  wrongly  states  that  he  fell  in  battle.  Hist.  Verdad.,  241. 
Hist,  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  24 


370 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


declaring  that  the  commands  of  the  sovereign  would 
receive  his  humble  obedience,  and  even  bidding  the 
knight  welcome  as  a  valued  neighbor.  Satisfied,  Cas- 
tilla  encamped  at  Tetlan,  preparatory  to  entering 
Jalisco  on  the  morrow. 

The  object  of  Guzman's  message  was  to  throw  the 
recipient  off  his  guard.  Following  it  came  Captain 
Onate  with  some  fifty  trusted  cavalry  to  seize  upon 
whatsoever  advantage  might  ofifer.  Informed  of  the 
negligence  prevailing  in  the  enemy's  camp,  he  pointed 
out  the  easy  task  of  capturing  the  company.  It  was 
finally  agreed  to  undertake  it,  and,  stealing  forward  un- 
der cover  of  the  night,  at  the  first  break  of  dawn  they 
fell  upon  the  camp  with  a  thundering  *^Viva  Dios  y 
el  rey,  y  su  gobernador  Nuno  de  Guzman."  The  sol- 
diers of  Castilla  were  so  completely  taken  by  surprise 
that  they  made  no  efibrt  at  resistance,  and  all  were 
quickly  disarmed  under  the  eyes  of  their  leader, 
whom  Onate  sought  to  reassure  with  affected  consola- 
tion. •  Finding  that  his  person  was  respected,  Castilla's 
fears  abated,  and  he  hastened  to  use  the  permission 
granted  to  exhibit  his  credentials  at  headquarters. 
On  beholding  him,  Guzman  broke  forth  with  the  fierce 
inquiry  why  he  presumed  to  enter  with  an  armed 
force  into  his  territory.  Castilla  answered  by  pre- 
senting the  royal  commission  in  dignified  silence.  This 
being  read,  Guzman  kissed  it  with  great  humility. 
As  for  obeying  it,  that  was  another  matter.  The 
cedula  had  evidently  been  issued  under  false  repre- 
sentations, for  the  province  of  Jalisco  had  never  been 
subjugated  by  Cortes,  and  as  the  sovereign  could  not 
desire  to  give  to  another  his  hard-earned  conquests, 
wherein  he  had  founded  the  first  settlements,  he  must 
appeal  to  Spain  before  obeying  the  order.  While  a 
notary  drew  up  the  answer  and  protest,  the  governor 
sought  to  charm  his  captive  by  a  display  of  his  bril- 

®^  Some  of  his  followers  expressed  doubts  about  Guzman's  sincerity,  but 
Castilla  maintained:  'Ko  hay  que  recelar.'  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  94, 
Another  account  refers  to  the  preliminary  capture  of  some  of  Castilla's  strag- 
glers. Guzman,  ^aRd.  An6n.,  481-2. 


FALL  OF  GUZMAN. 


371 


liant  conversational  power;  but  when  he  dismissed 
him,  he  changed  his  tone,  and  bade  him  depart  with 
his  followers  within  four  hours,  under  penalty  of  a 
traitor's  doom.^^  The  threat  lent  wings  to  Castilla, 
and  he  hastened  crestfallen  to  report  his  failure  to  the 
captain -general.  "  It  appears  that  the  Castillas  in 
New  Spain  are  better  fitted  to  govern  in  peace,"  caus- 
tically observed  Cortes  as  he  turned  his  back  upon  him.^'' 
This  was  the  governor's  last  triumph;  from  this 
time  his  prosperity  waned.  His  friends  and  sup- 
porters one  by  one  left  him,  some  of  them  estranged 
by  his  arbitrary  misrule,  others  because  the  star  of  his 
foe  seemed  in  the  ascendant.  The  refusal  of  the  king 
to  confirm  Guzman's  license  to  enslave  the  natives 
thinned  the  settlers'  ranks ;  the  governor's  severe  pun- 
ishment of  certain  persons  who  disobeyed  the  law — 
a  tardy  attempt  to  conciliate  a  powerful  element 
among  his  foes — drove  away  others;  while  of  the 
remaining  colonists  many  were  drawn  away  by  ex- 
citing reports  of  the  gold  discoveries  in  Peru.  The 
governor  had  the  petty  satisfaction  on  several  occa- 
sions, as  will  appear,  of  refusing  water  and  other  aid 
to  the  vessels  sent  out  by  Cortes,  or  of  plundering 
those  vessels  when  cast  aground  on  the  coast;  but  so 
weak  did  he  become  finally  that  he  ofiered  no  resist- 
ance when  Cortes  marched  to  Jalisco  to  recover  his 
vessels. 

'  Tenia  intencion  secreta  de  mandarle  cortar  la  cabeza,'  says  Beaumont, 
Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  68.  The  4a  Rel.  An6n.,  483,  states  that  Castilla  had  been 
captured  on  the  road  in  company  with  four  or  five  men. 

Castilla  was  ordered  to  Spain  with  the  documents  bearing  on  the  case, 
there  to  add  to  the  charges  against  Guzman,  but  a  gale  swept  the  sea  which 
swallowed  the  vessel  bearing  them  with  all  on  board.  Mota  Padilla.,  Gonq.  N. 
Gal.,  97;  Castilla's  death  is  implied  in  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  193,  yet  a  man  of 
similar  name  figures  some  years  later  in  New  Galicia.  Ramirez  and  some  other 
writers  represent  that  this  expedition  of  Castilla  was  subsequent  to,  and  partly 
in  consequence  of,  Guzman's  treatment  of  Hurtado  during  his  voyage  up  the 
coast;  but  this  is  erroneous,  for  Hurtado  did  not  sail  until  May  or  June  of 
1532,  wbile  the  audiencia  reported  the  whole  Castilla  affair  to  the  court  on 
April  19,  1532;  and  their  action  in  the  matter  was  approved  by  the  queen  in 
a  letter  of  October  16th.  Pufja,  Cedulario,  80.  Moreover  Cortes  describes  the 
affair  in  a  letter  of  April  20,  1532,  and  says  that  Guzman  from  the  north,  and 
Castilla  from  the  south,  both  arrived  at  Jalisco  the  same  day.  Cartas,  512. 
''^In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  xiii.  and  xvi.,  are  a  number  of 


372 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA, 


Shortly  after  Castilla's  return,  the  audiencia,  doubt- 
less at  the  petition  of  Cortes,  had  ordered  Guzman  to 
confine  the  exercise  of  his  authority  to  the  region 
north  of  Jalisco,  and  in  no  case  to  interfere  in  the 
government  of  Colima,  Michoacan,  or  Tonald.^^  This 
was  confirmed  by  a  peremptory  order  from  Spain  of 
April  20,  1533,  bidding  Guzman  not  to  interfere  in 
the  southern  encomiendas,  and  not  to  call  himself 
hereafter  governor  of  Pdnuco.  A  month  later  he 
was  required  to  report  in  future  directly  to  the  audi- 
encia of  Mexico  in  all  matters  affecting  Nueva  Gali- 
cia/^  Of  his  later  transactions  we  know  little  save 
in  connection  with  the  seizure  of  Cortes'  vessels,  and 
in  allusions  to  petty  campaigns  against  natives  whom 
oppression  had  driven  into  revolt,  and  to  visits  to  his 
possessions  at  Pdnuco/^  The  succession  of  disap- 
pointments and  humiliations  encountered  in  the  deser- 
tion of  comrades,  in  signs  of  disfavor  at  court,  in 
pending  residencias,  and  in  subordinating  him  to  the 
government  at  Mexico — all  this,  in  connection  with 
dwindling  credit  and  resources,  could  not  fail  to  bend 
his  haughty  spirit.  "  I  am  driven  to  despair,"  he 
writes,  ^'without  a  crust  to  eat."^^' 

Better  boldly  face  the  storm,  he  concluded,  than 
endure  this  torture.  He  would  throw  himself  at  the 
feet  of  the  emperor  and  seek  mercy.  He  accordingly 
placed  Cristobal  de  Onate  in  charge  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  set  out  for  Pdnuco,  to  collect  additional 
funds  and  seek  means  of  conveyance  to  Spain.  His 
star  willed  it,  however,  that  he  should  turn  aside  to 
Mexico,  there  to  meet  a  portion  of  his  just  deserts. 

his  letters  wherein  he  seeks  to  justify  his  conduct  and  bring  censure  on  that 
of  his  opponent. 

Tonala,  however,  seems  to  have  been  under  the  rule  of  later  governors 
of  New  Galicia. 

''^Puga,  Cedulario,  82-^,  87. 

Carta^  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas^  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  414-20. 

*  Y  creo  que  ni  la  justicia  divina  ni  humana  no  son  dello  servidos.'  Carta^ 
in  Id.,  419. 

'  Con  el  motivo  de  no  perder  crecidas  sumas  de  dinero  que  le  debian  en 
la  caja  real  de  Mexico  de  resulta  de  sus  salarios.'  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv. 
81.    Bcrnal  Diaz  states  that  Mendoza  invited  him  to  come  to  Mexico  with  a 


r 


AUTHORITIES. 


373 


view  to  save  Hm  from  the  indignity  of  arrest  in  his  own  provinces.  Hist, 
Verdad.,  231.    But  this  is  doubtful. 

The  original  authorities  which  I  have  consulted  on  Guzman's  expedition  are 
as  follows:  Relatione  di  Nvnno  di  Gvsman,  in  Ramusio,  iii.  331-9.  This  is  a 
letter  of  Guzman  dated  Omitlan,  July  8,  1530,  directed  to  the  emperor,  and  giv- 
ing a  detailed  account  of  progress  down  to  the  date.  The  Spanish  original  has 
been  published  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  356-93,  and  a  very 
impefect  condensation  in  English  may  be  found  in  Purclias,  His  Pilgrimes,  iv. 
1556-9.  The  writer  admits  only  such  outrages  on  the  Indians  as  were  mer- 
ited through  disloyalty  to  the  emperor  or  infidelity  to  the  white  man's  God; 
but  in  such  cases  speaks  of  his  orders  to  hang  and  burn  with  a  coolness  that  is 
revolting.  The  narrative  is  marked  by  hypocritical  expressions  of  submission 
to  the  divine  and  royal  will,  extreme  even  for  that  time.  The  Relaciones 
An6nimas  {la,  2a,  3a,  and  4(^)  de  la  Jornada  que  hizo  Nuno  de  Guzman  d  la 
Nueva  Galicia  were  written  by  eye-witnesses  of  the  events  described,  includ- 
ing both  friends  and  foes  of  the  leader,  were  drawn  out  apparently  by  the 
official  investigation  of  Guzman's  conduct,  and  are  to  be  found  only  in  Icaz- 
halceta.  Col.  Hoc,  ii.  288-306,  439-60,  461-83.  The  first  and  second  seem  to 
have  been  written  by  the  same  person,  whose  name  is  unknown,  as  is  that  of 
the  writer  of  the  third.  Icazbalceta  finds  much  reason  to  identify  the  author 
of  the  fourth  with  Cristobal  Flores.  Similar  to  these  narratives  is  the  Rela- 
cion  of  Gonzalo  Lopez,  ia  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  411-61;  the 
Relacion  de  Gurcla  del  Pilar  and  the  Relacion  de  la  Conquista  de  los  Teides 
Chichimecas  by  Juan  de  Samano,  in  Icazhalceta^s  Collection,  ii.  249-87.  Yet 
the  similarity  between  the  statements  of  Lopez  and  Samano,  as  also  between 
those  given  by  Pilar  and  the  author  of  the  4a  Rel.  Andn.,  implies  that  they 
were  not  made  quite  independently.  The  testimony  of  Lopez  may  claim,  as 
to  facts,  perhaps  more  reliability  than  the  other  when  we  consider  that  dur- 
ing the  last  part  of  Guzman's  campaign  he  held  the  position  of  a  maestre  de 
campo.  Pilar  was  a  young  interpreter  of  Nahua  dialects,  and  one  of  the 
original  conquistadores,  but  not  of  good  repute,  if  we  may  credit  Bishop 
Zumarraga's  allusions  to  his  maquinaciones  diabdlicas  and  to  his  unfortunate 
escapes  from  being  hanged.  Ternaux-Com^ans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  tom.  v.  26. 
He  was  a  willing  tool  of  Guzman  during  the  campaign,  but  a  bitter  foe  after- 
ward, showing  all  his  leader's  acts  in  their  worst  light,  and  relieving  himself 
of  all  complicity  by  throwing  the  blame  on  the  other  interpreter,  Juan  Pas- 
cual.  In  addition  to  this  narrative,  Pilar's  testimony  taken  at  Guzman's 
trial  is  published  by  Ramirez  and  Beaumont,  whose  works  are  noticed  below. 
Juan  de  Samano  was  one  of  Guzman's  captains,  and  afterward  held  a  high 
position  in  Mexico. 

Of  the  early  chroniclers  who  claim  or  may  be  supposed  to  have  had  access 
to  original  sources  of  information,  are  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  iii.  561-77,  who 
consulted  several  members  of  the  expedition,  especially  Francisco  de  Arzeo; 
Padre  Tello,  Hist,  de  la  N.  Galicia,  written  about  1650  by  a  Franciscan  who 
had  spent  over  50  years  of  his  life  in  the  country  of  which  he  writes,  but 
whose  work,  or  such  portions  of  it  as  have  been  preserved,  is  valuable  rather 
for  information  on  aboriginal  manners  and  customs  than  as  an  historical  narra- 
tive; Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vii.  cap,  viii.;  lib.  viii.  cap.  i.-ii.;  lib.  ix.  cap. 
ix.-xii.,  who  consulted  some  of  the  anonymous  manuscripts;  Mota  Padilla, 
Conq.  N.  Gal.,  23-66,  75,  who  also  saw  some  of  the  original  documents  and 
often  cites  Tello;  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  266-7,  352-422,  MS.,  135, 
174-207,  who  cites  Tello  and  Herrera,  and  gives  Pilar's  testimony.  See  also 
Salazar  y  Olarte,  Conq.  Mex.y  426-35;  Torquemada,  1.  338,  600-4;  Gomara, 
Hist.  Ind.,  56,  271;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.  229-31;  Villa  Senor,  Theatro, 
ii.  203^,  229;  Calle,  Not.  y.  Mem.,  89-90;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  14,  95,  101-2. 

Among  modern  writers  the  only  ones  who  have  treated  this  expedition  at 
length  are  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  41-68,  118-21,  Ramirez,  Proceso  de  Resid. 
contra  Alvarado  y  Guzman,  187-258,  and  Navarre te,  Cmvpendio  de  la  Hist,  de 
Jalisco,  27-61,  85-6.  The  second  gives  some  of  the  original  documents  of  the 
residencia,  and  draws  his  historic^  sketch  chiefly  from  Beaumont  and  Mota 


374 


CONQUEST  OF  NUEVA  GALICIA. 


Padilla,  with  somewhat  less  skill  than  might  be  expected  from  the  author's 
high  reputation.  The  latter  follows  Telle  to  a  great  extent,  and  his  work 
does  not  show  extensive  research.  Other  works  which  mention  the  expedi- 
tion are  the  following:  Escovedo,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  vii.  5,  6;  Gil,  in  /c?., 
viii.  477-80;  Garcia,  in  Id.,  viii.  23;  Pay  no,  in  Id.,  2a  ep.  i.  797-801,  ii. 
137-8;  Hemandos  y  Ddvalos,  in  Id.,  2a  ep.  iii.  187-8;  Romero,  Not.  Mich., 
122,  186,  193,  197-8,  Museo,  Mex.,  iv.  115;  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  184^6; 
Moreno,  Frag.,  8,  9,  30;  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  25-6;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy., 
serie  i.  tom.  ix.  286,  etc.;  Burney's  Chron.  Hist.  Voy.,  i.  165,  169-70;  GaU 
vino's  Discov.,  40;  West-Ind.  Spieghel,  334-50;  Gallatin,  in  Nouv.  An.  Voy., 
cxxxi.  240-1;  Davis'  El  Gringo,  58-9;  Laet,  Nows  Orhis.,  284-6;  DomenecKs 
Deserts,  i.  168;  Gottfriedt,  N.' Welt,  605;  Societe  Amer.,  i.  35-52;  Rivera,  Gob, 
Mex.,  i.  18,  24-5;  Larenaudihre,  Mex.  et  Guat.,  144;  Puga,  Cedulario,  80,  etc.; 
Dice.  Univ.,  ix.-x.;  Greenhow's  3Iemoirs,  25,  etc.;  Parra,  Conq.  Xal.,  x.  MS,, 
76;  Rivera,  Descrip.  Zac,  pt.  ii.  1-5;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  204;  Gonzalez 
Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  178-9;  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  app.  27-8;  Brasseur  de 
Bourhourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  744-53;  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  182;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  476-7,  489-90,  493-515;  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orhis,  21;  Rmiero, 
in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii.  538,  ix.  15,  85-6;  Archivo  Mex.,  Doc,  i. 
362-3,  ii.  201-2;  Monumentos  Hist.  Polit.,  MS.,  8,  9;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp., 
MS.,  239-40;  RusseWs  Hist.  Am.,  i.  381;  Voyages,  Selection  of  Curious,  39; 
Santos,  Chron.  Hospit.,  ii.  445;  Jalisco,  Mem.  Hist.,  34-62;  Gordons  Anc. 
Mex.,  ii.  248-9;  Expl.  del  Codex.  Tel.  Rem.,  in  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.y 
v.  155;  Dillon,  Beautes,  39-61;  Pimentel,  Mem.,  96. 


CHAPTEE  XYIII. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  VICEREGAL  GOVERNMENT. 
1535-1537. 

Appointment  of  Mendoza — His  Instructions  and  Prerogatives — Arrival 
AND  Reception  of  the  First  Viceroy — Inaugural  Ceremonies — Re- 
tirement OF  the  Oidores — Difficulties  of  the  Administration — City 
Improvements — Defensive  Measures — Apparent  Weakness  of  the 
Spaniards — Proclivities  and  Condition  of  Negroes — Their  Conspir- 
acy and  its  Suppression — Mustek  of  Spaniards  in  the  Capital. 

The  sad  failures  attending  the  governing  of  this 
distant  world  which  the  Genoese  had  found  and  the 
Estremaduran  had  conquered,  led  Charles  to  bethink 
himself  of  other  means.  Would  not  a  miniature 
court,  having  about  it  the  sacred  smell  of  royalty,  the 
very  embodiment  of  imperial  power  and  prerogative, 
awe  the  turbulent  spirits  of  New  Spain  into  more 
courteous  submission?  And  so  it  was  determined 
that  a  viceroyalty  would  be  the  proper  thing  in  this 
region. 

Acting  in  accordance,  therefore,  with  the  wishes  of 
his  Majesty,  who  was  in  Flanders,  the  queen  proceeded 
to  select  a  person  qualified  both  by  birth  and  ability 
to  fill  so  high  a  position.  Her  first  choice  fell  upon 
the  conde  de  Oropesa,  who,  however,  under  various 
pretexts  declined  the  offer,  as  did  also  the  mariscal  de 
Fromesta.  She  next  tendered  the  appointment  to 
Manuel  Benavides,  but  his  exorbitant  demands  with 
respect  to  the  power  to  be  vested  in  him,  and  supplies 
of  money,  induced  her  Majesty  to  withdraw  the  nom- 
ination. The  position  was  lastly  offered  to  Antonio 
de  Mendoza,  who  though  he  accepted  it  was  detained 

(375) 


376     ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  VICEREGAL  GOVERNMENT. 


several  years  in  Spain  before  sailing  for  the  seat  of  his 
government.^ 

Though  the  Cortes  party  considered  that  the  choice 
ought  properly  to  have  fallen  upon  the  marques  del 
Valle,  the  crown  did  not  evidently  deem  it  prudent  to 
invest  with  such  power  one  whose  possessions  in  the 
country  were  so  extensive,  his  interests  so  large,  and 
his  friends  so  numerous.^  The  selection  of  Mendoza 
was,  morever,  a  fortunate  one.  Of  noble  birth,  being 
son  of  the  second  conde  de  Tendilla,  and  first  marques 
de  Mondejar,  he  was  connected  with  the  celebrated 
naval  commander  Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  and  the 
equally  famous  statesman  and  historian  Diego  Hur- 
tado  de  Mendoza.  Both  as  regards  character  and 
ability  he  was  well  fitted  for  the  place,  his  governing 
capabilities  being  equalled  by  the  integrity  of  his  in- 
tentions. Austere  in  his  habits,  and  practising  absti- 
nence to  an  extent  injurious  to  his  constitution,  he 
never  relaxed  his  exertions  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duties,  while  the  responsibility  of  his  position  increased 
his  anxiety. 

Besides  his  appointment  as  viceroy,^  Mendoza  was 
created  president  of  the  audiencia  in  the  place  of 
Fuenleal,  who  was  returning  to  Spain.  This  office  did 
not,  however,  entitle  him  to  vote  in  judicial  matters, 
the  administration  of  justice  remaining  in  the  hands 
of  the  oidores,  whose  provisions,  sentences,  and  decis- 

^He  received  the  appointment  in  1530,  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  539, 
but  did  not  arrive  in  Mexico  before  1535.  From  Puga  it  appears  that  his 
appointment  was  formally  made  out  April  17,  1535.  Cedulario,  98-9. 

^  Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  ix.  cap.  i.;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  540-1. 

^  He  was  assigned  a  salary  of  6,000  ducados,  3,000  of  which  he  received  as 
viceroy  and  3,000  as  president  of  the  audiencia.  He  was,  moreover,  allowed 
2,000  ducados  for  the  expenses  of  his  body-guard.  Puga,  Cedulario,  98-9.  In 
1614  this  salary  was  raised  to  20,000  ducats,  pay  for  six  months  being  allowed 
for  the  voyage  out,  and  a  similar  amount  for  the  expenses  of  returning.  A  la- 
man,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  25.  The  6,000  ducados,  at  375  maravedis  each,  were 
equal  to  5,000  pesos  de  minas  at  450  maravedis,  and  the  laborious  investigator 
Clemencin  estimates  the  value  of  the  pesos  de  minas  in  1497  to  have  been  nine 
dollars  and  seventy-five  cents,  so  that  Mendoza's  salary  would  be  about  equiv- 
alent to  48,750  dollars  of  modern  coin.  But  the  purchasing  power  of  coin  then 
was  in  some  directions  five  or  ten  times  greater  tlian  at  the  present  day;  so 
that  it  is  impossible  to  estimate  accurately  the  value  of  coin  then  as  compared 
with  the  present.  Mem.  Valor  Moneda,  MS.,  501  et  seg. 


Ai^TONIO  DE  MENDOZA. 


377 


ions  had  to  be  signed  by  the  viceroy.  In  addition  to 
these  appointments  he  was  constituted  acting  captain- 
general,  and  empowered  to  assume  the  corresponding 
functions  should  circumstances  render  such  a  step 
necessary.  His  privileges  and  prerogatives  were  most 
ample,  and  although  he  was  advised  to  consult  with 
the  audiencia  on  matters  of  importance,  he  was  fully 
authorized,  after  receiving  their  opinions,  to  act  on  his 
judgment.  The  instructions  given  him  for  his  guid- 
ance were  explicit.  All  affairs  of  the  government  were 
placed  under  his  direction.  The  prelates  were  to  be 
consulted  on  ecclesiastical  matters,  the  establishment 
and  extent  of  bishoprics,  and  the  erection  of  churches ; 
and  a  full  report  thereon  was  to  be  forwarded  to  the 
king.  Clergymen  who  caused  scandals  were  not  to 
be  tolerated  in  the  province,  and  such  as  had  been 
frairs  were  to  be  sent  back  to  Spain ;  the  limits  of  the 
bishopric  of  Oajaca,  which  it  was  proposed  to  erect, 
were  to  be  determined;  the  church  patronage  enjoyed 
by  the  crown  was  to  be  upheld,  particularly  the  right 
of  presentation  to  all  ecclesiastical  positions;  ecclesi- 
astical judges  could  have  no  power  to  arrest  and  punish 
civilians,  and  the  audiencia  was  empowered  to  inter- 
fere in  cases  of  appeal.  Convents  were  to  be  reformed, 
and  not  allowed  to  become  places  of  refuge  for  crimi- 
nals.^ 

But  though  his  Majesty  was  anxious  for  the  proper 
spiritual  government  of  his  realm,  his  worldly  inter- 
ests were  by  no  means  left  out  of  sight,  and  sugges- 
tions were  made  to  promote  the  increase  of  the  royal 
revenue.^    The  capability  of  the  natives  to  bear  in- 

*  The  payment  of  church  tithes  by  the  natives  was  to  be  closely  investigated, 
and  an  estimate  made  of  what  portion  of  them  ought  to  revert  to  the  crown. 
It  was  ordered,  also,  that  in  the  existing  convents  the  natives  should  receive 
better  instructions,  Pacheco  a,nd  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxiii.  426-45;  and  they 
were  to  be  encouraged  in  industrious  habits,  and  to  collect  themselves  into  com- 
munities. No  arms  were  to  be  sold  to  the  natives,  nor  were  they  to  be  taught 
to  manufacture  them.  Spaniards  settled  in  Mexico  were  to  keep  offensive  and 
defensive  arms  in  their  houses,  and  negroes  were  forbidden  to  carry  weapons 
either  publicly  or  secretly.  Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  ix.  cap.  i.  and  ii. 

^  Mendoza,  among  other  orders,  was  instructed  to  search  for  buried  treas- 
ures in  the  great  temples  of  Mexico,  the  king  having  been  informed  that 


378     ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  VICEREGAL  GOVERNMENT. 


creased  tribute  was  to  be  considered,  as  well  as  the 
question  whether  those  portions  of  the  country  hith- 
erto exempt  could  not  be  taxed.  Moreover  industries 
were  to  be  encouraged  for  the  promotion  of  the  wel- 
fare of  the  country  and  the  benefit  of  the  royal  treas- 
ury; the  accounts  of  the  royal  officials  were  to  be 
examined  and  the  collection  of  all  balances  due  was 
ordered.  Instructions  were  also  given  for  the  erec- 
tions of  forts,  and  provisions  were  made  with  regard 
to  arms  in  order  to  insure  the  safety  of  the  country. 

About  the  beginning  of  October  1535,  Mendoza 
arrived  at  Vera  Cruz,^  and  preparations  were  made  to 
receive  him  with  becoming  ceremony.  He  was  con- 
ducted in  great  state  to  the  capital,  where  he  was 
sumptuously  entertained  by  the  authorities.  Never- 
theless the  reception  was  quite  tame  as  compared  with 
later  ones,  when  the  viceroy  was  conducted  with  ex- 
cessive pomp  and  pageantry,  involving  great  expense, 
from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  the  whole 
journey  being  a  triumphal  march,  the  road  spread 
with  palm-branches  and  spanned  by  arches  of  fresh 
evergreens  and  flowers;  the  entrance  into  Tlascala, 
Puebla,  and  all  the  principal  towns  on  his  route  being 
signalized  by  martial  music,  and  processions  of  multi- 
tudes of  natives  decked  in  brilliant  colors  and  bearing 
aloft  the  banners  and  devices  of  their  towns.  High 
in  front  of  the  viceregal  party  there  used  to  float  a 
richly  embroidered  flag,  on  one  side  of  which  were 
worked  the  arms  of  the  king  and  on  the  other  those 
of  the  viceroy.    The  solemnity  of  the  reception  on 

native  nobles  had  been  buried  there  with  great  riches.  The  question  of  send- 
ing slaves  from  Spain  or  elsewhere  to  work  in  the  mines  was  also  to  be  exam- 
ined. Id. 

^  Herrera  only  mentions  the  year  without  giving  the  month.  Id.  Torque- 
mada  says  in  1534,  Monarq.  Ind.,  i.  608;  followed  by  Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS., 
126,  Vetancurt,  Trat.  Mex.,  7,  and  several  minor  authorities.  Padre  Medina 
assigns  the  15th  of  August,  1535,  as  the  date  of  his  arrival  in  Mexico,  Chron. 
de  San  Diego  de  Mex.,  233;  but  the  acts  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Mexico  show 
that  on  the  13th  of  October  dispositions  were  made  for  the  reception  of  Men- 
doza, and  on  the  17th  the  commission  made  a  report  of  the  conference  held 
with  him.  Presuming  that  the  conference  was  held  on  the  16th,  his  arrival 
probably  took  place  on  the  15th.  Zamacois  accepts  this  date.  Hist.  M6j., 
iv.  586;  and  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  29. 


RECEPTION  OF  A  VICEROY. 


379 


each  occasion  was  proportionate  to  the  importance  of 
the  town;  and  as  his  successor  approached  the  capital 
the  outgoing  viceroy  left  the  city  to  meet  him  and 
resign  the  government  into  his  hands. 

On  arrival  at  Chapultepec  the  viceroys  used  to  halt, 
and  in  the  evening  proceed  to  the  city,  where  the  cere- 
mony of  taking  possession  would  be  performed  with 
great  solemnity.  Then  he  was  conducted  first  to  the 
hall  of  the  audiencia,^  after  that  to  the  hall  of  civil  pro- 
cedure, where  the  seal  was  delivered  to  him,  the  royal 
cedulas  constituting  his  appointment  were  exhibited, 
and  the  oath  was  taken  by  him  on  the  holy  gospel. 
Then  followed,  on  a  day  appointed  for  the  purpose,  his 
public  entry  into  the  city,  on  which  occasion  was  dis- 
played a  costly  magnificence  in  retinue  and  apparel. 
Near  the  church  of  Santo  Domingo  the  ayuntamiento 
delivered  to  him  the  city  keys  beneath  a  triumphal 
arch,  whence,  under  a  canopy  of  state,  he  was  con- 
ducted to  the  cathedral,  where  he  was  received  by  the 
archbishop  in  his  pontifical  robes.  At  the  entrance 
another  was  usually  erected  for  the  occasion,  beneath 
which  a  panegyric  in  verse  was  addressed  to  him. 
After  the  te  deum  the  viceroy  would  proceed  to  the 
palace,  and  for  several  days  the  city  would  be  gay 
with  festivities,  the  night  bright  with  fireworks,  and 
the  day  one  continuous  round  of  bull-fights  and  other 
amusements.^ 

^  Each  viceroy  was  the  bearer  of  a  sealed  letter,  called  the  pliego  de  mor- 
taja,  addressed  to  the  audiencia,  and  which  could  be  opened  only  in  case  of 
his  death  while  in  ofl&ce.  This  document  designated  the  person  whom  the 
crown  appointed  to  succeed  him  under  such  an  event. 

^  The  expenses  of  these  inaugurations  in  time  became  excessive,  amounting 
to  as  high  as  26,000  pesos.  The  king,  by  royal  c6dula  of  May  6,  1688,  limited 
the  sum  to  be  employed  for  this  purpose  to  8,000  pesos.  Ordenes  de  la  Co- 
rona, MS.,  i.  9-11.  On  account  of  the  disputes  which  occurred  on  the  entry 
of  the  viceroy  Galvez,  in  1783,  the  court  ordered  that  in  future  the  procession 
on  horseback  into  the  city  should  be  discontinued,  and  thenceforth  the  cere- 
mony terminated,  and  the  viceroy  and  accompanying  authorities  entered  the 
city  from  Guadalupe  in  carriages,  the  garrison  being  drawn  out  in  the  streets. 
The  respective  oaths  were  taken  in  the  council-chamber,  and  the  ayunta- 
miento paid  the  expenses  of  banquets  and  other  festivities.  These  still 
amounted  to  the  great  sum  of  14,000  pesos,  and  the  second  count  of  Revilla 
Gigedo  advised  his  successor  to  suppress  them.  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  99. 
In  former  times  it  had  been,  the  custom  for  the  authorities  of  the  capital, 


380     ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  VICEREGAL  GOVERNMENT. 


Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  viceroy  several  mem- 
bers of  the  audiencia  retired  from  office.  President 
Fuenleal,  already  advanced  in  years,  had  in  1532 
requested  permission  to  return  to  Spain,  and  the 
oidores  Salmeron  and  Ceynos,  for  the  same  reason, 
were  equally  anxious  to  be  relieved  from  their  duties. 
By  cedula  dated  November  13,  1535,  Francisco  de 
Loaisa  was  commissioned  to  take  the  residencia  of 
the  four  oidores.^  On  the  24th  of  February,  1536, 
this  order  was  proclaimed  with  the  usual  form  in  the 
city  of  Mexico;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  charges 
were  preferred  against  any  one  except  Quiroga,  who 
was  accused  of  having  caused  to  be  erected  two  hos- 
pitals, one  at  Santa  Fe  near  the  capital,  and  the  other 
in  Michoacan,  the  construction  of  which  had  brought 
great  distress  to  the  natives,  whose  houses  had  been 
destroyed  to  supply  materials.  Quiroga,  however, 
vindicated  his  action  by  proving  the  great  benefit  that 
had  been  derived  from  the  hospitals,  especially  from 
that  in  Michoacan,  and  in  March  1536  he  was 
formally  exonerated  by  the  juez  de  residencia. 

Shortly  after  the  favorable  termination  of  their 
residencia.  President  Fuenleal  and  the  oidores  Sal- 
meron and  Ceynos  returned  to  Spain.  It  is  no  more 
than  a  just  tribute  to  their  memory  to  acknowledge 
that  they  faithfully  discharged  the  duties  intrusted  to 
them;^-^  that  during  their  administration,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  their  colleagues,  the  system  of  tyrannical 
misrule  organized  by  their  predecessors  was  broken; 
and  that  reforms  of  essential  benefit  were  effected  by 

including  the  tribunal  of  the  inquisition,  to  meet  the  viceroys  at  Chapultepec, 
where  they  were  entertained  with  bull-fights  and  festivities,  but  from  the 
tenor  of  a  royal  cedula  of  1761  it  appears  that  before  that  year  Chapultepec 
had  ceased  to  be  the  halting-place  before  their  solemn  entry  into  the  city. 
Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  105. 

^  On  the  19th  of  the  same  month  an  order  was  addressed  to  the  viceroy 
directing  him  to  return  their  staffs  of  office  to  the  oidores  on  the  event  of  their 
residencia  being  satisfactory.  From  the  day  on  which  the  varas  were  given 
back  to  them  they  could  continue  to  receive  their  annual  salary  of  500,000 
maravedis.  Puga,  Cedularlo,  110. 

Beaumont,  CrOn.  Mich.,  iii.  316-17,  iv.  315-49. 

Bernal  Diaz  says  that  the  new  audiencia  '  no  entendian  sino  solamente 
en  hazer  lo  que  Dios,  y  su  Magestad  man  da.'  Mist.  Vei'dad.,  230. 


A  RIGHTEOUS  RULER. 


381 


the  HI  under  circumstances  which  required  the  greatest 
prudence,  good  judgment,  and  courage. 

It  is  refreshing  to  be  able  to  speak  well  of  one  of 
Spain's  rulers  in  America.  Mendoza  made  every 
effort  to  carry  out  the  instructions  he  had  received. 
The  duties  of  his  position  had  been  rendered  some- 
what less  difficult  of  performance  by  the  previous  ex- 
ertions of  the  second  audiencia  in  the  work  of  reform ; 
nevertheless  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  rule  with  satis- 
factory results  a  community  divided  into  factions, 
whose  opposing  interests  were  asserted  with  jealous 
claims  of  merit  and  equal  expectations  of  support. 
The  number  of  provinces,  and  the  varied  condition 
of  the  native  tribes  in  different  parts,  rendered  it  im- 
possible  to  apply  the  same  rules  in  all  cases.  Regu- 
lations which  were  beneficial  and  necessary  in  some 
districts  were  inapplicable  in  others;  hence  discon- 
tent and  charges  of  capriciousness  against  the  viceroy. 
Moreover,  each  ruler  of  a  province  and  each  enco- 
mendero  wished  the  government  to  adopt  his  own 
particular  views,  and  the  advice  offered  to  Mendoza 
was  so  multifarious  that  he  found  it  the  best  plan 
quietly  to  listen  to  all  without  dissenting,  and  then 
do  as  he  thought  best,^^  as  contradiction  on  his  part 
led  to  interminable  wrangling.  The  adjustment  of 
existing  jealousies  between  the  conquerors  proper  and 
the  new  settlers  was  a  difficult  task,  but  much  more 
so  was  the  enforcement  of  the  new  laws  relative  to 
the  treatment  of  the  natives;  and  though  he  was 

^2  Speaking  of  President  Fuenleal,  Gonzalez  Davila  attributes  to  his  care 
and  prudence  all  the  good  that  was  effected  in  New  Spain  during  this  period, 
and  adds  that  he  returned  to  the  Peninsula  without  gold  or  silver.  Teatro, 
Ecles.,  i.  262.  On  his  return  he  was  appointed  to  the  see  of  Tuy;  afterward 
he  was  made  bishop  of  Leon,  and  finally  of  Cuenca  on  the  25th  of  July,  1542. 
At  the  same  time  he  was  chosen  president  of  the  audiencia  of  Valladolid, 
where  he  died  January  22,  1547.  He  was  buried  in  the  Dominican  convent 
of  Santa  Cruz,  founded  by  himself  in  his  native  place.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist, 
Verdad.,  230;  Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  ix.  cap.  i.;  Oviedo,  in.  534-5;  Torquemada, 
i.  608;  Cartcus  de  Indias,  829-30. 

'  En  verdad, '  says  Mendoza  to  his  successor,  *  que  si  hubiese  de  hacer  lo 
que  se  aconseja,  que  ya  la  tierra  estuviera  trastomada  de  abajo  arriba  viente 
veces.'  Helacion,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  509-11. 


382     KSTABLISHMENT  OF  A  VICEREGAL  GOVERNMENT. 


well  aware  of  the  necessity  of  extending  to  them 
protection,  he  advised  the  repeal  of  the  laws.^*  The 
excessive  difficulties  encountered  in  leofislatinnf  for  the 
benefit  of  the  natives  are  aptly  represented  by  Men- 
doza, who  considered  that  the  numerous  experiments 
tried  were  enough  to  drive  them  to  insanity.^^ 

Apart  from  the  administration  of  political  affairs 
the  viceroy  was  occupied  in  carrying  out  improve- 
ments in  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  providing  means  of 
defence  against  outside  and  inside  attack.  The  second 
audiencia  had  already  executed  certain  works  benefi- 
cial to  the  comfort  of  the  inhabitants,  such  as  the 
introduction  of  water  into  different  parts  of  the  cap- 
ital, and  the  substitution  of  stone  bridges  for  wooden 
ones.^^  The  aqueduct  from  Chapultepec  to  the  city 
had  also  been  begun  by  order  of  the  oidores.^^  The 
continuance  of  these  improvements  under  a  viceroy, 
and  the  prospects  for  the  future  of  stability  in  the 
government,  had  naturally  an  effect  upon  the  value  of 
city  real  estate;  and  Mendoza  informs  the  king,  on 
the  10th  of  December,  1537,  that  rents  and  property 
had  doubled  in  value  since  his  arrival. The  defensive 

**The  general  outcry  against  these  laws  impelled  Mendoza  to  act  contrary 
to  his  feelings.  '  Tengo  harto  escrupulo, '  he  writes  to  the  king,  *  de  dar  pares- 
cer  que  V.  M.  los  quite  de  su  cabeza; '  and  he  goes  on  to  state  that  on  one 
occasion  when  in  1537  he  had  transferred  certain  Indians  to  the  care  of  the 
royal  treasurer  they  wept  for  joy.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  205-6. 

*  Y  en  lo  de  los  indios,  son  tantas  las  mudanzas,  que  algunas  veces  he 
dicho  que  los  hemes  de  volver  locos  con  tantos  ensayos.'  Mendoza,  in  Id.,  vi. 
510.  One  of  Mendoza's  first  actions  was  to  induce  certain  prominent  enco- 
menderos  to  exchange  towns  which  it  was  important  that  the  crown  should 
control — such  as  Cholula  and  Huexotzinco — for  encomiendas  in  the  interior. 
The  principal  incentive  to  the  assignees  was  the  expectation  that  much  gold 
existed  in  the  new  districts  assigned  to  them.  The  encomenderos,  however, 
soon  repented  of  their  bargain  and  reclaimed  the  towns  they  had  surrendered, 
but  in  vain.  Torquemada,  i.  613-14 

^®Fuenleal,  writing  in  September  1532,  stated  that  these  improvements 
would  be  finished  during  the  next  month.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc., 
xiii.  235. 

^^The  queen,  by  cedula  of  November  13,  1535,  ordered  the  viceroy  to 
complete  it,  as  being  most  necessary  for  the  convenience  of  the  inhal)itants. 
Pmja,  Cedulario,  109.  Its  completion,  however,  was  not  the  result  of  a  lim- 
ited number  of  years,  and  indeed  work  at  this  aqueduct  has  been  going  on, 
from  time  to  time,  ever  since  its  commencement. 

Ternaux-Com'pans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  260;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
CoL  Doc,  ii.  200.  Arrangements  were  made  with  the  different  religious 
orders  that  the  construction  of  their  buildings  should  be  conducted  on  proper 
plans  so  as  to  insure  the  erection  of  good  edifices.  Jd.,  vi.  513. 


MORE  ARMS  NEEDED. 


383 


measures  adopted  by  him  also  contributed  to  this 
increase  of  prosperity.  Besides  steps  taken  to  cast 
pieces  of  artillery  from  metal  produced  in  the  coun- 
try/^ he  proposed  to  erect  on  one  of  the  causewa^^s  a 
fortress,  which  he  considered  would  greatly  contrit3ute 
to  the  security  of  the  city.^^  Though  this  project 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  carried  out,  at  Vera  Cruz 
he  began  the  erection  of  fortifications,  as  a  defence 
against  corsairs  and  for  the  purpose  of  providing 
facilities  for  the  repair  and  security  of  vessels,  which 
were  frequently  exposed  on  that  coast  to  violent 
storms. 

Protective  measures  against  internal  revolt  were 
indeed  of  vital  importance  to  his  Majesty's  domain, 
and  instructions  were  from  time  to  time  issued,  de- 
signed to  keep  the  colonists  on  their  guard.  Owing  to 
the  scarcity  of  arms  the  position  of  the  Spaniards  at  this 
juncture  was  by  no  means  secure.  The  recognition  of 
this  want  had  not  only  impelled  Mendoza  to  apply  to 

Mendoza  reports  to  the  king  December  10,  1537,  that  there  is  abun- 
dance of  metal  in  the  country  for  the  manufacture  of  artillery,  but  that 
skilled  workmen  are  wanted  to  extract  and  smelt  it.  He  therefore  requests 
that  such  be  sent  from  Spain.  Id.,  ii.  183;  Florida,  Col.  Doc,  121. 

20  He  moreover  recommended  the  building  of  a  strong  fortification  on  the 
Calzada  de  Tacuba,  containing  apartments  for  the  audiencia,  a  foundery, 
mint,  and  arsenal.  Such  a  fortress  he  believed  could  be  constructed  for  9,000 
pesos,  the  sum  which  had  been  paid  Cortes  for  houses  for  the  audiencia.  Id. 
This  work,  however,  had  not  been  commenced  in  1540,  and  Mendoza  that 
year  describes  the  old  fortress  as  in  a  ruinous  condition  and  of  no  further 
use  for  the  purpose  it  was  intended,  namely,  as  an  arsenal  and  dock-yard, 
since  the  lake  was  quite  dry.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  357.  He 
had  in  1537  stated  that,  from  the  same  cause,  it  could  be  removed  to  no  place 
that  would  enable  the  brigantiaes  to  be  of  any  service.  Id.,  182-3. 

2^  Tlie  India  Council  had,  as  early  as  1526,  deemed  it  advisable  to  order 
the  building  of  forts  in  America  as  a  protection  against  pirates.  Herrera^ 
dec.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  ix. 

2'^  To  defray  the  expenses  of  these  works  he  laid  an  impost  upon  the  mer- 
chandise imported  from  Spain,  and  borrowed  2,000  pesos  with  which  to  begin 
operations.  The  viceroy,  however,  met  with  difficulties  and  delays:  some 
Basque  workmen  whom  he  had  employed  died;  and  Sancho  de  Piniga,  master 
of  a  vessel  bound  for  Spain,  attempted  to  steal  2,000  pesos  de  minas  which 
Mendoza  intrusted  to  his  care  for  the  purchase  of  tools.  He  was  detected 
and  imprisoned,  but  managed  to  escape.  These  mishaps  retarded  the  work, 
and  in  December  1537  Mendoza  requested  the  king  to  send  out  competent 
men.  Florida,  Col.  Doc,  123-5. 

2^  The  queen  in  November  1535  ordered  arms  to  be  distributed  among  the 
Bettlera  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  Purja^  Cedulario,  109-10. 


384     ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  VICEREGAL  GOVERNMENT. 


the  king  for  weapons  of  war,^*  but  also  for  permission 
to  retain  and  purchase  arms  which  were  on  the  point 
of  being  withdrawn  by  adventurers  from  Perii.  This 
apparent  weakness  of  the  Spaniards  in  New  Spain 
was  regarded  by  the  negro  population  as  offering  a 
favorable  opportunity  to  effect  their  destruction,  and, 
with  the  cooperation  of  the  natives,  liberate  the 
country  from  the  Spanish  yoke. 

The  vindictive  character  and  hardihood  of  the  Afri- 
can race  had  at  an  early  day  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  government  to  the  danger  to  which  the  Indies 
were  exposed  by  the  importation  of  negro  slaves.  In 
proportion  to  the  population  their  numbers  were  be- 
coming alarming, and  although  their  number  in  New 
Spain  was  relatively  insignificant  compared  with  that 
of  the  indigenes,  it  was  such  as  to  hold  out  to  them, 
turbulent  as  they  were  and  refractory  by  nature,  a 
prospect  of  gaining  their  freedom.  They  were  further 
emboldened  by  the  knowledge  which  they  obtained 
of  the  troubles  that  embarrassed  the  king,  and  by  the 
arrival  of  vessels  from  Spain  only  at  long  intervals. 

Their  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  and  the  mutual 

24  December  1537  he  informs  the  king  that  no  arms  had  been  received 
by  him  from  the  royal  officials  at  Seville,  to  whom  the  matter  had  been  in- 
trusted. Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  ii.  200. 

2^  In  1523  it  was  ordered  that  the  number  of  negroes  should  only  be  in 
the  proportion  of  one  to  three  Spaniards,  and  that  the  latter  should  be  well 
armed;  '  porq  a  causa  de  auer  muchos  mas  negros,  q  Christianos  en  las  islas,  y 
auerse  comen9ado  a  desuergon9ar. '  Jlerrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  viii.  Later 
other  precautionary  laws  were  passed.  In  1551  negroes  were  prohibited  from 
carrying  arms.  By  order  of  1542  they  were  not  permitted  to  be  out  of  doors 
at  night.  Becop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  363-4.  In  1575  they  were  forbidden  to  live  in 
Indian  towns,  and  negroes  without  occupation  were  to  be  sent  to  work  in 
the  mines.  As  the  necessity  of  more  stringent  laws  became  apparent,  it  was 
ordered,  in  1612,  that  they  should  not  congregate  in  companies  of  more  than 
three,  while  only  four  negro  men  and  four  women  were  allowed  to  attend 
at  the  funerals  of  those  of  their  race.  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  208,  pt.  iii. 
45-6.  Nevertheless  the  negroes  in  many  matters  met  with  consideration, 
and  inducements  to  become  quiet  members  of  the  community  to  which  they 
belonged.  By  a  royal  letter  to  the  authorities  of  New  Spain,  dated  Novem- 
ber 1526,  we  learn  that  it  was  considered  advantageous  to  allow  them  to 
marry,  and  after  a  certain  period  of  service  even  to  purchase  their  freedom. 
Puja,  Cedulario,  20.  Marriage  was  to  be  encouraged  among  them,  but  the 
act  of  marriage  did  not  confer  freedom.  Recap,  de  Ind.,  ii.  361. 

The  viceroy  in  his  letter  to  the  king  of  December  10,  1537,  alluding  to 
'las  guerras  y  necesidades  que  V.  M.  tiene,' remarks,  * y  viene  d,  noticia  de 
los  negros  y  de  indios,  sin  que  se  les  encubra  nada. '    He  also  advises  the  king 


THE  NEGHOES  BECOMING  DANGEROUS. 


385 


sympathy  which  existed  between  the  two  races,  offered 
a  temptation  to  their  unsubmissive  proclivities.  Ac- 
cordingly a  plot  was  formed  to  massacre  the  Spaniards 
and,  in  alliance  with  the  natives,  gain  possession  of 
the  country.  The  head-quarters  of  the  conspirators 
was  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  there  they  held  meet- 
ings, elected  a  king,  and  formed  their  plans  in  connec- 
tion with  those  of  their  race  located  at  the  mines  and 
Dutside  towns.  One  of  their  number,  however,  informed 
the  viceroy  of  the  plot,  and  Mendoza  by  judicious  man- 
agement succeeded  in  arresting  the  already  elected 
king  and  the  ringleaders.  Confessions  opened  their 
eyes  to  the  danger  escaped.  The  Spaniards  in  the 
mining  districts  and  country  towns  had  already  been 
put  upon  their  guard,  and  other  arrests  were  made  out- 
side the  capital.  Twenty-four  of  the  captured  con- 
spirators were  hanged  and  quartered.^^  Although  no 
complicity  could  be  proved  against  the  Indians,  in- 
vestigation left  little  doubt  that  they  were  aware  of 
the  piot,  and  that,  had  the  negroes  broken  into  overt 
acts,  the  natives  would  have  given  their  aid. 

It  was  now  deemed  dangerous  to  import  negroes, 
and  the  viceroy  requested  the  king  to  prohibit  the 
traffic.  Moreover,  to  arouse  the  settlers  from  their 
apathy,  and  inform  himself  of  powers  for  defence,  he 
ordered  a  muster  in  the  city,  at  which  six  hundred 
and  twenty  horsemen  presented  themselves,  four  hun- 
dred and  fifty  of  whom  were  well  equipped  and  fit 
for  service.  There  was  also  an  equal  number  of  foot- 
soldiers,  well  conditioned.^^ 

to  send  vessels  regularly,  so  that  news  from  Spain  might  be  received  fre- 
quently. Such  communication  would  contribute  greatly  to  the  content  and 
quiet  of  the  x)eople.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  199. 

2^  Many  of  the  negroes  fled,  four  of  whom  with  one  woman  were  killed  by 
the  Indians,  who  salted  their  bodies  and  brought  them  to  Mendoza,  because 
he  had  ordered  the  fugitives  to  be  taken  dead  or  alive.  Id.,  198.  *En  este 
auo  de  6  Casas  y  de  1537  se  quisieron  alzar  los  Negros  en  la  Ciudad  de  Mexico, 
de  los  quales  dhorcaron  los  in ven tores  de  ello.'  Cod.  Tell.  Rem.,  in  KingS' 
borough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  v.  155. 

^2  These  numbers  do  not  represent  the  whole  Spanish  male  population  in 
the  capital  at  this  time,  because  there  were  '  otros  muchos  que,  por  indisposi- 
cion  y  otros  impedimentos  justos,  dejaron  de  salir.'  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas, 
Col.  Doc,  ii.  199-200. 

Hisi.  Hex.,  Vol.  II.  25 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 
1530-1540. 

Troubles  of  Bishop  ZumArraga — He  Goes  to  Spain — His  Consecratioit 
AND  Return  to  Mexico — First  Churches  in  the  Capital — Uncertain 
Priority  and  Sites — The  First  Cathedral — Necessity  of  More 
Bishoprics — Dioceses  of  Oajaca  and  Michoacan  Established — Fran- 
ciscan Progress — Custodia  of  Santo  Evangelio  Raised  to  a  Prov- 
ince— Labors  of  the  Padres — Dominican  Provincia  Established — 
Unseemly  Strife — Successful  Propagandism — Arrival  of  Augus- 
tinians — Labors  and  Hardships — Provincia  Established — Miracu- 
lous Shrine  at  Chalma — Dagon  Overthrown — The  Virgin  of 
Guadalupe — A  Glorious  Vision — A  Modest  Shrine  and  a  Costly 
Church— A  Wonderful  Painting — ^Multitudes  of  Converts— Secret 
Idolatry. 

While  the  political  government  of  New  Spain  was 
thus  undergoing  important  changes,  reforms  equally 
momentous  were  being  effected  in  the  ecclesiastical 
administration.  The  disorders  which  had  prevailed 
previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  second  audiencia  had 
been  such  as  no  efforts  of  the  church  could  arrest.  The 
ecclesiastical  body  found  their  labors  at  conversion 
almost  ineffective  from  the  fact  that  their  teachings 
were  naturally  disregarded  by  the  natives,  who  saw 
clearly  enough  that  the  doctrines  of  the  religion 
preached  to  them  were  practically  ignored  by  the 
race  enforcing  it.  The  condition  of  the  natives,  both 
spiritual  and  temporal,  during  this  period  was  lament- 
able in  the  extreme.  Bishop  Zumdrraga,  who  had 
been  appointed  protector,  exerted  himself  in  vain  to 
alleviate  their  sufferings;  his  efforts  in  their  behalf 
seemed  only  to  bring  upon  himself  the  animosity  of  all 


ZUMARRAGA  in  SPAIN. 


387 


interested.  Nevertheless  his  words  had  their  elfect, 
and  he  was  sent  for  from  Spain  to  give  advice  on 
measures  for  amehorating  the  condition  of  the  Indiariti. 

Without  money/  but  resolute  in  his  labor.':,  ho 
arrived  in  Spain  about  the  middle  of  1532,  and  was 
received  at  court  with  every  mark  of  favor.  His 
defence  of  the  religious  orders  in  New  Spain,  and  of 
his  own  line  of  conduct,  his  description  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  natives  and  his  fervid  pleadings  in  their 
behalf  were  listened  to  with  attention.  His  eloquence 
and  earnestness,  his  self-negation  and  poverty,  be- 
spoke favor  for  his  cause.  The  title  of  protector  was 
confirmed  to  him,  and  he  was  empowered  to  examine 
the  sytem  of  tributes,  with  the  object  of  their  reduc- 
tion, and  the  audiencia  received  instructions  to  assist 
him  and  conform  to  his  views  as  far  as  possible.^ 
On  the  27th  of  April  1533  he  was  solemnly  conse- 
crated as  bishop  at  Valladolid  in  the  Franciscan  church 
by  the  bishop  of  Segovia,  in  the  presence  of  a  large 
assembly.  After  the  ceremony  he  journeyed  through 
different  parts  of  Spain  for  several  months,  and  in- 
duced many  members  of  his  own  order  to  return  with 
him  to  Mexico  and  aid  in  the  labor  of  conversion. 

In  1534  he  again  arrived  in  Mexico,  having  at 
some  time  during  the  same  year  issued  a  letter  from 
Toledo  erecting  his  cathedral,  establishing  the  digni- 
taries of  his  chapter,  and  defining  the  rules  by  which 
his  diocese  would  be  governed.^ 

It  has  been  a  matter  of  much  discussion  as  to  the 

^  *  Con  harta  pobre(?a  de  dineros. '  Torquemada,  iii.  449. 

^  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  21;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  631;  Sosa^ 
Episc.  3Iex.,  9  and  app.  2.36. 

3  The  chapter  consisted  of  a  dean,  archdeacon,  precentor,  chancellor,  treas- 
urer, ten  canons,  and  six  prebendaries.  The  salaries  of  these  ecclesiastics  varied 
from  150  to  35  pesos  per  month.  Nueva  Espaiia,  Breve  Resf,  MS.,  i.  120-40, 
contains  a  copy  of  the  bishop's  letter.  One  fourth  of  the  tithes  he  reserved 
for  himself  and  successors ;  one  fourth  was  appropriated  for  the  payment  of 
the  salaries  of  the  cathedral  dignitaries  and  others;  the  remainder  was 
apportioned  for  the  payment  of  rectors,  the  king's  tithes,  the  building  of 
churches,  and  the  support  of  the  hospital.  The  parishes  of  Mexico  city  are 
mentioned  in  Maltrat.  de  Indios,  MS.,  No.  18,  fols.  6-11. 


388 


A  DECADE  OF  CHUECH  MATTERS. 


first  church  erected  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  During 
the  next  three  years  after  the  capture  of  the  city  no 
cciiice  was  built  for  church  service,  but  a  hall  in  ihe 
Lou.  e  of  Cortes  was  set  apart  for  the  purpose  of 
divine  worship.  This  place  was  soon  required  as  a 
store-room  for  arms,  and  a  chapel  was  established  in  a 
narrow  corridor,  inappropriate  both  to  religious  solem- 
nity and  the  requirements  of  the  worshippers,  many 
of  whom  had  frequently  to  stand  outside  unprotected 
from  the  sun  or  rain.* 

The  Franciscan  order  claim  to  have  founded  the 
first  church,  but  some  doubt  exists  as  to  their  priority 
from  the  fact  that  in  the  books  of  the  cabildo  it  is 
recorded  that  on  May  30,  1525,  a  piece  of  land  for  an 
orchard  was  granted  to  Fray  Pedro  de  Villagran, 
who  is  styled  the  parish  priest  "of  the  church  of  this 
city."^  It  is  not  unreasonable  to  conclude  that  Cor- 
tes, previous  to  his  departure,  marked  out  the  site 
and  took  measures  for  the  erection  of  a  church,  which 
was  begun  during  his  absence,  and  completed  at  a 
later  date. 

^Cortes,  Besidenaa,  i.  passim;  Motollnia,  Hist.  Ind.,  101. 

^  The  same  book  proves  that,  in  August  1524,  the  hospital  of  Jesus  was 
founded  and  a  church  attached  to  it.  Alaman  maintains  that  the  parish 
church  and  this  one  were  the  first  established.  Disert. ,  ii.  133.  Orozco  y  Berra, 
quoting  the  same  authority,  draws  the  conclusion  that  in  the  last  months  of 
1524,  after  Cortes  had  left  for  Honduras,  the  first  church  was  built.  3Iex. 
Not.  Ciud. ,  69.  Icazbalceta  considers  that  hardly  any  doubt  exists  that  the 
first  church  was  not  built  until  after  the  arrival  of  the  Franciscans.  Salazar, 
Mex.  en  1554,  184-202;  Torquemada,  iii.  35-6,  According  to  Vetancurt,  the 
name  of  St  Joseph  was  given  to  the  parochial  church.  Trat.  Mex.,  6.  The 
assertions  of  Mendieta  and  Torquemada,  who  advance  the  claim  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans, are  disputed  by  Sigii^nza  y  G6ngora  and  Alaman.  They  are,  more- 
over, at  variance  with  Herrera,  who  plainly  attributes  to  Cort6s  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  principal  church.  Herrera 's  statement — dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap. 
viii. — may,  however,  be  reconciled  with  that  of  Mendieta,  by  interpreting  it' 
to  mean  that  only  the  initiatory  steps  were  taken  by  the  conqueror.  Men- 
dieta asserts  that  the  church  was  built  in  1525,  *con  muchabrevedad;  porque 
el  gobernador  D.  Fernando  Cort(5s  puso  en  la  edificacion  mucha  calor.'  Hist. 
Edes. ,  222.  Cortes,  however,  was  in  Honduras  at  that  time.  According  to 
evidence  given  by  witnesses  in  his  residencia  it  would  appear  that  it  was 
built  during  his  absence  in  Honduras;  though  Ixtlilxochitl  claims  that  his 
ancestor  of  the  same  name,  after  the  return  of  the  expedition,  rendered  great 
aid  in  its  construction  by  supplying  both  labor  and  materials.  The  house 
for  the  Franciscans  had  been  already  begun,  and  after  the  completion  of  the 
church  Ixtlilxochitl  assisted  the  friars  in  the  erection  of  their  buildings.  Hor, 
Crueldades,  114r-16. 


THE  FIRST  CHURCH. 


389 


An  equally  difficult  question  to  decide  is  the  site 
of  the  first  church,^  but  there  is  good  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  the  parochial  church  stood  on  ground  previ- 
ously occupied  by  the  great  Aztec  temple,  and  where 
the  old  cathedral  was  afterward  erected/  By  a  bull 
of  Pope  Clement  VII.  this  church  was  elevated  in 
1530  to  the  rank  of  cathedral,^  so  that  the  first  cathe- 
dral and  the  parochial  church  were  identical.  But 
this  edifice  was  only  regarded  as  a  provisional  one, 
and  during  the  presidency  of  Fuenleal  the  construc- 
tion of  a  more  appropriate  building  was  begun  and 
completed  by  the  viceroy  Mendoza.^  As  time  advanced 
this  structure  also  was  too  humble  in  which  to  cele- 
brate the  worship  of  God  with  becoming  grandeur. 
A  few  decades  later  was  laid  the  first  stone  of  the 
magnificent  edifice  which  exists  to-day. 

^  Icazbalceta,  after  carefully  weighing  the  arguments  adduced  by  Alaman 
and  Jos6  F.  Ramirez  in  analyzing  the  statements  of  Torquemada,  although 
recognizing  the  difficulty  of  proof,  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  the  conjecture 
that  the  Franciscan  church  was  the  first  one  built  in  the  city  of  Mexico  is 
probably  right  and  that  its  site  was  that  occupied  by  the  atrium  of  the 
present  cathedral.  Salazar,  Mex.  en  1554,  184-202,  213-29. 

^  Herrera  states  that  the  foundation-stones  of  the  parochial  church  were 
idols,  'y  comen^b  la  mayor' — i.  e.  iglesia — 'sobre  ciertos  idolos  de  piedra  q 
eiruen  por  vasas  de  las  colunas.'  dec,  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  viii.  If  this  vexed 
question  as  to  priority  and  site  should  ever  be  solved  it  will  probably  be 
found  that  the  first  parochial  chiirch  and  the  first  Franciscan  church  were  built 
almost  contemporaneously,  the  former  occupying  the  site  of  the  Aztec  temple, 
and  ground  which  had,  according  to  Vetancurt,  been  assigned  to  the  Fran- 
ciscans for  a  convent,  but  of  which  they  relinquished  their  rights  as  owners, 
Trat.  Mex.,  17;  and  that  the  latter  named  church  stood  near  by  on  the  east, 
in  Santa  Teresa  street.  There  is  evidence  which  indicates  the  site  of  the  first 
cathedral,  for  Fuenleal,  writing  to  the  empress  on  the  30th  of  April  1532, 
suggests  the  appropriation  of  12  out  of  25  lots,  'seflalados  para  hacer  iglesia, 
claostra  y  casa  episcopal, '  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  on  them  buildings  for 
the  audiencia.  These  lots  of  ground  were  situated  in  the  plaza  between  the 
two  houses  of  Cortes,  and  the  position  of  those  proposed  to  be  appropriated  was 
Buch,  'questa  casa  de  Audiencia  y  las  dos  casas  del  Marques  tengan  la  iglesia 
y  plaza  en  medio.'  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Gdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  214-15. 
This  subject  is  discussed  at  great  length  and  ably  by  Icazbalceta  in  Salazar^ 
Mex.  en  1554,  and  by  Alaman,  Disert. 

^ Nueva  Espaiia,  Breve  Res.,  MS.,  i.  124.  From  the  same  bull  we  learn 
that  the  church  was  dedicated  to  the  Virgin  Mary.  Speaking  of  the  cathe- 
dral Beaumont  says:  'cuya  titular  es  la  Asuncion  de  Nuestra  Senora.'  Crdn. 
Mich.,  ni.  251. 

^By  a  c6dula,  dated  August  28,  1532,  it  was  ordered  by  Prince  Felipe 
that  '■•'^  cost  of  construction  should  be  divided  into  three  portions,  and 
defrayed  respectively  by  the  royal  treasury,  the  encornenderos,  and  the 
natives  in  the  diocese.  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hacienda,  i.  519-20. 

^^Its  growth  was  slow,  however;  slower  than  that  of  the  temple  at  Jeru- 
salem.   Forty-two  years  were  occupied  in  building  the  outer  walls,  and  it 


390 


A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 


The  careful  attention  with  which  the  second  audi- 
encia  examined  into  the  ecclesiastical  system,  and  the 
suggestions  made  by  them,  showed  the  necessity  of 
reorganization.  In  August  1531  they  represented  to 
the  king  that  the  districts  comprised  in  the  diocese  of 
Tlascala  were  unwisely  selected,  inasmuch  as  they 
were  distributed  at  distances  from  the  episcopal  town 
varying  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  and  sixty  leagues, 
and  they  urged  the  necessity  of  establishing  more 
bishoprics  of  limited  extent,^^  and  consisting  of  con- 
tiguous districts.  Such  a  system,  they  argued,  would 
compel  the  prelates,  whose  means  and  power  would  be 
curtailed,  to  confine  themselves  to  the  conversion  of 
the  natives,  and  attention  to  church  matters  only.^* 
The  metropolitan  see  of  Mexico  ought,  they  considered, 
to  be  of  limited  extent,  but  it  was  advisable  that  the 
bishop  should  be  invested  with  extraordinary  power  to 
decide  doubtful  questions. These  representations  had 
their  effect,  and  by  cedula  of  March  20,  1532,  the 
bishopric  of  Tlascala  was  limited  to  the  districts  of  the 
town  of  that  name,  and  of  Huexotzinco,  Cholula,  Te- 
peaca,  and  the  newly  founded  city  of  Puebla  de  los 
Angeles.^* 

Further,  in  accordance  with  Fuenleal's  recommenda- 
tion,^^ the  India  Council  expressed  their  opinion  to  the 
king  that  not  only  ought  there  to  be  four  bishoprics 
in  New  Spain,  the  number  to  be  increased  as  circum- 
stances might  require,  but  that  an  archbishopric,  or 

was  not  until  1626  that  the  interior  was  so  far  completed  that  the  old  cathe- 
dral, beside  which  the  new  one  was  reared,  could  be  pulled  down.  Orozco  y 
Berra,  in  Mex.  Not.  Ciud.,  71;  Not.  Mex.,  m  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.^  MS., 
320.    Vetancurt  gives  1655  as  the  date.  Trat.  Mex.,  18. 

They  advised  that  the  diocese  of  Tlascala  be  limited  to  a  radius  of  10 
leagues.  Cartayin  Ternanx-Com'pans^  Fo?/. ,  serie  ii.  tom.  v.  166-8. 

^2  Friars  Domingo  de  Betanzos,  Francisco  de  Soto,  and  Martin  de  Valencia 
are  mentioned  as  being  willing  to  accept  so  poor  bishoprics.  Id. 

^2  Especially  regarding  native  marriages,  as  the  Indians  concealed  their 
degrees  of  relationship  when  it  was  their  interest  to  do  so. 

The  audiencia  was  also  instructed  to  give  its  views  after  due  consulta- 
tion regarding  the  establishment  of  other  sees.  Pu<ja,  Cedidario,  76-7,  90-2. 

^^He  remarks,  'yan  de  ser  personas  que  anden  d  pi(5  d6  no  pudieren  andar 
cavalgando,  y  que  se  contenten  con  el  mantenimiento  de  los  indios  y  con  toda 
pobreza. '  Carta,  in  Facheco  and  Cardenas,  xiii.  225. 


PROVIN-CES  AND  BISHOPRICS. 


391 


metropolitan  bishopric  with  superior  powers,  should 
be  established.^^ 

By  a  royal  cedula  issued  in  February  1534,  New 
Spain  proper  was  divided  into  four  provinces,  desig- 
nated as  Mexico,  Michoacan,  Goazacoalco,  and  Miz- 
tecapan;^^  but  the  bishoprics,  which  it  was  intended 
to  some  extent  should  follow  these  political  divisions, 
were  known  by  the  names  of  Mexico,  Michoacan,  Tlas- 
cala,  and  Oajaca.  The  boundaries  of  all  new  dioceses 
were  to  be  limited  to  a  radius  of  fifteen  leagues,  having 
the  cathedral  town  as  the  centre.  Intervening  space 
between  two  sees  was  to  be  equally  divided,  but 
should  any  principal  town  be  situated  near  a  boundary 
line  the  district  belonging  to  it  was  to  be  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  bishopric  in  which  the  town  lay, 
even  though  it  extended  into  the  neighboring  dio- 
cese.^^ 

But  these  regulations  were  attended  with  incon- 
veniences. The  different  bishoj)rics  still  included 
greater  territorial  extents  than  were  consistent  with 
thorough  work,  and  in  later  times  the  want  of  definite- 
ness  respecting  boundaries  led  to  frequent  disputes. 
In  addition  to  the  two  bishoprics  now  existing,  namely, 
those  of  Mexico  and  Tlascala,  two  others  were  to  be 
established,  those  of  Oajaca  and  Michoacan.  The  see 
of  Oajaca  was  first  offered  to  Padre  Francisco  Jime- 
nez,^^  one  of  the  first  twelve  Franciscans,  but  he  did 
not  accept  the  appointment,  and  it  was  conferred 
upon  Juan  Lopez  de  Zd,rate,  a  licentiate  in  canonical 
law,  doctor  of  theology,  and  a  devoted  member  of  the 
Dominican  order. 

^^Parecer  del  Consejo,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  xii.  133-4. 
The  limits  of  each  were  properly  defined.  Puga,  Cedulario,  90-1. 
Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult. ,  iv.  484. 

He  had  been  called  to  several  different  sees.  Torquemada  states  that  he 
refused  that  of  Guatemala.  Gonzaga  calls  him  the  bishop  of  Tabasco,  and 
Medina  considers  him  to  have  been  the  first  bishop  of  Oajaca.  This  latter 
author  considers  that  the  vagueness  of  diocesan  boundaries  at  this  period 
gave  rise  to  this  diversity  of  opinion.  Chron.  de  San  Diego  de  Mex.,  246; 
Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Comp.  de  Jesus,  231-2.  According  to  the  first-quoted 
authority  and  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  222,  he  was  appointed  by  Charles 
V.  on  the  14th  of  January,  1534. 

He  gave  permission  to  this  order  to  establish  in  his  diocese  all  the  con- 


332 


A  DECADE  OF  CHUECH  MATTERS. 


On  the  20th  of  May  1535  the  pope  established  the 
bishopric,  designating  Antequera  as  the  cathedral 
town,  and  on  the  21st  of  June  of  the  same  year  con- 
firmed tho  bishop  elect  in  his  appointment.  Bishop 
Zarato  on  the  28th  of  September  following  issued  his 
letter  of  instructions  for  the  organization  of  his  diocese 
and  its  government. 

The  bishopric  of  Michoacan  was  established  the 
year  after  by  bull  dated  the  8  th  of  August,  Tzintzun- 
tzan  being  selected  as  the  cathedral  town.  The  estab- 
lishment of  this  see  had  been  meditated  since  1533, 
after  the  visit  of  the  oidor  Quiroga,  and  the  Francis- 
can, Luis  de  Fuensalida,  had  been  nominated  bishop 
in  1534,  but  he  declined  the  honor.^^  Some  delay  was 
caused  by  the  death  of  Pope  Clement  VII.,  and  the 
appointment  of  a  bishop  was  not  effected  before  1537.^^ 
The  oidor  Vasco  de  Quiroga  had  displayed  so  much 
wisdom  and  disinterestedness  in  the  affairs  of  Michoa- 
can, that  although  not  a  churchman,  the  bishopric  was 
offered  to  him  as  being  the  person  most  suitable  for 
the  position.    He  accepted,  and  having  received  all 

vents  they  might  choose,  and  left  one  third  of  his  library  to  the  Dominican 
convent  in  Mexico,  and  another  third  to  that  in  Oajaca;  the  remaining  third 
was  willed  to  his  own  church.  He  attended  the  first  ecclesiastical  council  in 
1554  and  died  the  same  year.  On  his  death-bed  he  requested  the  Domini- 
cans to  bury  him  in  the  same  grave  with  Padre  Pedro  Delgado,  *  para  que  el 
valor  de  sus  huessos  fauoreciesse  los  pobres  suyos,'  and  accordingly  he  was 
interred  in  the  Dominican  convent  of  Mexico.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles., 
i.  222-3. 

2^  The  dignitaries,  members  of  the  chapter  and  vestry,  and  all  appoint- 
ments were  the  same  as  those  of  the  bishopric  of  Mexico.  For  want  of  funds, 
however,  to  pay  the  salaries,  only  the  four  dignitaries  and  five  canons  were 
appointed,  the  other  positions  being  left  vacant.  A  copy  of  the  bull  and  the 
bishop's  letter  is  contained  in  Nueva  Espaiia,  Breve  Hes.,  MS.,  ii.  278-97. 
Bishop  Zdrate  one  time  appears  to  have  been  dissatisfied  with  his  diocese.  In 
a  letter,  dated  May  30,  1544,  addressed  to  Philip  II.,  he  complains  of  not  being 
permitted  to  go  to  Spain,  and  reiterates  his  previous  request  for  permission  to 
appear  at  court.  He  moreover  remarks  upon  the  extent  of  his  diocese,  which 
he  says  was  too  large  for  three  bishops,  and  yet  only  contained  within  it  two 
con.ents  occupied  by  eight  friars.  Zarate,  Ca^-ta,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.y 
s^rie  i.  tom.  x.  287-306.  Consult  also  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not., 19;  Mendieta,  Hist. 
Ecles.,  547. 

'2  Vet  incvr,  3Ienolog.,  84;  Moreno,  Frag.  Quiroga,  37.  Beaumont,  in 
Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  12-18,  considers  that  Moreno  is  in  error  in  stating  that  Fuen- 
salida was  proposed  as  bishop  in  1533,  and  approves  Calle's  date  1534.  See 
Mem.  y  Not. ,  72. 

23  The  establishment  of  this  bishopric  was  recommended  by  Viceroy  Men* 
doza.  Herrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  ix.  cap.  vii. 


CONVENTS  ESTABLISHED. 


303 


the  priestly  orders  at  the  hands  of  Zumdrraga  was 
consecrated  by  him  in  1538;^*  but  owing  to  a  vari..5:y 
of  circumstances  he  did  not  issue  his  letter  organiz'ng 
his  diocese  till  1554.^^  Both  these  sees  were  subject 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  archbishopric  of  Seville. 

While  the  church  was  thus  extending  her  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  country,  and  gradually  unfolding  an 
organized  system  of  conversion  and  instruction,  the 
several  orders  were  making  similar  progress  by  estab- 
lishing  convents  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  The 
rivalry  existing  between  the  Franciscans  and  Domin- 
icans acted  upon  each  order  as  an  incentive,  and  the 
competition  for  power  produced  rapid  results.  As 
early  as  1535  the  convents  of  the  Franciscans  in 
Michoacan  were  of  sufficient  number  and  importance 
to  cause  the  founding  of  a  custodia,^®  and  in  1536,  at 
the  general  chapter  held  in  Nice  by  the  Fre.rxiscan 
order,  the  custodia  of  Santo  Evangelio  in  Mexico 
was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  provincia,^^  Fray  Garcia 
de  Cisneros  being  appointed  first  provincial.    On  the 

2*  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  112,  says  in  1537,  which  is  some- 
what supported  by  a  letter  of  the  queen  to  Mendoza,  dated  September  20, 
1537,  representing  that  Quiroga  had  written  to  her  expressing  his  desire  to 
proceed  to  his  diocese  and  undertake  his  spiritual  duties;  but  Beaumont,  on 
the  authority  of  an  old  manuscript  of  the  Jesuit  Father  Francisco  Ramirez, 
states  that  Quiroga  took  possession  of  his  bishopric  on  the  22d  of  August, 
1538;  and  was  consecrated  at  the  end  of  the  same  year.  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv. 
162-3. 

^'^Nueva  Espana,  Breve  Res.,  MS.,  ii.  250-70.  In  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich., 
MS.,  731-2,  may  be  found  a  list  of  the  border  towns  of  the  diocese  proper. 

^^Mendieta, //is^.^c^es.,  376;  Torquemada,  iii.333;  Beaumont,  (7rd>?.  J/ic^., 
iv.  52-6,  write  1536.  It  became  subject  to  the  provincia  del  Santo  Evangelio, 
and  when  founded  was  promised  one  third  of  the  members  of  the  order  that 
should  arrive  from  Spain.  Padre  Testera,  in  1542,  during  the  few  months  of 
his  administration  as  commissary-general,  provided  the  custodies  of  Yucatan, 
Michoacan,  and  Jalisco  with  a  competent  number  of  religiosos,  out  of  the  150 
brought  out  by  him.  Figueroa,  in  Pap.  Francis.,  MS.,  series  i.  No.  1.  Antonio 
de  Beteta  was  probably  the  first  custodian.  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich. ,  iv.  52. 

The  first  comisario  general  was  Alonzo  de  Hozas  who  was  afterward 
custodian  in  Michoacan  and  Jalisco.  Mendieta,  543;  Torquemada,  in.  374. 
The  custodia  had  existed  nearly  1 1  years.  Figueroa,  in  Pap.  Francis. ,  MS. ,  i. 
series  i.  No.  1.  During  that  time  there  were  four  custodians  who  held  office 
in  the  following  order:  Fray  Martin  de  Valencia,  Luis  de  Fuensalida,  Fray 
Martin,  a  second  time  appointed,  and  Jacobo  de  Testera.  Torquemada,  iii. 
303,  305.  This  provincia  del  Santo  Evangelio,  when  Torquemada  wrote,  con- 
tained within  its  limits  70  convents  and  included  the  archbishopric  of  Mexico 
and  the  bishopric  of  Tlascala.  Id. 


394 


A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 


following  year  Cisneros  died,^^  and  was  succeeded  by 
Antonio  de  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  who  occupied  the  position 
for  the  full  term  of  three  years,  and  was  followed  by 
Marcos  de  Niza,  as  third  provincial  in  1540. 

Thus  the  Franciscan  order  established  in  New 
Spain  a  regular  government  at  an  early  date,  and 
under  its  direction  systematic  measures  for  the  con- 
version of  the  natives  gradually  supplanted  the  doubt- 
fully productive  efforts  of  erratic  missionaries.  The 
instruction  of  children  in  Christian  doctrines  through- 
out the  subjugated  provinces  was  carried  on  with  un- 
relaxed  zeal,  while  the  adults  listened  to  the  words  of 
salvation  in  their  own  language. Missionary  enthu- 
siasm increased.  Fearless  friars  pushed  forward  into 
remoter  regions,  and  dauntlessly  entered  the  haunts 
of  tribes  untamed  as  yet  by  sword  and  arquebuse. 
Whether  it  was  Guzman's  explorations  into  unknown 
lands,  or  a  voyage  of  discovery  undertaken  by  Cortes 
into  unknown  seas,^^  that  offered  an  opportunity  of 
carrying  tlie  tidings  of  joy,  there  were  ever  at  hand 
priests  ready  to  risk  their  lives  to  extend  the  spiritual 
conquest.    We  cannot  but  admire  the  courage  with 

2^  Garcia  Cisneros,  a  Castilian,  received  the  appointment  because  of  his 
many  virtues  and  literary  attainments.  He  mastered  the  native  language, 
and  is  said  to  have  baptized  100,000  persons.  He  founded  the  important 
college  of  Santa  Cruz  de  Tlatelulco  as  a  seminary  for  native  nobles,  and  placed 
there  such  learned  professors  as  Bassacio,  Olmos,  Sahagun,  and  others.  He 
contributed  largely  to  the  foundation  of  Puebla  de  los  Angeles.  Mendietay 
621-2. 

2^  The  proficiency  acquired  by  the  friars  in  the  native  languages  was  in 
many  cases  remarkable.  Among  great  numbers  may  be  mentioned  Pedro  de 
Castillo,  who  acquired  the  Mexican  and  Otomi  dialects  to  perfection.  This 
friar's  religious  enthusiasm  was  unyielding.  Crippled  and  blind,  he  caused 
himself  to  be  borne  from  town  to  town  in  a  chair,  preaching  and  teaching  on 
every  occasion  possible.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Edes.,  686-8.  Equally  famous  for  his 
aptitude  to  acquire  the  native  tongues  was  Fray  Alonso  de  Escalona,  who  in 
three  years  acquired  the  Mexican  so  thoroughly  that  his  written  sermons  in 
that  language  were  extensively  used  by  other  preachers.  Id.y  667-74.  See 
also  Torquemada,  iii.  490-9. 

Friars  Juan  Padilla,  Antonio  de  Segovia,  and  Martin  de  Jesus  accompanied 
Guzman's  expedition  into  Nueva  Galicia,  and  baptized  multitudes  at  the 
founding  of  San  Miguel.  They  afterward  traversed  a  great  extent  of  country 
represented  by  the  present  states  of  Michoacan,  Jalisco,  and  Zacatecas.  Beau- 
mont, Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  423-6.  Franciscans  accompanied  Cortes  on  his  expedi- 
tion on  the  Pacific,  and  while  at  Tehuantepec  waiting  for  the  completion  of  the 
fleet,  they  preached  through  the  country  by  the  aid  of  interpretex-s  of  the 
Zapotcc  language  spoken  there.  Id.,  ii.  486-7. 


THE  DOMINICANS. 


395 


which  they  penetrated  alone  into  the  country  of  the 
barbarous  Chichimecs.  In  1539  two  friars  went  from 
Michoacan  into  that  region  and  baptized  many,^^ 
while  in  1540  Fray  Francisco  de  las  Navas  was  the 
first  to  administer  baptism  to  the  Popolucas  who  in- 
habited the  valley  of  Tecamachalco.^^ 

The  Dominicans  were  not  less  zealous  and  active. 
Down  to  the  year  1532  the  monastic  establishments 
of  this  order  were  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
provincia  of  Santa  Cruz,  in  Espaiiola,  which  had  been 
made  independeut  of  Andalusia.  But  Padre  Betan- 
zos  had  been  sent  as  a  delegate  to  the  general  chapter 
held  at  Rome  in  that  year,  to  represent  the  interests 
of  his  convent,  and  procure,  if  possible,  the  creation 
of  a  Dominican  provincia  in  New  Spain.  His  efforts 
were  successful,  and  the  provincia  of  Santiago  of 
Mexico,  independent  of  that  of  Santa  Cruz,  was 
established  at  the  convocation,  and  approved  by  Pope 
Clement  VII.  on  the  2d  of  July,  1532,  Fray  Tomds 
de  Berlanga  being  appointed  acting  provincial.^^ 

Unfortunately  for  the  harmonious  working  of  this 
decree,  the  first  provincial  chapter  of  Santa  Cruz,  held 
in  the  city  of  Santo  Domingo  in  August  1531,  had  in- 
cluded the  convent  of  Santo  Domingo  in  Mexico  as  a 
part  of  its  organization,  and  elected  for  its  prior  Fray 
Francisco  de  San  Miguel,  who  had  recently  arrived  from 
Spain  with  a  small  party  of  friars. These  appoint- 
ments gave  rise  to  strife  scarcely  less  unseemly  than 

Friars  had  previously  entered  this  region.  The  two  mentioned  in  the 
text  visited  about  30  small  towns,  the  population  of  the  largest  of  which  did 
not  amount  to  600  inhabitants.  Motolmia,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  173. 

2^  According  to  Torquemada  Navas  baptized  12,000  natives  in  two  months, 
and  told  the  date  of  his  own  death  long  before  the  event.  He  was  twice 
guardian  of  the  convent  in  Mexico,  and  at  times  definidor  of  the  province,  iii. 
623-6. 

33 Chiefly  through  the  instrumentality  of  Betanzos.  Prov.  Santiago,  MS.,  3. 
The  term  of  the  provincial's  office  at  first  was  three  years,  but  in  1568  it  was 
increased  to  four  years.  Ddvila,  Continuacion,  MS.,  284. 

3*  Padre  San  Miguel  was  the  first  prior  proper,  the  government  hitherto 
having  been  in  the  hands  of  vicars.  Having  served  only  one  year,  he  was 
succeeded  by  Bernardo  de  Minoya.  Hemesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  56;  Ddvila,  Con' 
tinuacion,  MS.,  284. 


396 


A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 


that  which  disgraced  secular  rule.  Berlanga  arrived 
in  New  Spain  with  ten  friars  at  the  beginning  of 
1532,  but  when  he  entered  the  monastery  and  pre- 
sented his  appointment  as  provincial,  the  prior  caused 
him  and  his  companions  to  be  put  in  irons. The 
proceeding  reached  the  ears  of  the  audiencia,  and 
President  Fuenleal  ordered  the  immediate  release 
of  the  friars,  who  thereupon  assumed  control  of  the 
convent. 

In  July  1534,  copies  of  the  official  documents  rela- 
tive to  the  creation  of  the  provincia  were  received, 
and  in  1535  Betanzos  returned  from  Spain,  invested 
with  the  authority  of  vicar-general.  On  the  24th  of 
August  of  the  same  year  he  convoked  a  provincial 
chapter,  by  which  he  was  himself  elected  provincial 
and  Fray  Pedro  Delgado  prior,  who  succeeded  him  as 
provincial  in  1538.  The  organization  of  the  provincia 
was  thus  at  last  effected;  but  though  its  creation  had 
given  rise  to  temporary  dissension  in  the  ranks  of  the 
order,  it  did  not  retard  their  advance  or  interrupt 
their  labors. 

About  this  time  the  fierce  and  man-eating  Chon- 
tales,^^  who  had  liitherto  scorned  to  accept  civilization 
at  the  point  of  the  sword,  yielded  to  the  preaching 
of  the  devoted  Diego  Carranza  and  other  Dominican 
friars.  Under  the  spiritual  guidance  of  these  mis- 
sionaries they  cast  aside  their  baser  habits,  clothed 
themselves,  and  changed  their  contumacious  hate  to 
active  obedience  alike  to  spiritual  and  civil  superi- 
ors.^'' The  labors  of  the  friars  in  Tehuantepec  were 
of  a  different  kind.  Aided  by  King  Cociyopa,  they 
erected  a  magnificent  monastery  and  church,  besides 
making  other  material  progress.    In  puebla,  also, 

2^  President  Fuenleal  in  letter  of  April  30,  1532,  to  the  king,  speaking  of  this 
arrest  says :  *  Un  fray  Vicente  que  se  decia  prior,  le  prendid . . .  y  le  hechd  unos 
grillos,  y  le  quito  los  poderes  que  traia.'  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas^ 
Col.  Doc,  xiii.  210-11. 

'^^  They  occupied  a  considerable  portion  of  the  wilder  districts  of  Tabasco. 
Native  Races,  i.  645,  this  series. 

Burgoa,  Geocj.  JJescrip.  Oajaca,  ii.  335-6,  in  which  is  a  description  of  the 
condition  and  mode  of  life  of  these  people. 


THE  AUGUSTINIANS. 


397 


and  Oajaca  the  Dominicans  were  quite  successful  in 
their  efforts.^^ 

The  Augustinians  were  first  represented  in  New 
Spain  in  1533,  when  seven  of  the  order  arrived  under 
the  leadership  of  their  prior,  Francisco  de  la  Cruz.''^ 
Their  names  were,  Agustin  de  Coruna.,  afterward 
bishop  of  Popayan,  Geronimo  Jimenez,  Juan  de  San 
Ramon,  Juan  de  Oseguera,  Alonso  de  iiorja,  Jorge 
de  Avila,  and  La  Cruz.^^ 

On  their  arrival  in  June  they  were  hospitably  lodged 
in  the  convent  of  Santo  Domingo,  while  their  applica- 
tion for  a  grant  of  land  was  being  considered  by  the 
cabildo  to  whom  it  had  been  referred  by  the  audi- 
encia/^ 

They  at  once  began  their  labors,  and  the  wild  dis- 
tricts of  Tlapan  and  Chilapan  having  been  assigned 
to  them,  two  of  their  company.  Fray  Jimenez  and 
Padre  Avila  were  selected  to  enter  upon  the  work  of 
conversion.  The  town  of  Ocuituco  in  Mexico  was, 
however,  at  that  time  without  spiritual  instructors, 

Fray  Gonzalo,  specially  competent  for  the  position  on  account  of  hia 
knowledge  of  the  native  languages,  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  mission 
of  Chila;  and  Oajaca,  the  district  of  Villa  Alta,  and  the  peaceful  valley  of 
Yanguitlan,  were  occupied  by  friars  in  1538.  By  the  exertions  of  Fray 
Domingo  Santa  Maria,  12,000  families  in  the  latter  district  accepted  the 
Christian  religion  and  received  instruction.  Santa  Maria  acquired  the  lan- 
guage in  one  year,  and  wrote  a  work  on  Christian  doctrine  for  the  use  of  the 
natives.  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.  Oajaca,  i.  14-18,  131-3,  ii.  262-4. 

2^  As  early  as  1527  they  had  requested  permission  of  the  emperor  to  pro- 
ceed to  New  Spain,  and  made  preparations  accordingly.  Grijalua,  Cron.  jS. 
August.,  2-9.  Before  departing  they  met  at  Toledo  in  1532,  elected  La  Cruz 
prelate,  and  resolved  to  make  the  journey  on  foot  in  hempen  sandals  to  the 
place  of  embarcation.  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  123.  Hazart  states  that  they 
entered  New  Spain  in  1532.  Kirchen  Geschichte,  ii.  532  Medina  and  Vetan- 
curt  follow  Grijalva. 

The  above  list  is  from  Fernandez.  Grijalva  mentions  Fray  Ger6nimo  de 
San  Est6van,  who  doubtless  is  to  be  identified  with  Jimenez. 

Torquemada  states  that  they  bought  the  site  for  their  monastery  in  the 
city  of  Mexico  with  the  alms  they  received,  iii.  70.  Icazbalceta,  in  Salazar, 
Mex.  en  1554,  concludes  that  the  cabildo  assigned  the  piece  of  ground  to 
them,  though  there  is  no  record  of  such  a  grant.  The  Indians  called  it  Zoqui- 
pan,  'in  the  mire,'  because  it  was  always  muddy,  owing  to  a  neighboring 
spring.  Grijalva  says:  *A1  fin  resoluio  la  Audiecia  de  seiialarles  sitio  dondo 
fundasen.'  Cron.  S.  August.,  W.  Fernandez  remarks:  'Al  principio  era  muy 
corta  la  casa  de  Mexico,  y  assi  viuian  los  EeligioBoa  de  dos  en  dos  en  vna  celda.' 
Hist.  Ecles.,  124. 


398 


A  DECADE  OF  CHUUCH  MATTERS. 


and  the  audiencia  granted  the  Augustinians  permission 
to  found  a  convent  there.  These  two  friars,  therefore, 
directed  their  steps  thither,  and  were  joined  shortly 
afterward  by  Padre  Cor  una  and  Padre  Ramon. 

In  October  the  friars  Coruna^^  and  Jimenez  pro- 
ceeded onward  to  the  Chilapan  district,  where  for 
several  months  their  efforts  to  convert  the  natives 
were  unavailing,  and  the  sufferings  they  endured  were 
extreme.  Influenced  by  their  priests  the  natives 
refused  to  supply  them  food  or  render  any  assistance, 
but  held  aloof  and  left  them  to  starve.  For  three 
months  these  enduring  men  sustained  themselves  on 
ears  of  corn  w^hich  they  gathered  from  the  patches  of 
the  natives  at  the  risk  of  their  lives.  Yet  return  was 
never  thought  of  They  could  die,  but  not  abandon 
their  trust.  At  last  curiosity  prompted  the  natives 
to  come  forward;  and  soon  they  would  learn  some- 
thing from  these  holy  men.  Gradually  their  dislike 
yielded  before  the  kindness  and  winning  example  of 
the  friars,  who  before  long  founded  a  convent  at  Chi- 
lapan.^* 

While  Coruna  and  Jimenez  were  thus  establishing 

*2  Juan  de  San  Ramon  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  the  first  Augustin- 
ian  friars  in  Mexico.  His  parentage  and  birthplace  are  not  recorded,  but  at 
an  early  age  he  was  made  superior  of  the  convent  at  Valladolid.  His  fame  in 
Michoacan  as  prior  of  the  convent  of  Tiripitio  caused  his  election  at  a  later 
date  as  provincial  of  that  provincia.  In  1544  he  returned  to  Spain  to  plead 
in  behalf  of  the  encomenderos,  and,  with  Jorge  de  Avila  as  his  companion,  in 
order  to  have  an  interview  with  the  emperor,  who  was  then  in  Germany,  he 
travelled  through  the  Lutheran  countries  disguised  as  a  soldier.  His  mis- 
sion was  successful.  He  returned  to  Mexico  after  an  absence  of  nine  years. 
Again,  in  1555,  he  visited  Spain  in  behalf  of  his  order,  which  was  ciTgaged  in 
certain  disputes  with  the  bishops.  His  efforts  obtained  from  the  king  a 
c^dula  ordering  the  bishops  to  make  no  innovations.  Having  returned  in 
1564,  he  was  appointed  provincial  in  1566,  but  needing  rest,  he  declined  the 
honor.  In  1569,  however,  he  felt  compelled  to  accept  that  office,  a  second 
time  offered  to  him;  but  on  the  conclusion  of  his  term,  retired  to  the  convent 
of  Puebla,  where  he  died  and  was  buried  in  1581,  being  the  last  survivor  of 
the  seven  first  Augustinians  wlio  came  to  Mexico.  He  was  about  80  years  of 
age.  Mich.,  Crdn.  San  Nicolas,  26-32. 

Fray  Agustin  de  Coruua  was  bom  in  the  city  of  that  name  in  Spain, 
and  took  the  habit  of  the  order  in  Salamanca.  He  labored  for  '20  years  in  the 
districts  of  Chilapan  and  Tlapa,  and  then  returned  to  the  capital.  He  was 
afterward  appointed  bishop  of  Popayan,  and  consecrated  in  Madrid  in  1562. 
He  died  in  1590  at  the  age  of  80  years,  at  the  town  of  Tamana. 

"  The  church  and  convent  of  Chilapan  were  destroyed  by  an  earthquake 
in  1537.    AH  their  convents  had  hospitals  connected  with  them. 


AUGUSTINIAN  ORGANIZATION. 


399 


themselves  in  Chilapan,  Father  Borja^^  had  been  sent 
to  Santa  Fe,  a  town  founded  by  Quiroga,  two  leagues 
from  the  city  of  Mexico/^  Thus  five  of  the  seven 
Augustinians  were  placed  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  while  in  Mexico  the  prior  and  Padre  Oseguera 
labored  to  support  their  brethren  by  the  collection  of 
alms,*'  and  by  forming  a  system  of  government  for 
their  prospective  province. 

In  June  1534  La  Cruz  convoked  a  meeting  of  his 
brethren  at  the  central  convent  of  Ocuituco,  to  con- 
sider the  prospects  of  the  order  and  consult  upon 
future  measures/^  Some  months  later  La  Cruz  re- 
turned to  Spain  and  obtained  further  assistance  from 
his  order,  which  had  previous  to  his  arrival  appointed 
him  provincial  vicar  in  New  Spain.  But  the  prior 
did  not  live  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  this  higher  position. 
Assiduous  labor,  rigorous  fasts,  and  exhausting  jour- 
neys on  foot  broke  his  health,  and  shortly  after  his 
return  to  Mexico  he  died,  on  the  12th  of  July,  1536.*^ 

During  the  absence  of  La  Cruz  in  Spain,  Father 
Agreda  had  arrived  in  Mexico  bearing  letters  addressed 

*^  Alonso  de  Borja,  born  at  Aranda,  of  noble  parentage,  was  uncompromis- 
ingly austere  in  his  habits,  fasting  thrice  a  week  and  sleeping  on  bare  boards. 
Feeling  his  end  approaching,  he  set  out  on  foot  for  Mexico  city,  19  leagues 
distant.  Having  received  the  last  sacraments  he  died  shortly  afterward  in 
1542,  and  was  buried  in  the  convent  of  his  order.  Gnjalua,  Cron.  S.  Awjust., 
62-4. 

*^In  the  district  under  his  charge  there  were  12,000  families,  the  members 
of  which  observed  great  regularity  in  their  devotions.  At  Santa  Fe  a  con- 
vent was  founded  by  Father  Borja.  Id.,  15-17. 

From  the  Lady  Isabel  de  Montezuma,  daughter  of  the  great  emperor, 
and  married  to  Pedro  Cano,  they  obtained  great  favors;  she  assumed  the 
entire  maintenance  of  their  house,  and  contributed  so  lavishly  that  the  priests 
remonstrated  until  told  to  give  the  surplus  to  the  poor.  Id.,  17. 

*^At  this  convocation  regulations  for  their  future  guidance  were  drawn  up; 
and  it  was  agreed  that  La  Cruz  and  Oseguera  should  occupy  the  convent  of 
Ocuituco,  inasmuch  as  they  had  not  yet  been  engaged  in  the  work  of  con- 
version. 

*3  Fernandez  gives  June  11,  1535,  as  the  date  of  his  death.  Hist.  Ecles., 
124-5.  Fray  Francisco  de  la  Cruz  was  born  in  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  in  Estrema- 
dura,  and  took  the  habit  of  the  order  in  Salamanca.  Though  not  a  learned 
man  he  possessed  the  gift  of  preaching  to  an  excellent  degree.  Miracles  are 
attributed  to  him  after  death.  On  one  occasion  he  even  rose  from  his  grave 
in  the  convent  of  San  Agustin  in  Mexico  to  save  a  novitiate  from  the 
clutches  of  the  devil,  who  had  already  dragged  him  through  a  narrow  grating 
and  was  carrying  him  off.  Passing  by  La  Cruz's  tomb,  however,  the  friar 
arose,  and  having  put  the  evil  one  to  flight,  took  back  the  novitiate  to  the 
convent  through  the  same  grating.  Id, 


400 


A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 


to  him  from  his  order.  These  were  now  opened  and 
found  to  contain  the  appointment  of  La  Cruz  as 
provincial  vicar,  and  naming  Father  Jimenez  as  his 
acting  vicar  or  successor  in  case  of  his  absence  or 
death.  Jimenez  was  at  once  recognized  as  provincial 
vicar,  and  he  convoked  a  general  meeting/^  at  which, 
among  other  matters,  was  discussed  the  important 
one  of  establishing  an  independent  provincia  in  Mex- 
ico. It  was,  however,  decided  to  remain  an  adjunct 
of  the  province  of  Castile. Moreover,  they  resolved 
to  abandon  the  convent  of  Santa  Fe  and  devote  their 
energies  to  the  conversion  of  the  natives  of  the  moun- 
tainous regions,  to  whom  the  gospel  had  not  yet  been 
carried. 

From  this  time  the  Austin  friars  patiently  and  de- 
votedly pursued  their  missionary  course  with  marked 
success.  Father  Borja,  with  several  fellow-brothers, 
went  to  Atotonilco,  and  pushing  northward  labored 
among  the  Otomis.  The  wild  fastnesses  of  the  Sierra 
Alta  were  invaded  by  Sevilla  and  Roa,  and  the  scat- 
tered inhabitants  after  long  and  arduous  exertions 
were  brought  into  submission.^^ 

At  Tacambaro  and  Tiripitio  convents  were  estab- 
lished, and  at  the  latter  place  a  school  which  in  time 
developed  into  a  university.^^    Nor  did  the  dangers 

The  friars  were  now  23  in  number.  In  1535  five  more  had  arrived,  Fray 
Nicolas  de  Agreda  being  their  superior,  and  La  Cruz  brought  with  him  from 
Spain  11  other  members  especially  chosen  for  the  work.  A  fourth  company 
of  Augustinians  was  brought  out  by  Prior  Juan  Eustacio  in  15I>9. 

^^The  provincial  of  Castile  had  authorized  them  to  elect  liom  their  own 
number  four  definidores,  who  with  their  provincial  vicar  formed  their  chap- 
ter. These  were  empowered  to  regulate  local  matters  without  reference  to 
Spain,  and  elect  their  own  priors.  Fray  Juan  de  Sevilla  was  on  this  occasion 
elected  prior. 

After  a  year's  unremitted  efforts  and  hardships  Roa  in  despair  left  his 
companion  with  the  intention  of  returning  to  Spain.  Having  observed,  how- 
ever, the  success  of  brother  friars  under  similar  difficulties,  he  returned  to  the 
Sierra  and  practised  such  patience  and  perseverance  that  the  two  friars  event- 
ually succix-.«'ed  in  converting  the  inhabitants  of  that  region  and  collecting 
them  ir.tu  towns.  They  even  advanced  uito  mountain  ranges  occupied  by  the 
Chichimecs. 

The  convent  at  Tiripitio,  Michoacan,  founded  in  1537  by  Diego  de  AI- 
varado,  a  nephew  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  and  afterward  bishop  elect  of  the 
province,  soon  became  celebrated  as  an  educational  centre,  and  won  the  title 
of  the  Athens  of  New  Spain.    In  1540  this  convent,  which  was  two  and  a  half 


LABORS  OF  THE  AUSTIN  FRIARS. 


401 


of  the  low-lying  coast  lands,  reeking  with  pestiferous 
air,  deter  the  Augustinians.  From  Tiripitio  they  de- 
scended into  the  tierra  caliente  of  the  southern  sea- 
board, and  labored  there  as  elsewhere,  regardless  of 
their  comfort  or  their  lives. 

They  went  also  to  Ocuila,  twelve  leagues  south- 
west of  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  having  acquired  that 
most  difficult  language  by  the  aid  of  the  converts,  they 
finally  succeeded  in  erecting  a  convent  and  a  church. 
Miraculous  assistance  was  vouchsafed  to  the  Austin 
friars  as  to  others.  Situated  in  a  beautiful  ravine 
between  the  towns  of  Ocuila  and  Malinalco,  and  about 
eighteen  leagues  south-west  of  the  capital,  the  myste- 
rious cave  of  Chalma  had,  from  time  immemorial,  been 
celebrated  as  a  place  of  heathen  worship.  Here  re- 
posed the  idol  of  the  awful  Ostotoctheotl,  and  here  his 
rites  were  solemnized  and  his  anger  appeased  by  the 
blood  of  men  and  beasts.  This  stronghold  of  Satan 
the  friars  Sebastian  de  Tolentino  and  Nicolas  de  Perea 
determined  to  assail,  and  in  1537,  accompanied  with 
an  army  of  Ocuiltec  converts,  went  in  solemn  proces- 
sion to  Chalma,  Fray  NicoMs  bearing  a  cross  upon  his 
shoulder.  But  on  arriving  at  the  gloomy  cavern  they 
beheld  a  wondrous  sight.  The  dark  cave  was  illumi- 
nated by  a  heavenly  light,  the  hideous  Dagon  lay 
prostrate  and  broken  on  the  ground;  and  a  beautiful 
crucifix  occupied  the  now  purified  place  of  Ostotoc- 
theotl, and  thereupon  Chalma  became  a  hermitage 
and  shrine  visited  from  afar.^* 

In  1537  the  term  of  the  provincial  of  Castile,  under 
whose  license  they  were  acting,  expired,  and  the  Austin 

years  in  building,  was  made  a  college  for  the  higher  branches  of  learning.  A 
eon  of  the  king  of  Michoacan  was  one  of  the  first  pupils.  Under  the  provin- 
cial Avila  it  was  one  of  the  great  centres  of  the  faith.  Mich.,  Cron.  St  Nico- 
las, 4,  6-12,  22,  145. 

°^The  first  hermit  who  occupied  the  sanctuary  was  Bartolom^  de  Jesus 
Maria.  In  time  a  house,  with  cells  for  a  few  friars,  and  a  chapel  were  built, 
and  finally  an  Augustinian  convent.  On  March  5,  1683,  the  church  of  Chalma 
was  dedicated.  There  is  also  a  hospederia  for  the  accommodation  of  pilgrims 
who  visit  the  place  twice  a  year,  at  the  beginning  of  Lent  and  on  St  Michael's 
day  in  May.  Many  miracles  and  wonderful  cures  are  credited  to  this  shrine, 
Romero  ELias,  Salv.  6  Garidad,  No.  ii.  105^4;  Sardo  Joaquin,  Chalma,  1  et  seq. 
Hiai.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  26 


402 


A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 


friars  in  New  Spain  appointed  Father  NicoMs  de 
Agreda  as  provincial  vicar  pending  further  action  in 
Spain. At  a  chapter  of  the  order  held  in  1540, 
Father  Jorge  de  Avila,  one  of  the  first  seven,  was 
chosen  provincial  vicar.  A  season  of  increased  activ- 
ity followed,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  numerous  convents 
founded  at  the  time.  It  was  not  until  1541  that  the 
Augustinians  began  to  build  their  convent  in  the  city 
of  Mexico.  A  royal  grant  had  enriched  the  order 
with  the  revenue  of  an  Indian  town,  and  that  of 
Tezcuco  had  been  assigned  to  them  by  the  viceroy 
Mendoza.  The  building  was  not  completed  before 
1587,  and  cost  one  hundred  and  sixty-two  thousand 
pesos,  the  whole  of  which  sum  was  provided  by  the 
king.^^ 

The  establishment  of  bishoprics,  the  organization 
of  provincias  of  the  regular  orders,  the  encourage- 
ment held  out  to  them  to  found  convents,  and  the 
gradual  but  continued  erection  of  churches^''  were  far 
more  effective  in  the  suppression  of  idolatry  than  had 
been  all  the  labors  of  itinerant  friars,  who,  howsoever 
many  converts  they  baptized,  left  impressions  of  no 
very  durable  character.  The  encomendero  and  the 
exacting  tribute-collector  followed  in  the  footsteps  of 
the  missionaries,  which  tended  to  render  the  teachings 
of  the  latter  distasteful.  Thus  it  was  that  during  the 
decade  from  1530  to  1540  more  lasting  conversion  was 

5^  This  friar  afterward  returned  to  Spain,  attended  the  chapter  held  at 
Duenas  in  1543,  and  was  elected  prior  of  Pamplona,  where  he  died.  Grijalua, 
Cron.  S.  August.,  36. 

There  being  already  two  convents  in  the  capital,  it  was  at  first  considered 
by  the  king  inexpedient  to  found  a  third,  which  was  the  cause  of  the  delay. 
The  first  stone  was  laid  by  the  viceroy,  the  second  by  Bishop  Zumdrraga,  the 
third  by  the  prior  of  Santo  Domingo,  the  fourth  by  the  guardian  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  the  fifth  by  the  vicar  of  San  Agustin.  Id.,  11,  50.  Consult  also 
Salazar,  Mex.  en  1554,  248-9;  Medina,  Chron.  San  Diego  de  Mex.,  10;  Monu- 
mentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  No.  vi.  328. 

A  royal  c(^dula,  dated  August  2,  1533,  ordered  that  places  of  worship, 
where  Indiana  might  be  instructed,  were  to  be  erected  in  all  principal  towns, 
whether  pertaining  to  the  crown,  the  marques  del  Valle,  or  encomenderos, 
the  expense  of  construction  to  be  defrayed  by  the  tributes  paid  by  the 
natives.  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  i.  xlv.-vi. 


VISION  OF  JUAN  DIEGO. 


403 


accomplished,  and  perhaps  a  greater  number  baptized, 
than  during  any  other  period  of  equal  length. 

In  1531  an  event  occurred  which  greatly  contrib- 
uted to  the  suppression  of  idolatry,  which  was  the 
miraculous  appearance  of  the  virgin  of  Guadalupe, 
the  history  of  which  apparition  is  as  follows : 

An  Indian  of  low  birth  who  had  received  baptism 
a  few  years  before,  and  had  been  christened  Juan 
Diego,^^  was  proceeding,  on  Saturday,  the  9th  of  De- 
cember, to  Tlatelulco^^  to  hear  mass  and  receive 
instruction.  On  his  way  thither  he  was  obliged  to 
pass  an  eminence  about  a  league  from  the  city.^^  It 
was  a  rugged,  sterile  hill,  seamed  with  fissures  and 
pierced  with  cavities,  and  on  it  grew  no  vegetation 
except  the  cactus  and  stunted  shrubs. 

While  crossing  the  slope  of  this  barren  mount,  har- 
monious strains  of  sweetest  music  enrapt  his  atten- 
tion, and  turning  his  eyes  upward  in  the  direction 
w^hence  the  melody  came,  with  increased  wonder  he 
beheld  an  arc  of  glorious  coloring.  In  its  centre  shone 
a  brilliant  light,  such  as  that  shed  from  a  heavenly 
throne.  The  rocks  around  were  resplendent  with 
prismatic  hues  and  seemed  to  him  masses  of  opal, 
sapphire,  and  burnished  gold.  Gradually  he  drew 
nearer,  and  in  the  radiance  beheld  a  lady  of  beautiful 
countenance  and  form,  who  in  a  gentle  and  assuring 
voice  bade  him  ascend  to  where  she  stood.  When  he 
reached  the  spot  the  lady  told  him  that  she  was  the 
virgin  Mary,  and  it  was  her  wish  that,  on  the  place 
where  she  was  standing,  a  church  should  be  built. 

His  native  name  was  Quauhtlatohua.  He  was  bom  at  Quauhtitlan,  a 
pueblo  about  five  leagues  to  the  north  of  Mexico  city,  and  at  the  time  of  the  ap- 
parition was  living  at  Tolpetlac,  two  leagues  distant  from  the  same.  BeaiL- 
mont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  435. 

There  was  a  college  at  Tlatelulco  where  the  Spanish  language  and  the 
arts  and  sciences  were  taught.  Becerra  Tanco,  Felic. ,  47. 

^°  '  Fu6  llamada  de  los  indios  Tepeyacac  que  quiere  decir  extremo  6  punta 
de  los  cerros'  or  more  literally  ^  nariz  de  los  cerros.'  Bustamante,  Aparic. 
Guad.,  9.  It  was  also  called  Quautlalapan,  corrupted  into  Guadalupe,  says 
Beaumont.  The  historian  Sigiienza  derives  the  latter  word  from  the  Arabic 
guada,  river,  as  in  Guadalquivir,  Guadiana,  and  lub,  or  luben,  fountain. 
Others  consider  the  word  composed  of  the  Arabic  guada  and  the  Latin  lupus^ 
its  signification  then  being  wolf  river.  Cabrera,  Escudo  Armas ^  279. 


404 


A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 


She  then  charged  him  to  hasten  to  the  bishop  and 
inform  him  of  her  commands.  Juan  Diego  at  once 
proceeded  on  his  mission,  and  told  his  story  to  Zumar- 
raga.  The  bishop,  however,  gave  no  credence  to  the 
tale,  and  Juan  returned  to  the  spot  where  he  had 
seen  the  vision.  Again  the  virgin  appeared  and  bade 
him  on  the  morrow  repeat  to  the  bishop  her  message. 
More  attention  was  paid  to  him  on  this  occasion.  The 
prelate  questioned  him  closely,  but  telling  him  that 
his  statements  were  insufficient,  bade  him  bring  some 
sign  from  the  lady  by  which  he  might  recognize  her 
divine  command.  Under  the  impression  that  the 
Indian  was  laboring  under  an  illusion,  the  bishop 
directed  two  persons  to  follow  him  unobserved  and 
watch  his  proceedings.  This  was  done.  And  when 
Juan  Diego  approached  the  bridge  spanning  a  small 
stream  which  crossed  the  way,  he  disappeared  from 
their  sight,  nor  did  the  closest  search  discover  him. 
Returning  to  the  bishop  they  made  their  report  and 
expressed  the  belief  that  the  Indian  was  guilty  of 
witchcraft. 

Meanwhile  Juan  pursued  his  course,  unconscious  of 
the  miracle  performed  in  his  behalf,  and  reported  to 
the  virgin  the  result  of  his  mission.  She  bade  him 
come  to  her  on  the  morrow,  when  a  sure  and  certain 
sign  would  be  given  him.  He  did  not,  however,  carry 
out  the  virgin's  injunctions,  owing  to  the  condition  of 
his  uncle,  Juan  Bernardino,  who  had  fallen  ill.  But  on 
the  second  day,  which  was  the  12th  of  December, 
while  on  his  way  to  Tlatelulco  to  obtain  the  services 
of  a  priest  for  the  dying  relative,  he  remembered  his 
neglect,  and  in  his  simplicity  hoped  to  avoid  meeting 
the  apparition  by  taking  another  path.  On  arriving 
at  a  small  fountain,^^  however,  he  perceived  the  virgin 
descending  the  slope,  surrounded  by  the  same  efful- 
gence as  on  the  first  occasion.  The  vision  dazzled 
him.    Conscience-stricken,  yet  contrite,  he  fell  on  his 

Called  the  Pozito  de  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Guadalupe, 


OUR  LADY  OF  GUADALUPE. 


405 


knees  trembling.  But  the  virgin  consoled  him,  and 
bade  him  be  in  no  anxiety  for  his  uncle,  who  was  well 
already.  She  then  bade  him  ascend  the  hill,  cull  the 
roses  he  would  there  find,  and  bring  them  to  her  in 
the  folds  of  his  mantle.^^  The  man  obeyed,  finding 
on  the  barren  summit  a  miraculous  garden  of  roses 
which  shed  a  delicious  perfume.  Gathering  as  he  had 
been  bidden  he  carried  the  roses  to  the  holy  one,^^ 
Avho  having  taken  them  in  her  hands,  gave  them  back 
to  the  Indian  and  bade  him  carry  them  unseen  by  any 
one  to  the  bishop. 

On  arriving  at  the  bishop's,  Juan  Diego  unfolded 
his  mantle  and  displayed  the  roses  as  the  required 
sign,  and  behold,  a  figure  of  the  virgin  was  found 
painted  upon  the  mantle.  Then  all  acknowledged  the 
holy  nature  of  the  apparition  and  bent  their  knees  in 
worship.  Zumarraga,  with  priestly  hand,  took  from 
the  shoulders  of  the  native  the  sacred  cloth,  and  rev- 
erently placed  it  in  his  oratory. 

On  the  following  day  the  prelate,  accompanied  by 
his  household,  and  guided  by  Juan  Diego,  visited  the 
spot  designated  by  the  virgin.  His  mission  ended, 
Juan  Diego  returned,  accompanied  by  several  of  the 
bishop's  followers.  On  their  arrival  at  Tolpetlac, 
Juan  Bernardino  was  found  to  be  in  perfect  health, 
and  it  was  discovered  that  at  the  same  hour  in  which 
the  virgin  had  told  Juan  Diego  of  his  recovery  she 
had  appeared  to  Bernardino,  restored  him  to  health, 
and  expressed  her  wishes  with  regard  to  the  erection 
of  a  church. 

Far  and  wide  spread  the  tidings  of  the  miracle,  and 
the  crowds  which  flocked  to  the  bishop's  palace  to  see 
the  divinely  painted  figure  became  so  great  that  he 
placed  it  on  the  altar  of  the  cathedral,  that  all  in  turn 
might  venerate  it.    There  it  remained  till  a  shrine  was 

^2  The  Mexican  tilma  was  nothing  more  than  a  square  piece  of  cloth. 
With  regard  to  the  modes  of  wearing  it  consult  Native  Races,  ii.  366,  727. 

^3  The  virgin  was  waiting  for  him  at  the  foot  of  the  tree  called  by  the 
Indians  Quaupahualt,  and  by  the  Spaniards  arbol  de  telas  de  araua,  or  cob- 
web-tree. Becerra  TancOf  Felic^  27. 


406 


A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 


erected  on  the  site  indicated  by  Mary,  whither  it  was 
transferred  in  a  solemn  procession  in  1532. 

No  more  propitious  event  could  have  occurred. 
Divine  interposition  quickly  accomplished  that  for 
which  the  servants  of  Christ  had  been  so  long  striv- 
ing. From  that  time  idolatry  rapidly  declined  in  Mex- 
ico. Thousands  annually  visited  the  sanctuary  and 
in  bent  adoration  deposited  their  gifts.^*  In  time 
a  more  appropriate  repository  for  the  sacred  robe  was 
wanted,  and  a  chapel  was  built  around  the  hallowed 
spring  at  which  the  virgin's  form  had  waited.®^  And 
later  still  an  imposing  edifice,  with  lofty  dome  and 
columns  supporting  graceful  arches,  beneath  which 
glittered  silver  altar-rails  and  ornaments  of  gold, 
received  and  held  safe  the  venerated  painting.^® 

In  regard  to  the  painting  itself,  we  find  the  virgin 
represented  as  standing  with  the  right  foot  on  a  cres- 
cent moon,  supported  by  a  cherub  with  wings  out- 
spread, and  hands  clasped  upon  her  breast.  A  rose- 
colored  tunic  richly  embroidered  with  gold  covers  her 
form,  and  a  girdle  of  velvet  clasps  her  waist.  The 
mantle,  decorated  with  stars,  partially  covers  the 
head,  on  which  rests  a  crown  with  ten  points,  or  rays. 

Bustamante  avers  that  the  Spaniards  would  not  have  allowed  so  many 
thousands  to  congregate  at  the  shrine,  had  they  not  been  aware  of  the  peace- 
ful purport  of  their  assembling.  Aparic.  Guad.,  51. 

♦^^The  painting  was  removed  there  in  1662,  according  to  Beaumont,  Crdn. 
Mich. ,  iii.  440,  and  Villa  Seuor,  Theat.  Amer. ,  i.  16.  But  this  date  is  obviously 
incorrect,  as  the  removal  took  place  in  the  time  of  Archbishop  Serna  who  died 
in  1631.  Consult  (Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii.  167-8. 

The  cost  of  this  magnificent  church,  probably  the  richest  in  Mexico,  i3 
estimated  at  from  half  a  million  to  eight  hundred  thousand  pesos.  It  was 
begun  in  1695  and  not  fully  completed  till  1709.  The  high  altar,  according 
to  Beaumont,  cost  98,000  pesos,  and  the  throne,  or  tabernacle  in  which  the 
picture  is  enshrined,  52,119  pesos.  Crow.  Mich.  iii.  441.  Later  authorities 
give  a  still  higher  estimate  of  this  latter  work  of  art.  The  painting  was 
placed  in  the  church  on  the  1st  of  May  1703,  where  it  remained  till  1836, 
when  it  was  temporarily  transferred  to  the  convent  of  the  Capuchins  during 
the  internal  renovation  of  the  edifice,  being  restored  to  its  place  in  December 
of  the  same  year.  Magnificent  donations  have  been  made  to  this  church. 
In  1707  Andr6s  Palencia  left  100,000  pesos,  and  in  1747  the  accumulated 
capital  amounted  to  527,832  pesos,  yielding  an  income  of  30,000  pesos.  With 
this  sum  endowments  were  made  for  the  support  of  an  abbot,  10  canons,  and 
other  church  officers.  Villa  Scfior,  Theat.  Amer.,  i.  16;  *S'oc.  Mex.  Geog.^ 
Boletin,  viii.  168-74;  Florencia,  Estrella  del  Norte,  25-9;  Beltrami,  Mex.,  ii. 
226-7. 


THE  SACRED  PAINTING. 


407 


The  artist  Cabrera describes  the  countenance  as 
exquisitely  beautiful  in  every  feature,  and  maintains 
that  even  if  a  person  were  ignorant  of  the  origin  of 
the  painting,  he  could  not  deny,  on  seeing  it,  that  it 
is  supernatural  work.^^  The  figure  is  surrounded  by 
an  aureola  encompassed  by  a  luminous-edged  cloud.^^ 
In  1835  a  formal  investigation  was  made  with  regard 
to  the  genuineness  of  the  existing  painting/^  from 
which  it  was  discovered  that  its  identity  with  the  one 
miraculously  depicted  on  the  mantle  of  J uan  Diego,*^^ 
was  not  proven  until  its  removal  from  its  place  on  the 

Miguel  Cabrera,  at  a  meeting  of  the  artists  of  Mexico  in  1751,  was 
selected  to  make  a  copy  of  the  painting  for  presentation  to  Benedict  XIV. 
This  copy  was  the  most  celebrated  ever  taken.  Cabrera  in  1756  wrote  a 
lengthy  critique  on  the  original.  Aparic.  Quad.,  42-7. 

Grave  authorities  have  agreed  that  no  human  hand  could  have  painted 
such  a  picture.  Becerra  Tanco,  Felic,  55. 

The  length  of  the  picture  is,  according  to  Cabrera,  two  and  one  twelfth 
varas,  and  its  width  a  little  over  one  and  a  quarter  varas.  The  length  of  the 
virgin's  figure  is  about  one  vara.  It  is  painted  on  ayate,  a  coarse  native  cloth 
manufactured  out  of  the  fibre  of  the  agave  plant,  and  has  been  extensively 
copied.  The  miraculous  origin  of  this  painting  has  given  rise  to  much  contro- 
versy as  to  its  authenticity.  The  arguments  advanced  in  contra  consist  of 
five  principal  ones:  1.  The  miracle  was  never  affirmed  by  any  auto;  2. 
Bishop  Zumarraga  left  no  writing  on  the  subject;  3.  Torquemada  leaves  the 
reader  to  infer  that  it  was  the  work  of  man;  4.  The  ayate,  said  to  have  belonged 
to  Juan  Diego,  was  longer  and  narrower  than  the  mantles  usually  worn;  5.  The 
painting  itself  shows  artistic  faults.  Bartolache  makes  an  elaborate  attempt 
to  refute  these  arguments.  Manijiest.  Opusc.  Guad.,  70-105.  The  defenders 
of  the  miracle,  the  warmest  of  whom  is  Bustamante,  base  its  authenticity  on 
native  manuscripts  giving  an  account  of  it;  on  extant  narratives  of  ancient 
writers  mentioned  by  Veytia  and  others;  on  the  testimony  of  aged  persons; 
on  ancient  native  canticles;  and  on  the  miracles  performed  at  the  sanctuary, 
mentioned  by  many  writers,  among  whom  was  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 
250.  Those  who  desire  further  information  can  consult,  besides  the  authorities 
already  quoted,  the  following:  Lasso  de  la  Vega,  Huei  TlamahuicoUica,  pub- 
lished in  Mexico,  1649,  a  work  supposed  to  be  modelled  from  Sanchez;  Botu- 
rini,  Idea,  Hist.  Gen.  Amer.,  Madrid,  1746.  This  author  collected  a  great 
number  of  Indian  manuscripts:  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  Mexico,  1698;  San- 
chez, Imagen  Guad.,  Mexico,  1648;  Cabrera,  Maravilla  Amer.,  Mexico,  1756, 
a  work  treating  exclusively  of  the  painting;  Florencia,  Zodiaco  Mariano, 
Mexico,  1755;  Id.,  Estrella  de  el  Norte,  Mexico,  1741,  a  discussion  on  the 
painting  and  Indian  antiquities.  Antonio  and  Tufion,  Col.  Oh.  y  Opusc.,  an 
excellent  collection  of  passages  from  the  best  writers  on  the  Guadalupe 
mystery;  and  Castro,  Octava  Maravilla  Mex.,  Mexico,  1729,  a  poem  in  five 
cantos.  The  material  on  which  the  picture  was  painted  is  discussed  in  this 
work. 

"^^  The  committee,  besides  Bustamante,  was  composed  of  the  bishop  of 
Monterey,  Fray  Ortigosa,  two  prebends,  Movellan,  secretary  of  congress,  a 
notary  public,  and  the  artists  Aillon  and  Villanueva. 

''^  This  personage,  after  the  apparition  of  the  virgin,  withdrew  from  busi- 
ness, lived  a  life  of  celibacy,  and  devoted  himself  to  her  service.  He  died  in 
1548,  aged  74,  warned,  according  to  Vetancurt,  Chron.,  128,  of  his  approach- 
ing end. 


408 


A  DECADE  OF  CHURCH  MATTERS. 


old  altar  on  account  of  repairs,  when  attention  was 
attracted  to  its  extraordinary  weight.  Examination 
revealed  the  fact  that  it  was  attached  to  the  top  of 
Zumdrraga's  table,  on  which  was  an  inscription  by 
the  bishop,  certifying  this  to  be  the  true  and  original 
picture. 

'  Among  the  most  assiduous  propagators  of  the  faith 
was  the  Franciscan  friar,  Toribio  Motolinia,  who  kept 
a  record  of  baptisms  from  1524  to  1539.  In  the  city 
of  Me^xico  and  the  surrounding  villages  more  than  a 
million  children  and  adults  were  baptized,  an  equal 
number  in  the  district  of  Tezcuco,  and  in  Michoacan 
and  other  provinces  over  three  millions  more.  In  the 
single  year  of  1537  above  five  hundred  thousand 
received  the  faith.  These  conversions  were  the  result 
of  the  labors  of  the  Franciscans  alone,  several  mem- 
bers of  which  order,  it  is  claimed,  baptized  individually 
numbers  varying  from  one  hundred  thousand  to  three 
hundred  thousand.  The  number  of  friars  employed 
in  this  work  did  not  exceed  sixty,  for  though  in  1539 
the  members  of  the  order  present  amounted  to  about 
eighty,  not  all  of  them  were  occupied  in  baptizing, 
owing  to  a  want  of  experience  and  a  knowledge  of 
the  language.  In  spreading  the  gospel  these  evangel- 
izers  received  much  aid  from  native  converts,'^^  who, 
as  well  as  the  native  traders,  carried  tidings  of  the 

'2  The  painting  had  been  stretched  upon  five  boards,  solidly  joined  together 
by  treenails,  and  at  the  back  was  the  inscription:  *  Tablade  la  mesa  del  Illmo. 
Sr.  Zumarraga,  y  en  la  que  el  dichoso  neofito  puso  la  tilma  en  que  estaba 
estampada  esta  maravillosa  imagen.'  The  carpenter,  who  accompanied  the 
committee,  testified  to  the  antiquity  of  the  boards,  while  the  wooden  nails 
were  like  those  used  by  the  Indian  carpenters  in  the  bishop's  time.  Aparic. 
Guad.,  27-9. 

''^Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  108-9;  Mendieta,  Hist.  EcUs.,  275.  Gonzalez  Da- 
vila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  25,  states  that  by  the  Dominican  and  Franciscan  friars 
10,500,000  natives  were  baptized,  not  including  those  converted  by  other 
orders.  According  to  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  47,  the  Franciscans  baptized 
1,000,000  during  the  first  eight  years.  Torquemada,  iii.  156. 

In  the  year  1530  a  school  for  the  religious  instruction  of  Indian  girls 
was  established  with  a  similar  good  result,  the  young  women  assisting  in  the 
work  of  conversion  as  soon  as  sufficiently  taught.  This  seminary  was  under 
the  management  of  six  pious  sisters  sent  out  by  the  queen  of  Spain.  It 
existed  for  about  ten  years.  Id.,  48.  Also  Motolinia,  224-6,  and  Medieta, 
482-3. 


SPREAD  OF  THE  GOSPEL. 


409 


cross  into  remote  districts  not  yet  penetrated  by  the 
friars. 

It  was  a  grand  and  happy  consummation,  alike  for 
church  and  state;  so  at  least  it  was  regarded  until 
the  state  became  jealous  of  the  wealth  and  power  of 
the  church.  At  this  time  the  church  rejoiced  for  the 
millions  thus  brought  into  the  fold,  and  the  crown 
rejoiced  for  subjects  thus  reclaimed  from  savagism 
who  were  henceforth  to  add  to  its  revenues.  Thus 
w^e  find  the  queen  writing  in  1532  to  the  archbishop 
of  Toledo,  of  the  great  work  already  accomplished  in 
New  Spain,  and  the  wide  field  for  new  conversions. 
The  prelate  is  then  asked  for  virtuous  and  exemplary 
laborers  willing  to  go  thither.'^  And  again  in  1536 
the  king  enjoins  the  viceroy  and  audiencia  to  promote 
to  the  utmost  the  spread  of  the  faith.  By  this  and 
other  means  the  number  of  religious  teachers  was 
greatly  increased.^^ 

But  not  all  of  the  baptized  aboriginals  were  happy 
in  their  new  relations.  There  were  some  from  whose 
hearts  the  eradication  of  idolatry  was  not  so  complete 
as  appeared  on  the  surface.  Many  clung  tenaciously 
to  the  creed  of  their  ancestors,  and  when  open  pro- 
fession was  no  longer  possible  they  had  recourse  to 
stratagem.  While  outwardly  observing  the  Catholic 
form,  they  practised  in  secret  their  ancient  rites,  and 
while  they  knelt  before  the  image  of  the  virgin  offered 
adoration  to  hidden  idols  of  their  own.^^ 

''^CMula,  in  Col.  Doc.  InM.,  ii.  379-80. 

'Aunque  los  obreros  eran  muy  buenos  (mediante  la  diligencia  del  Visor- 
rey)  desde  este  punto  comefaron  a  ser  mas  en  numero,  y  mejores.'  //errero, 
dec.  vi.  lib.  i.  cap.  x. 

For  an  account  of  secret  ceremonies  see  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  iii.  321. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


FUTILE  ATTEMPTS  TOWAED  DISCOVERY. 
1530-1540. 

Authority  of  Cortes  Curtailed — Indian  Conspiracy  Suppresseb — Dis- 
turbances IN  Oajaca — An  Empty  Title — Cortes  and  the  Colonists 
OF  Antequera — Further  Disputes  with  the  Audiencia — Cortes 
Persistent — Baffled  Efforts  at  Discovery — High  Hopes  and  a 
Lowly  Dwelling — Misfortune  Follows  Misfortune — Guzman's 
Animosity — Cortes  Defiant — He  Sails  Northward — Failure  of  thb 
Enterprise — Rivalry  of  Mendoza — Cortes  Disgusted — He  Returns 
to  Spain. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  the  second  audiencia  Cortds 
hastened  to  lay  before  that  body  his  commission  as 
captain-general.  Though  it  was  duly  recognized  by 
them,  the  powers  it  conferred  were  greatly  controlled 
by  a  royal  order  produced  by  the  audiencia,  requiring 
that  Cortes,  in  all  his  operations,  should  consult  the 
president  and  oidores  and  act  only  on  their  approval. 
This  we  may  well  imagine  was  not  pleasing  to  the 
marquis,^  and  soon  he  and  the  audiencia  were  engaged 
in  hot  disputes.  Jealous  of  their  position,  and  proud 
of  the  king's  confidence,^  the  oidores  were  uncompro- 
mising in  the  exhibition  of  their  authority,  and  car- 
ried out  their  instructions  to  the  letter;  while  Cortes, 

*  Cortes  professes  to  have  been  at  first  satisfied  with  this  order :  *yfud 
para  mi  muy  gran  merced,  porque  siempre  querria  tales  testigos  de  mia 
servicios.'  Cortes,  Fscritos  Sueltos,  191. 

2  When  the  audiencia  attended  mass  on  the  arrival  at  the  capital  the 
bishop  of  Tlascala  in  the  prayer  for  the  royal  family,  after  the  words,  *regem 
nostrum  cum  prole  regia,'  added,  *et  ducem  exercitus  nostri,'  whereupon 
Oidor  Salmeron  admonished  him  to  observe  the  king's  preeminence:  *^  yo  le 
amonest6  que  guardase  al  Rey  su  preeminencia  Real  en  aquello.'  Salmeron,  iu 
Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  192. 

(410) 


ENMITY  OF  THE  AUDIENCIA. 


411 


accustomed  to  domineer,  ill  brooked  opposition  to  his 
views  or  interests,  and  pressed  matters  with  a  haughti- 
ness that  offended  the  king  s  judges. 

Thus  it  was  that  almost  immediately  an  antagonism 
appeared,  regarding  questions  of  minor  importance  at 
first,  as  those  of  etiquette  and  precedence,^  but  later 
affecting  weightier  matters  both  public  and  private. 

Unfriendly  relations  being  thus  established,  the 
breach  grew  wider  day  by  day,  and  their  letters  were 
full  of  bitterness,  marked  by  complaints  of  griev- 
ances on  the  one  side  and  of  obnoxious  interference 
on  the  other.  Such  being  their  respective  attitudes, 
it  was  with  difficulty  and  delay  that  even  the  royal 
orders  were  carried  out  in  matters  concerning  Cortes. 
Whether  the  question  at  issue  related  to  the  count- 
ing of  his  vassals,  the  assignment  of  towns  and  lands 
granted  him,  or  expeditions  of  discovery,  it  was  in 
every  case  attended  by  many  loud  and  angry  words. 

The  first  business  in  connection  with  the  marquis 
to  which  it  was  necessary  the  audiencia  should  give 
attention  was  the  counting  of  the  twenty-three  thou- 
sand vassals  assigned  him  by  royal  grant.  Difficulties 
at  once  arose  which  rendered  the  counting  slow,^  and 
there  were  also  disagreements  between  the  oidores  and 
Cortds  with  respect  to  the  method.  Moreover  as 
public  interests  were  involved  by  the  establishment 
of  a  remarkable  precedent,  the  action  of  the  oidores 
was  closely  watched  and  criticised.^    The  discharge 

•  Salmeron  complainingly  reports  to  the  king  the  prominent  position  in 
which  Cortes  caused  his  chair  to  be  placed  in  the  church,  and  the  fact  that  he 
took  precedence  in  church  ceremonies:  *y  al  ofrecer,  nos  porfiamos  todos,  y 
61  ofrece  el  primero ;  y  la  paz  saca  un  sacristan,  y  va  primero  d  nosotros,  y 
tdmala  el  primero.'  Id. 

*  The  oidores  reported  to  his  Majesty  that  the  Indians,  at  the  instigation 
of  their  chiefs,  evaded  the  count.  This  they  could  readily  do  owing  to  the 
facility  with  which  they  removed  from  place  to  place.  The  duties  of  the  com- 
mission appointed  to  take  the  count  were  thus  made  irksome  in  the  extreme, 
and  the  result  inaccurate.  They  were  employed  during  the  whole  of  lent  in 
determining  the  population  of  a  single  town  in  the  district  of  Cuemavaca 
without  satisfactory  result,  and  there  were  not  less  than  20  others  in  that 
district.  Belacion,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  330;  Audience^ 
Lettre,  in  Ttrnaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s«3rie  ii.  tom.  v.  151,  197-8. 

^  Cort(5s  maintained  that  the  heads  of  families  only  should  be  counted, 
while  the  oidores  claimed  that  the  individual  members  ought  to  be  included. 


412  FUTILE  ATTEMPTS  TOWARD  DISCOVERY. 


of  this  unenviable  duty  was  intrusted  to  six  commis- 
sioners, three  of  whom  were  appointed  by  Cortes  and 
three  by  the  audiencia.^ 

The  commission,  however,  after  having  labored  for 
many  weeks  in  vain  efforts  to  arrive  at  even  an  ap- 
proximate count,  reported  to  the  audiencia  that  the 
difficulties  were  insurmountable  and  a  correct  numer- 
ation impossible,  since  not  one  fifth  of  the  estimated 
population  presented  itself  The  attempt  was  conse- 
quently abandoned,  and  a  compromise  entered  into 
by  which  Cortes,  pending  instructions  from  the  king, 
was  left  in  possession  of  Cuernavaca  with  its  depend- 
ent townships  and  the  districts  of  Tehuantepec  and 
Cuetlachtlan.  The  valleys  of  Oajaca  and  Quilapan, 
and  various  towns  in  the  province  of  Mexico,  were 
also  assigned  him  under  the  encomienda  system,  no 
judicial  authority  being  therewith  conferred.^ 

Yet  the  audiencia  considered  that  the  principle  on 
which  the  king's  grants  had  been  made  was  danger- 
ous, from  the  fact  that  the  scattered  positions  of  the 
different  districts  would  give  Cortes  too  wide  an  influ- 

Again,  several  families  occupied  the  same  dwelling,  separated  from  each  other 
by  partitions  of  bamboo.  The  oidores  complain  to  the  king  that  many  of 
these  houses  were  found  empty,  although  they  were  convinced  that  the  inhab- 
itants had  only  temporarily  removed.  In  other  instances  the  partitions  had 
been  taken  down  so  that  several  families  might  appear  to  belong  to  one  and 
the  same  head;  and  the  audiencia  considered  that  all  houses  ought  to  be 
couioted  whether  occupied  or  not.  Id.  Moreover  strictness  in  count  was 
warmly  discussed  by  the  encomenderos  who  recognized  that  the  decision  on 
this  point  materially  affected  themselves.  Several  witnesses  testified  that 
the  contador,  Rodrigo  de  Albomoz,  had  asserted  that  the  count  ought  not  to 
ba  taken  too  strictly  as  the  difference  of  50  macehuales  more  or  less  was  a 
matter  of  slight  importance.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xvi.  548-54. 

*The  audiencia  appointed  Crist6bal  de  Barrios,  Ger6nimo  Ruiz  de  la 
Mota,  and  Ruiz  Gonzalez;  the  representatives  of  Cortes  were,  Andres  de 
Tapia,  Juan  de  Salcedo,  and  Francisco  de  Terrazas.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.^ 
E^rie  ii.  tom.  v.  197.  Cortes  complains  that  two  of  his  greatest  enemies  were 
chosen  by  the  audiencia.  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  22-3. 

^  The  marquis  complained  of  this  limitation  of  his  jurisdiction,  and  also 
protested  against  the  appointment  of  corregidores  of  certain  towns  claimed 
by  him  as  pertaining  to  his  grant.  Id.,  155,  and  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xiv.  331-2.  A  description  of  the  different  districts  and  townships 
included  in  the  assignments  will  be  found  in  Id.,  333-7,  and  Ternaux- 
Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie  ii.  tom.  v.  153-5.  A  copy  also  of  the  agreement  between 
the  audiencia  and  Cortes  is  contained  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii. 
614-20.  Cortes  engaged  to  surrender  all  claim  to  any  districts  which  might 
afterward  be  found  outside  of  his  grant. 


EFFORTS  OF  CORTES  RESTRICTED. 


413 


ence,  and  the  oidor  Salmeron  had  already  counselled 
the  king  to  centralize  the  authority  of  the  marquis  by 
confining  his  possessions  to  one  portion  of  the  coun- 
try.^ The  fact  is  his  power  over  the  natives  was  such 
as  to  cause  the  oidores  heartily  to  wish  him  back  in 
Spain.^ 

Nor  was  the  assignment  of  these  grants  the  only 
cause  of  dispute.  The  erection  of  his  palace,  the  sale 
of  his  houses  in  the  city  of  Mexico  to  the  audiencia, 
and  his  claims  to  lands  within  the  limits  of  the  city 
were  alike  productive  of  grievances  and  annoyance. 

But  the  treatment  of  Cortes  by  the  audiencia  in 
his  public  capacity  as  captain-general  engendered  yet 
stronger  feelings  of  indignation  and  wounded  pride. 
He  could  not  shut  his  eyes  to  the  fact  that  his  high 
office  was  one  more  in  name  than  in  reality,  and  his 
quick  perception  soon  revealed  to  him  that  although 
the  crown  had  recognized  his  services  it  did  not  intend 
to  allow  him  much  control  in  the  guidance  of  affairs. 

®Iii  March  1531.  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  203-4. 

'In  August  of  the  same  year  Salmeron  remarks,  'il  a  un  tel  pouvoir  sur 
les  indigenes,  que  d'un  seul  mot  il  pourrait  tous  les  faire  r6volter,'  and  later 
adds:  'II  dit. .  .qu'il  retoumera  en  Espagne.  Pllit  au  ciel  qu'il  le  fit;  cela 
serait  heureux  pour  la  Nouvelle-Espagne. '  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  S(5rie  ii. 
torn.  V.  196.  In  the  same  letter  he  expresses  the  conviction  that  it  would  be 
well  not  to  include  the  township  of  Antequera  Oajaca  in  the  grant,  while 
Oidor  Quiroga  apprises  the  king  that  the  assignment  to  Cortes  of  the  town  of 
Tacubaya,  so  near  the  capital,  would  be  greatly  prejudicial  to  the  city.  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  427-8. 

^°  By  a  letter  of  the  oidores,  dated  14th  of  August  1531,  already  frequently 
quoted,  the  king  was  informed  that  Cortds  was  building  in  the  city  a  palace 
more  pretentious  than  any  to  be  seen  in  Spain,  and  that  the  work  had  been 
interrupted  by  the  audiencia  placing  the  towns  from  which  the  marquis  drew 
his  laborers  under  the  corregimiento  system.  He  had,  however,  been  allowed 
to  employ  the  Indians  of  Chales,  on  the  condition  that  he  paid  them  wages. 
This  he  had  failed  to  do,  and  the  oidores  had  stopped  the  work.  With  regard 
to  his  houses  in  the  city  Cortds  complains,  in  1533,  that  the  audiencia  had 
neither  paid  him  for  them,  nor  were  willing  to  give  up  the  property,  not  even 
the  traders'  buildings  which,  according  to  agreement,  he  was  to  retain;  and 
he  requests  the  council  to  interfere  in  his  behalf.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Car- 
denas,  Col.  Doc,^\\.  550-1.  Certain  lands  lying  within  the  city  commons, 
were  granted  to  Cortes  by  royal  order  of  July  27,  15.^4,  but  he  was  dispos- 
sessed of  them  by  the  oidores  of  the  first  audiencia.  In  1531  he  claimed 
restitution,  which  was  resisted,  and  the  audiencia  decided  to  submit  the 
matter  to  the  India  Council.  Id.,  xxix.,  passim.  The  queen,  in  April  1533, 
empowers  the  audiencia  to  investigate  the  matter  and  decide  according  to 
justice.  Puga,  CedulariOy  86. 


414  FUTILE  ATTEMPTS  TOWARD  DISCOVERY. 


From  the  first  the  new  administration  avoided  con- 
sultation with  him/^  and  when  in  mihtary  matters  he 
offered  suggestions,  his  views  were  not  accepted,  and 
even  his  actions  were  interfered  with,  while  at  the 
same  time  no  means  was  omitted  of  impressing  upon 
the  natives  the  fact  that  the  great  conqueror  was  sub- 
servient to  the  higher  authority  of  the  audiencia. 

The  very  first  attempt  made  by  Cortes  to  exercise 
his  functions  as  captain -general  caused  a  rupture 
between  him  and  the  audiencia.  The  inefficient  con- 
dition of  the  available  forces  in  New  Spain  was  such 
as  to  excite  a  fear  of  an  uprising  of  the  natives. 
"With  the  approval  of  the  audiencia,  Cortes  therefore 
proclaimed  a  general  muster  in  all  Spanish  towns, 
attaching  certain  penalties  to  those  who  failed  to  ap- 
pear with  their  arms  and  horses.  The  muster  in  the 
capital  was  a  failure,  and  when  Cortes  sought  to  en- 
force the  fines  upon  the  delinquents  the  oidores  took 
umbrage,  considering  that  his  action  was  an  encroach- 
ment upon  their  authority. 

The  weakness  displayed  by  this  failure  to  muster 
in  force  and  the  well  known  dissension  that  prevailed 
among  the  Spaniards  offered  a  strong  temptation  to  the 
Indians.  They  believed  that  an  opportunity  for  throw- 
ing off  the  Spanish  yoke  had  at  last  arrived,  and  they 
entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  destroy  their  oppressors. 
Straggling  Spaniards  in  the  country  were  murdered, 

1^  The  audiencia  informed  the  king  that  their  policy  was  to  avoid  seeking 
the  advice  of  Cortes  in  matters  affecting  the  government.  Salmeron,  Carta,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  191.  Cortes  also  complained  to  the  king 
that  he  was  not  allowed  to  consult  with  the  audiencia,  but  was  simply  required 
to  obey  orders.  Id.  ,12.  In  his  Relacion  de  Servicios  he  states  that  the  audiencia 
construed  the  king's  instructions  relative  to  himself  to  suit  themselves,  and 
that  without  voice  or  vote  in  their  councils  he  was  compelled  simply  to  execute 
their  orders.  Failures  could  thus  be  charged  to  his  account,  while  the  credit 
of  his  successes  could  be  appropriated  by  the  president  and  oidores.  Escritos 
Sueltos,  217-18. 

^'^This  question  of  prerogative  was  still  unsettled  in  April  1532.  Cortes 
writing  to  the  king  on  the  20th  remarks :  '  y  as!  se  ha  quedado  hasta  hoy 
que  ninguna  6rden  ni  concierto  hay.'  /cZ.,  191.  A  similar  failure  occurred  at 
Vera  Cruz.  Id. ,  220.  The  audiencia  attributed  this  failure  to  the  action  of 
the  enemies  of  Cort6s  who  'aimeraient  mieux  perdre  tout  ce  qu'ils  possfedent 
que  le  reconnaitre  pourleur  sup^rieur.'  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie  ii.  torn. 
V.  155-6. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  NATIVES.  415 


and  preparations  made  for  a  sudden  rising  in  the  city. 
According  to  Oviedo  more  than  two  hundred  Spaniards 
were  soon  found  to  be  missing,  and  the  alarm  became 
general.  The  oidores  in  the  emergency  recognized 
that  the  only  man  capable  of  dealing  with  the  excited 
Indians  was  the  captain-general,  and  him  they  now 
called  upon  to  come  to  their  assistance.  With  a  large 
force  he  marched  into  the  capital,  and  by  his  decisive 
measures  quiet  was  restored.  Great  numbers  were 
made  prisoners  and  the  horrors  of  fire  and  blood- 
hounds implanted  a  wholesome  fear  upon  the  natives, 
who  were  once  more  taught  that  their  patriotic  strug- 
gles only  tightened  the  conqueror's  grasp.'^ 

The  revolt  seems  to  have  extended  far  southward, 
for  during  the  early  part  of  1531  the  Zapotecs  in  Oajaca 
and  Impilcingo  were  in  rebellion,  and  a  number  of 
Spaniards  who  had  entered  the  district  in  search  of  gold 
had  been  slaughtered.^* 

The  ayuntamiento  of  Antequera  despatched  all  avail- 
able force  against  the  insurgents,  but  as  this  left  the 
town  without  defenders  it  was  necessary  to  send  as- 
sistance from  Mexico.  But  even  under  these  circum- 
stances, in  which  the  experience  and  military  ability 
of  Cortes  ought  to  have  been  respected,  his  views  met 
with  opposition,  and  the  conqueror  of  New  Spain 
deemed  it  prudent  to  yield  in  all  points  to  the  opinions 
of  the  oidores  on  the  ground  that  his  would  be  the 
blame  in  case  of  mishap.  The  revolt  was  suppressed, 
but  the  expeditions  sent  out  by  the  captain-general 
encountered  unnecessary  difficulties,  owing  to  the  in- 
terference of  the  audiencia.^^ 

^  Oviedo f  iii.  521.  A  false  alarm  was  raised  one  night  in  the  capital  which 
caused  general  consternation.  The  originator  of  it  was  not  discovered,  but  it 
afforded  an  additional  motive  for  suppressing  the  conspiracy.  Torquemada, 
i.  605;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  99-100.  Consult  also  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  ix. 
cap.  iv. 

One  Alonso  Tabera  and  several  companions  were  killed,  and  shortly  after- 
ward six  other  Spaniards  with  a  large  number  of  slaves  were  put  to  death. 
Carta  del  Ayunt.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  182-3. 

CorUs,  Escritos  Sueltos,  191-3,  218-19.  Even  the  punishment  of  insubor- 
dination in  his  ranks  was  not  allowed  him  by  the  audiencia.  Ternaux-Com- 
•pans,  Voy.f  s6rie  ii.  torn.  v.  166;  and  when  on  one  occasion  an  officer  exceeded 


416  FUTILE  ATTEMPTS  TOWARD  DISCOVERY. 


Thus  thwarted  in  every  public  and  private  measure, 
Cortes  felt  bitterly  the  humiliations  to  which  he  was 
subjected.  Accustomed  to  command  so  long  without 
restriction,  his  position  became  distasteful.  His  great 
achievements  merited,  he  thought,  a  higher  appreci- 
ation than  that  which  made  of  him  but  a  mere  figure- 
head of  power;  and  with  wounded  heart,  and  in  dis- 
gust at  his  empty  title  of  captain- general,  he  begged 
the  king,  since  his  ability  was  held  in  so  poor  esteem, 
to  appoint  a  more  competent  person  to  take  his 
place. 

But  after  all  the  misery  was  not  wholly  on  one  side. 
Cortes  was  to  the  audiencia  as  a  thorn  in  the  flesh. 
His  friends  were  numerous,  and  their  ranks  were  re- 
enforced  by  discontented  encomenderos  who  saw  their 
interests  attacked  by  the  audiencia,  which  endeavored 
to  suppress  repartimientos.  In  July  1532  President 
Fuenleal  suggested  the  recall  of  Cortes  to  Spain,  with 
four  or  five  others  who  were  causing  trouble.^^ 

Meantime  Cortes  had  left  the  city  and  retired  in 
disgust  to  Cuernavaca,  where  he  had  caused  a  palace 
to  be  built  on  the  outskirts  of  the  town.    Here  he 

his  instructions  and  reduced  to  slavery  some  prisoners  captured  in  the  Impil- 
cingo  campaign,  the  marquis  was  reprimanded  for  not  having  given  sufficiently 
definite  orders  to  his  lieutenant,  and  the  officer  was  arrested.  Quiroga,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  424-6.  The  king  in  March  1532 
instructs  the  audiencia  not  to  proceed  against  either  the  captain,  Vasco  Por- 
callo,  or  the  marquis  in  this  matter.  Puga,  Cedulario,  79.  Nor  could  Cort^a 
obtain  any  redress  from  the  audiencia  when  Captain  Luis  de  Castilla,  whom 
he  had  sent  with  an  expedition  to  colonize  part  of  the  country  previously 
pacified,  was  seized  by  Guzman  and  kept  prisoner  till  his  followers  disbanded. 
Escritos,  Sueltos,  192-3. 

16  His  letter  is  dated  April  20,  1532,  and  he  remarks:  '  Porque  pues  hasta 
aqul  no  he  errado,  no  querria  errar  de  aqul  adelante:  yo,  como  un  vecino, 
seguire  lo  que  me  mandaren.'  Escritos  Sueltos,  193.  On  the  20th  of  March 
preceding,  the  queen  issued  the  following  somewhat  indefinite  instructions  to 
the  audiencia  regarding  the  duties  of  the  captain-general:  *  El  Marques  ha  de 
vsar  el  oficio  de  capitan  general  en  la  nueva  Espaiia  en  las  ccsas,  q  por  noa 
especialmete  le  fueren  mandadas,  o  alia  per  vosotros  en  nuestro  nombre  se 
le  mandaren,  y  no  en  otra  cosa,  mirareys  bien  siempre  lo  que  les  encomendaya 
y  mandays,  porque  se  cscusen  diferencias,  teniendo  siempre  respecto  a  la  per- 
sona del  marques.'  Puga,  Cedulario,  79. 

1^  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  226.  This  advice  was  again  given 
by  the  audiencia  in  November  following.  Temaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s^rie  ii. 
torn.  V.  208-9.  Herrera  is  alone  with  respect  to  the  relations  between  Cortds 
and  Fuenleal.  He  describes  them  as  amicable,  and  asserts  that  the  president 
continually  consulted  Cortes,  dec.  iv.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xiv. 


FEUDS  m  OAJACA.] 


417 


occupied  himself  with  agriculture  and  stock-raising, 
entertaining  meanwhile  various  projects  of  discovery. 

On  taking  possession  of  the  domains  of  his  mar- 
quisate,  in  the  valley  of  Oajaca,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town  refused  to  accept  him  as  their  feudal  lord.^^  This 
action  of  the  Indians  was  doubtless  owing  to  the  town 
having  been  included  in  the  limits  of  the  Spanish  set- 
tlement of  Antequera  which  adjoined  it;^^  and  from 
this  time  forward  the  people  of  Antequera  and  Cortes 
were  involved  in  frequent  and  violent  disputes.  The 
marquis  justly  regarded  the  founding  of  the  city  as  an 
encroachment  upon  his  domain,  a  hostile  intrusion. 
His  people  were  always  in  trouble  with  the  Spanish 
residents,  who  in  their  turn  appropriated  portions  of 
the  best  ground,  seized  upon  his  water  privileges,  and 
treated  his  agents  with  indignity. 

The  central  and  advantageous  position  of  the  town 
had  induced  Cortes  to  begin  building  a  palace  in 
Oajaca,  but  he  now  discontinued  the  work,  and  erected 
a  house  a  quarter  of  a  league  distant.  This  removal 
of  his  seat  and  the  narrow  confines  to  which  Ante- 
quera was  limited  effectually  checked  the  prosperity 
of  the  city,^^  and  instead  of  a  flourishing  settlement, 

The  towns  of  Oajaca  and  Antequera  may  be  considered  as  one.  The 
first  audiencia  founded  the  Spanish  town  of  Antequera  close  to  the  Indian 
village  of  Oajaca  on  land  belonging  to  the  marquis.  Cortes  maintained  that 
this  was  done  to  injure  him,  and  presented  a  petition  to  the  second  audiencia 
regarding  the  matter.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  tom.  146-7.  Flo- 
rencia  states  that  the  king  granted  Cortes  four  villas  in  exchange  for  the  city. 
Comp.  de  Jesvs,  231. 

^^In  March  1531  the  older  Salmeron  informs  the  India  Council  that  the 
settlers  in  Antequera  wished  to  have  the  villa  removed  elsewhere,  before  they 
had  erected  many  buildings;  or  have  the  town  of  Oajaca  given  to  them. 
Salmeron  advises  that  the  latter  proposition  be  adopted.  Pacheco  and  Odr- 
denas.  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  203. 

On  one  occasion  the  alcaldes  imprisoned  his  agent,  Diego  del  Castillo, 
and  submitted  him  to  outrageous  treatment.  Id.,  xii.  551-4. 

Charles  gave  it  the  name  and  privileges  of  a  city  April  25^  1532.  Medi- 
na, Chron.^  San  Diego,  246.  Villa  Senor  names  April  25,  1531,  as  the  date, 
Theatro,  ii.  112,  which  is  probably  incorrect,  as  Cortez,  writing  on  the  25th 
of  January,  1533,  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  represents  that  a  proctor  had 
been  despatched  to  Spain  by  the  Spaniards  of  Antequera  for  the  purpose  of 
petitioning  that  their  villa  be  elevated  to  the  rank  of  a  city,  and  opposes  the 
request  by  bringing  forward  his  own  claims.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
xii.  545-6.  According  to  Herrera,  exemption  was  granted  the  city  for  30 
years,  *  del  seruicio  ordinario. '  dec.  v.  lib.  ii.  cap.  viii. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  27 


418  FUTILE  ATTEMPTS  TOWARD  DISCOVERY. 


in  a  few  years  its  residents  Y/ere  reduced  to  actual 
distress. 

Other  matters  during  this  period  became  grounds 
of  contention  between  him  and  the  ruling  powers, 
such  as  the  payment  of  tithes,^^  forest,  pasture,  and 
water  rights,  to  which  he  laid  exclusive  claim  in  the 
district  of  Cuernavaca,^^  and  complaints  made  by  his 
vassals  of  the  excessive  tribute  imposed  upon  them.^^ 
Moreover,  the  much  vexed  question  of  the  number  of 
his  vassals  was  again  brought  forward,  the  proceed- 
ings in  the  matter  being  marked  by  want  of  liberality 
in  the  actions  of  the  audiencia,  and  by  petulant  com- 
plaints on  the  part  of  Cortes. Yet  no  adjustment 
could  be  arrived  at.    The  marquis,  though  deprived  of 

Antequera  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  cathedral  town  in  1534,  but  the 
description  of  it  given  by  Bishop  Zdrate  in  1544  indicates  the  victory  of  Cor- 
tes. The  city,  lie  writes,  was  in  such  a  condition  that  its  abandonment  would 
be  no  loss.  The  distress  of  the  inhabitants  was  owing  to  the  city  possessing 
no  lands,  all  the  surrounding  country  being  owned  by  Cort6s.  Provisions 
consequently  commanded  exorbitant  prices.  The  town  had  been  founded  out 
of  malice  to  the  marquis,  but  the  scheme  only  worked  to  the  injury  of  the 
settlers,  who  had  not  even  commons  for  pasturage.  A  change,  however, 
might  be  effected  by  a  proper  arrangement  with  Cortes,  which  would  make 
Antequera  one  of  the  most  important  places  in  the  country.  Ternaux-Com- 
pans,  Voy.,  s6rie  i.  tom.  x.  295-8. 

23  Cortes  had  obtained  from  the  pope  a  bull  granting  to  him  immunity  from 
tithes  on  the  domains  granted  to  him  by  the  king.  The  audiencia  report  his 
consequent  refusal  to  pay  them.  In  1533  royal  orders  were  issued  to  the 
effect  that  he  was  not  to  be  exempt  from  the  payment,  since  such  exemption 
would  be  prejudicial  to  the  royal  patronato,  which  it  was  not  the  pope's 
intention  to  injure.  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  49;  Puga,  Cedulario,  84. 

2*  The  queen  by  c^dula  of  April  20,  1533,  ordered  that  these  forests,  waters, 
and  pastures  be  common  property  of  the  Spaniards.  Id. ,  85. 

2^  The  natives  of  the  Cuernavaca  district  presented  to  Pedro  Garcia, 
the  interpreter  of  the  audiencia,  eight  paintings  descriptive  of  the  tributes 
they  had  paid  to  the  marquis,  and  stated  that  they  were  treated  by  his  un- 
derlings more  like  slaves  than  vassals.  Garcia,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xiv.  142-7.  The  king  in  September  1533,  directed  the  audiencia  to 
determine  the  tribute  to  be  paid  by  the  vassals  not  only  of  Cuernavaca  but  of 
all  his  domains.  Puga,  Cedulario,  87. 

2^  In  April  1532  the  audiencia  informs  the  crown  that  in  order  to  arrive 
at  some  knowledge  of  the  number,  Indians  in  the  guise  of  traders  had  been 
secretly  sent  into  the  district  of  Cuernavaca.  These  had  made  drawings  of 
the  towns  and  villages  in  the  valley,  from  which  it  appeared  that  in  that  dis- 
trict only  there  were  more  than  20,000  houses  each  containing  several  families. 
The  audiencia  believed  that  Cortes  had  received  more  than  his  right.  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie  ii.  tom.  v.  204-5.  The  queen  in  Aprii  1533 
approved  the  suggestion  made  by  the  audiencia  that  President  Fueuleal  and 
two  oidores  should  proceed  to  Cuernavaca  and  verify  the  paintmgs,  tak- 
ing with  them  the  natives  that  had  drawn  them.  Puga,  Cedulario,  83-4, 


SHIPS  FOR  THE  MOLUCCAS. 


419 


some  portion  of  his  grant,  adhered  to  his  claims  and 
defi^ndei-j  his  rights  as  tenaciously  as  the  audiencia 
assailed  them,  filing  protests  and  making  appeals  to 
the  crown  whenever  loss  was  threatened.^^ 

Again,  in  1537  and  1538,  under  the  administration 
of  Viceroy  Mendoza,  an  attempt  was  made  to  bring 
affairs  to  a  satisfactory  adjustment. Again  the  mar- 
quis in  a  letter  to  the  Ind)?.  Council,  dated  20th  of 
September  1538,  enters  at  Length  into  the  troubles 
and  expenses  attending  the  count,  and  having  been 
deprived  of  many  townships,  impoverished  by  the  heavy 
expenses  of  unremunerative  expeditions,  in  reduced 
circumstances,  and  oppressed  with  debt,  he  asks  relief 
in  order  that  he  may  live.    Poor  conqueror ! 

But  it  is  time  to  consider  the  efforts  made  by  Cortes 
to  extend  discoveries  in  the  South  Sea,  and  mark  how 
his  exertions  were  cramped  and  his  prospects  of  suc- 
cess marred  by  the  same  watchful  opponents. 

The  reader  is  already  aware  that  previous  to  his 
departure  to  Spain,  Cortes  had  despatched  a  fleet  to 
the  Moluccas,  and  that  the  commerce  he  wished  to 
establish  there  might  be  permanent,  he  began  the 
construction  of  other  vessels  at  Tehuantepec  with  the 
intention  of  sending  them  to  support  the  first  expe- 
dition.   Four  vessels  were  already  built  when  he  left 

^"^  Corf 4s,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  541-9,  554-63.  On 
account  of  the  enmity  displayed  by  the  audiencia  he  petitioned  the  king  to 
ocnd  a  special  commissioner  to  make  the  count  and  deliver  him  his  vassals,  or 
to  empower  a  commission  of  prelates  and  friars  in  New  Spain  to  do  so,  other- 
wise a  settlement  would  never  be  accomplished.  /(/.,  xiii.  24-5. 

2^  Viceroy  Mendoza  and  Vasco  de  Quiroga,  bishop  elect  of  Michoacan, 
were  empowered,  November  80,  15.37,  to  count  the  vassals.  Id.,  xii.  314-18. 

'^'^  Cortes,  Carta,  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  iv.  194-201.  His  expenses  in  fitting  out 
armaments  had  been  enormous,  besides  other  calls  upon  his  purse,  which  was 
ever  an  open  one.  He  thus  describes  his  straitened  circumstances :  '  Con 
las  ayudas  de  costa  que  dese  Real  Consejo  se  me  han  hecho. .  .yo  tengo  harto 
que  hacer  in  mantenerme  en  un  aldea,  donde  tengo  mi  muger,  sin  osar  residir 
cn  esta  cibdad  ni  venir  d  ella,  por  no  tener  que  comer  en  ella.'  And  he 
entreats  the  council,  '  dar . .  .  6rden  como  en  mis  dias  tenga  de  comer  y  despues 
dellos  se  conozca  en  mis  hijos  que  su  padre  meresci6  algo.'  Pacheco  and  Car- 
denas, Col.  Doc,  iii.  539.  But  no  final  settlement  of  his  claims  was  made  in 
/lis  lifetime,  and  it  was  only  after  his  death  that  the  latter  wish  obtained 
recognition,  when  the  original  grant  was  confirmed  to  his  son,  with  a  slight 
reuervation  and  without  limitation  as  to  the  number  of  vassals,  by  Philip  II. 


420 


FUTILE  ATTEMPTS  TOWARD  DISCOVERY. 


New  Spain,  and  a  fifth  was  completed  later.  The  fleet 
was  almost  ready  to  sail,  when  the  oidores  of  the  first 
audiencia  interfered.  They  seized  and  sent  prisoner 
to  Mexico  the  o&icer  in  charge,  dismissed  the  Indians 
employed,  and  suspended  work.  The  ship  tackle  and 
stores  were  stolen,  and  the  vessels  were  left  to  rot. 
On  the  return  of  Cortes  they  were  almost  ruined,  and 
the  loss  which  he  sustained  amounted  to  more  than 
twenty  thousand  castellanos.^^ 

Nor  did  Cortes  meet  with  that  cooperation  from 
the  second  audiencia  which  he  had  expected.  Not 
disheartened  by  the  discouraging  result  of  his  former 
attempt,  shortly  after  his  return  to  New  Spain  he 
hastened  to  carry  out  his  contracts  with  the  king.  He 
began  the  construction  of  four  new  vessels,  two  at 
Tehuantepec  and  two  at  Acapulco,  and  succeeded  in 
getting  them  launched  about  the  beginning  of  1532. 
But  the  audiencia,  which  at  first  had  encouraged  him 
to  proceed  with  the  execution  of  his  schemes,^^  now, 
to  the  marquis'  cost,  and  notwithstanding  a  decree 
forbidding  its  interference,^^  caused  him  much  trouble. 
Acapuico^^  was  inaccessible  to  carts  and  pack  animals, 
and  Cortes  found  it  necessary  to  employ  native  car- 
riers to  transport  tackle  and  stores  for  his  ships.  The 
opening  policy  of  the  new  audiencia  with  respect  to 
the  treatment  of  the  natives  was  that  of  strictly 

30  As  a  further  injustice  the  oidores,  according  to  the  representation  of 
Cortes  to  the  king,  condemned  the  olEcer  in  charge  to  pay  3,000  castellanos, 
claimed  by  the  carpenters  as  compensation  for  the  loss  of  work  for  nearly  a 
year.  Property  belonging  to  Cortes  was  sold  to  meet  this  demand.  Carta,  in 
Col  Doc.  In^d.,  i.  39-40.  The  amount  of  loss  is  stated  by  the  attorney  of 
Cortes  at  a  later  date  to  have  exceeded  30,000  castellanos.  Cortes,  Escritos 
Suelios,  217. 

31  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. ,  287-8. 

32  'Aunque  yo  he  visto  una  provision,  en  que  se  manda  al  presidente  y 
oidores  que  no  se  entremetan  en  cosa  deste  descubrimiento,  sino  que  libremente 
me  dejen  hacer.'  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  194. 

33  Acapulco  was  the  capital  town  of  the  Cohuixcas  under  the  Aztec  empire. 
It  had  been  visited  at  an  early  date  by  explorers  of  the  south  coast  sent  by 
Cortes-  The  port  was  recognized  by  Cort6s  as  affording  facilities  for  ship- 
building, and  vessels  were  constructed  and  despatched  here  at  an  early  date. 
It  is  mentioned  by  the  audiencia  in  1532,  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii. 
tor.!.  -7.,  but  can  hardly  be  considered  as  a  recognized  Spanish  settlement  till 
1550.  Philip  II.  elevated  it  to  the  rank  of  a  city. 


MORE  VESSELS  DESPATCHED. 


421 


enforcinfif  the  laws  of  protection.  Accordingly,  his 
Indians  were  taken  away,  his  operations  ordered  dis- 
continued, and  a  fine  of  forty  thousand  pesos  im- 
posed.^* 

Thwarted  at  every  turn,  Cortes  gave  way  to  de- 
spair. '^I  obeyed  their  order,"  he  writes,  '^and  ceased 
my  preparations,  so  that  neither  by  sea  nor  land  can 
I  do  your  Majesty  any  service,"  and  in  his  heart 
doubted  whether  the  exploration  of  the  South  Sea 
was  a  matter  of  any  interest  to  the  crown.  Such  is  the 
version  given  by  the  marquis,  but  the  audiencia  tell  a 
somewhat  different  tale,  and  inform  the  queen  that 
Cortes  paid  no  heed  to  the  alguaciles  whom  they  had 
sent  to  release  the  natives  from  their  servitude,  but 
defiantly  ordered  the  carriers  to  continue  their  labors. 
Whereupon  the  audiencia  instituted  proceedings 
against  him.^^  There  was  undoubtedly  truth  in  what 
the  oidores  said. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  machinations  of  the  evil 
ones,  Cortes  despatched  from  Acapulco  in  May  1532 
two  ships,  the  San  Marcos  and  the  San  Miguel,^^ 
under  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  the  details  of  which  ex- 
pedition, as  well  as  those  of  the  subsequent  maritime 
efforts  of  the  marquis,  may  be  found  in  my  History 
cf  the  North  Mexican  States. 

With  this  beginning  Cortes  next  determined  to 
superintend  in  person  the  completion  of  his  ships  at 
Tehuantepec,  and  repairing  thither  hastened  his  prep- 

'*  Cortes  in  his  account  to  the  king  of  this  interruption  explains  that  the 
natives  employed  were  those  of  his  own  encomienda;  that  he  paid  them  for 
their  labor,  and  that  the  ordinance  prohibiting  the  employment  of  Indian  car- 
riers had  been  violated  with  impunity  by  others.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdr- 
denas.  Col.  Doc,  xii.  548;  Col.  Doc.  In6d.,  iv.  175-7.  Alonso  de  Zurita, 
writing  in  the  last  half  of  the  16th  century,  'oydor  que  fue  de  la  real  audien- 
cia,' represents  that  the  construction  of  fleets  by  Cort6s  cost  the  lives  of  thou- 
sands of  Indians.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  113-14. 
Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie  ii.  tom.  v.  203-4. 

Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  xii.  541.  These  vessels  were  built  under  contract 
by  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Villafuerte,  for  1,500  castellanos,  to  be  delivered  before 
Christmas,  1531.  Cortes,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  ii.  416-19.  The  ill-fated  vessels 
vere  both  lost,  and  nearly  every  one  of  the  crews,  weakened  by  sickness  and 
fa:nine,  massacred  by  the  natives.  Cortes  attributed  the  failure  of  this  ex- 
pedition to  the  enmity  of  Guzman,  who  prevented  his  captains  landing  for  sup- 
plies and  repairs.  Real  Provision,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  35. 


422 


FUTILE  ATTEMPTS  TOWARD  DISCOVERY. 


arations  as  rapidl}/  as  possible,  living  in  a  liut  on  the 
beach,  and  even  laboring  with  his  own  hands. 

Yet  with  all  his  eagerness  the  work  went  slowly  on. 
For  a  year  and  a  half  he  lived  in  his  cabin  on  the  sand, 
and  though  in  January  1533  he  reported  to  the  king 
his  expectation  to  be  ready  in  March,  it  was  not  till 
the  29th  of  October  following  that  his  vessels,  the 
San  Ldzaro  and  the  Concepcion,  left  port.^^ 

The  enterprise,  which  led  to  the  discovery  of  lower 
California,  was  attended  with  disaster.  About  the 
middle  of  1534  the  Concepcion  was  brought  into  the 
port  of  Chiametla  by  six  or  seven  sailors,^^  the  sole 
survivors  of  her  crew,  who  had  much  to  tell  of  mutiny 
and  murder.^^  She  had  become  separated  from  the 
San  LdzarOj  which  afterward  found  her  way  to  Te- 
huantepec.  The  reports  of  lands  discovered  brought 
by  these  men  excited  in  Nuno  de  Guzman  a  desire  to 
continue  the  adventure  on  his  own  account.  So  he 
seized  the  vessel  and  held  the  sailors,  that  the  news 
might  not  reach  Cortes.  But  the  marquis  heard  of 
it,*^  and  appealed  to  the  audiencia,  only  to  enter  upon 
fresh  complications.  That  body,  though  it  issued  an 
order  in  the  king's  name  commanding  Guzman  to 
surrender  the  ship,  and  prohibiting  him  from  pros- 
ecuting the  discovery,  ordered  Cortes  also  to  desist 
from  further  exploration  in  that  direction.*^  The 
marquis  appealed  to  the  crown,  maintaining  that  Guz- 

^'^  Id.,  35-6o  The  port  of  Tehuantepec  was  called  Port  of  Santiago.  Romay, 
Cuenta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  298. 

Cortes,  Ecritos  Sueltos,  250.  The  cost  of  the  two  vessels  amounted  to  9,000 
pesos  de  oro  de  minas.  Romay,  Cuenta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
xii.  298-313.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  564,  574,  erroneously  regards  the  two 
expeditions  as  one,  and  has  confused  the  events  of  the  latter  with  those  of  the 
former. 

'Con  hasta  siete  hombres.'  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  263. 
*®  See  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  i. ,  this  series. 
Writing  on  this  matter  Cortes  says :  *  Supe  casi  por  milagro,  segund  la 
diligencia  que  Nuno  de  Guzman  puso  en  guardar  el  secreto,'  etc.  Escritos 
Sueltos,  263. 

^'^  The  reason  given  by  the  oidores  was  that  they  had  heard  that  Guzman 
had  already  despatched  an  expedition  to  the  discovered  land,  and  that  '  escan- 
dalos,  muertes  de  hombres  e  otros  incovenientes '  would  be  the  consequence 
if  the  two  should  meet.  The  order  sent  to  Guzman  is  dated  August  19th, 
that  to  Cortes  the  2d  of  September,  1534.  Real  Provision,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col, 
DoCf  iiv  31-40,  and  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.y  xii.  418-29. 


ON  THE  PENINSULA. 


423 


man  had  neither  sent  nor  could  send  an  expedition, 
since  he  had  no  vessel  of  his  own,  and  the  Concepcion 
was  stranded.  At  the  opening  of  his  protest  he  sig- 
nificantly calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  he  was  acting 
in  conformity  with  his  Majesty's  commands  and  with 
the  contract  which  he  held. 

The  action  taken  by  the  audiencia  after  this  pro- 
test was  no  more  favorable  to  the  efforts  of  the  mar- 
quis than  had  been  its  previous  course.  The  truth 
is  that  the  oidores  were  secretly  supported  by  the 
throne,  a  course  at  once  cowardly  and  base  on  the 
part  of  Charles,  who  through  very  shame  could  not 
cast  off  one  to  whom  he  owed  so  much,  and  yet  he 
feared  to  permit  him  to  prosper.  Gonzalo  Ruiz  was 
commissioned  on  the  2 2d  of  August  to  proceed  to 
Nueva  Galicia  and  investigate  the  matter;  but  noth- 
ing was  done  in  favor  of  Cortes,  whose  repeated 
appeals  to  the  audiencia  were  responded  to  with 
such  lukewarmness  that  he  rightly  concluded  that 
their  neglect  was  intentional.^^  He  therefore  deter- 
mined to  take  matters  into  his  own  hands,  despatch  a 
third  expedition,  and  command  it  in  person.  At  the 
same  time  he  would  call  to  account  his  adversary 
of  New  Galicia.  About  midwinter  1534-5  he  de- 
spatched from  Tehuantepec  for  Chiametla  three  ves- 
sels, the  San  LdzarOy  the  Santa  Agueda,  and  the  Santo 
Tomds,  thoroughly  equipped  and  well  supplied  with 
stores.  About  the  same  time  he  started  by  land  for 
Chiametla  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  force.**  But 
Guzman,  too  weak  to  contend  with  him,  avoided  hos- 
tilities, and,  during  the  time  Cortes  was  in  Jalisco, 
preferred  to  be  absent,  occupying  himself  with  the 
suppression  of  an  Indian  outbreak  in  the  valley  of 
Banderas.*^    The  land  and  sea  expeditions  were  thus 

Comision,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xii. ,  429-39. 
**  A  witness  in  a  subsequent  lawsuit  testified  that  there  were  400  Spaniards 
and  300  negroes.    Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  233-4,  says  the  expedition 
consisted  of  320  persons,  including  34  married  couples. 

Guzman,  writing  in  June  1535,  claims  that  the  bad  policy  of  Cortes 
while  passing  through  Jalisco  was  the  cause  of  these  Indian  troubles.  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas^  Col,  Doc,  xiii.  414-17. 


424  FUTILE  ATTEMPTS  TOWARD  DISCOVERY. 


reunited  at  Chiametla  without  molestation,  and  Cor- 
tes, after  inspecting  the  Concepcion  which  he  found  in 
an  unserviceable  condition,  proceeded  to  make  an 
attempt  to  found  a  colony  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the 
Californian  peninsula. 

The  failure  of  the  scheme,  unless  additional  vessels 
and  supplies  were  provided  for  the  colony,  soon  be- 
came apparent  to  Cortes,  and  he  returned  with  the 
Santa  Agueda  and  Santo  Tomds  to  Acapulco  with  the 
intention  of  fitting  out  a  new  fleet  for  that  purpose. 
Moreover  news  of  the  arrival  of  Mendoza  as  viceroy 
had  been  brought  to  him  by  a  vessel  under  the  com- 
mand of  Francisco  de  UUoa,  and  this,  together  with 
an  earnest  request  from  his  wife,  was  an  additional 
motive  for  his  return.*^  Though  little  is  known  of  his 
operations  during  the  following  two  or  three  years  he 
did  not  give  up  the  hope  of  attaining  some  brilliant 
success,  and  with  his  customary  activity  made  prepa- 
rations for  another  expedition.  In  September  1538 
he  informed  the  India  Council  that  he  had  nine  good 
ships  already  built,  but  not  yet  launched,  owing  to  the 
want  of  navigators,^^  and  in  1539  his  enthusiasm  was 
raised  by  the  marvellous  reports  brought  by  Marcos 
de  Niza  of  the  cities  of  Cibola. 

Whatever  had  been  the  captain -general's  hopes  of 
assistance  on  the  arrival  of  a  viceroy  in  New  Spain, 
the  change  in  the  form  of  government  only  brought 
into  the  field  a  new  and  powerful  competitor.  Men- 
doza himself  would  like  to  be  a  great  explorer,  and  in 
1537  he  asked  of  the  king  permission  to  participate 
in  enterprises  of  discovery.^^ 

Respecting  the  returning  fleet  and  all  other  particulars,  see  Hist.  IJorih 
Mex.  States,  vol.  L  this  series. 

He  had  sent  to  Panamd  and  Nicaragua  for  sailors,  but  without  success. 
He  therefore  despatched  at  this  time  Juan  Galvano  to  Spain  in  order  to 
procure  them.  Cortes,  Carta,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  iv.  193-4.  See  also  Pachtco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  iii.  535-43,  and  Escritos  Sueltos,  281.  Motolinia, 
Hist.  Ind.,  171,  followed  by  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  398,  makes  mention  of  an 
expedition  sent  out  by  Cortes  some  time  during  this  year,  and  accompanied 
by  three  Franciscan  friars;  but  I  do  not  find  the  assertion  of  these  authors 
supported  by  any  other  authority. 

And  for  the  same  favors  granted  to  others  in  like  cases.  Pacheco  and 
CdrdenaSj  Col.  i)oc.,  ii.  211. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  VICEROY. 


425 


At  first  the  relations  between  Mendoza  and  Cortes 
were  not  of  an  unfriendly  nature,  but  the  extreme 
punctiliousness  which  presently  arose  indicated  a 
growing  jealousy/^  and  the  regulations  defining  cer- 
tain formalities  which  for  the  sake  of  harmony  they 
agreed  to  observe,  were  ineffective  to  prevent  a  rupture ; 
and  now  when  men  became  wild  over  the  rich  realms 
to  be  found  in  the  north,  each  wished  the  other  in  the 
foul  pit.  Cortes,  determined  that  the  exclusive  right 
of  northern  exploration  to  which  he  laid  claim  should 
not  be  wrested  from  him,  hastened  his  preparations, 
and  in  spite  of  the  viceroy's  attempts  to  prevent  him, 
succeeded  in  despatching  a  portion  of  his  fleet  from 
Acapulco,  under  the  command  of  Francisco  de  Ulloa.^^ 
But  Mendoza  threw  every  possible  obstacle  in  the 
way,  seizing  upon  the  captain-general's  remaining 
vessels  at  Tehuantepec,  forbidding  any  one  to  leave 
New  Spain  without  his  permission,  and  sending  a 
strong  force  up  the  coast  to  prevent  the  entrance  of 
Ulloa's  ships  into  any  of  the  ports.  A  messenger 
despatched  to  Cortes  from  Santiago  in  Colima  was 
seized  and  tortured,  that  information  might  be  ob- 
tained from  him;  and  shortly  afterward,  one  of  the 
vessels  putting  into  Guatulco^^  under  stress  of  weather, 
the  pilot  and  sailors  were  made  prisoners. 

All  future  eflbrts  of  the  marquis  to  Drosecute  dis- 

^^They  agreed  to  address  each  other  by  the  title  of  *senorfa;'  that  the 
viceroy  when  entertained  at  the  house  of  the  marquis  should  take  the  head 
of  the  table,  'y  a  ambos  se  sirviese  con  salva  y  maestresalas, '  that  at  the 
viceroy's  table  no  chair  was  to  be  placed  at  the  head  when  Cortes  was  being 
entertained,  but  that  they  should  occupy  the  respective  sides,  the  viceroy 
being  seated  on  the  right.  When  together  the  viceroy  was  also  to  occupy  the 
right  position.  The  arrangement  of  their  seats  in  the  church  was,  moreover, 
decided  upon,  and  the  first  rupture  between  them  arose  from  an  attempt  of 
the  servant  of  Cortds  to  advance  his  master's  chair  to  the  line  of  the  viceroy's. 
Peralta,  Not  Hist.,  141-2. 

Mendoza,  however,  though  too  late  to  prevent  the  departure  of  Ulloa, 
detaiued  six  or  seven  vessels  of  the  marquis,  and  ordered  them  not  to  go  on 
the  expedition.  Cortes,  Descuh.,  in  Col.  Doc.  In6d.,  iv.  218. 

^^Guatulco,  a  port  on  the  western  shore  of  the  gulf  of  Tehuantepec. 
Ogilby,  1671,  writes  Aguatulco,  the  next  name  west  being  Marila,  Aguatulco 
Cajjalita;  Dampier,  1G99,  Port  Guatulco;  Laet,  1633,  Aguatulco;  West-Ind. 
Spieghel,  1624,  Guatulco;  Colom,  1663,  Aguatulco;  Jeflferys,  Guatulco;  Kiepert, 
Huatulco.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  ii.  348, 

^2  *  Y  se  perdid  el  navlo.'  Cortes,  Escritos  Suelfos,  303-4. 


426 


FUTILE  ATTEMPT  TOWARDS  DISCOVERY. 


coveries  or  obtain  redress  for  his  grievances  were 
futile.  His  prestige  was  lost,  his  power  in  the  coun- 
try gone,  and  his  petitions  to  the  king  unnoticed.^^ 
Thus  harassed  by  his  enemies  and  neglected  by  his 
sovereign,  the  great  conqueror  thought  once  more  to 
plead  his  cause  in  person  before  the  throne,  and  early 
in  1540  he  left  forever  the  shores  of  New  Spain,  which, 
after  having  been  the  scene  of  his  grand  achievements, 
had  now  become  the  witness  of  his  failures  and  deep 
humiliation.^* 

^^As  early  as  February  1535  he  complained  that  he  did  not  receive 
replies  to  letters  addressed  by  him  to  the  India  Council.  Escrilos  SueltoSy 
260-1. 

5*  The  exact  date  of  his  departure  to  Spain  is  not  known,  but  he  addressed 
a  letter  from  Habana  to  Oviedo,  dated  February  5,  1540.  Oviedo,  iv.  19. 

I  may  mention  as  additional  authorities  on  the  preceding  chapters  the  fol- 
lowing: Burffoa^  Geog.  Descrip.  Oajaca,  i.  5,  13-139;  ii.  199-361;  Calle,  Mem. 
y  Not.,  71-6;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex.,  105-583,  passim;  Ddvilay 
Continuacion,  MS.,  185-98,  284;  Diezmos  delndias,  iv.  1-3;  Fernandez,  Hist. 
Ecles.,  58-60;  Florencia,  Hist.  Comp.  deJesvs,  231-2;  Cortes,  Corresp. ,  SG6-72; 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  292;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles. y  i.  19-28,  107-13, 
222-3;  Grijalva,  Cron.  8.  August.,  34;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  222-736, 
passim;  Oviedo,  iii.  521,  544;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  10-11;  Puga,  Ccd- 
ulario,  21-118,  passim,  167;  Recop.  delnd.,  i.  543;  ii.  25;  Reales  Cedulas, 
MS.,  i.  105;  Torquemada,  i.  605-13;  iii.  35-9,  302-580,  passim;  Vetancvrt^ 
3fenolog.,  61-259,  passim,  425-35;  Id.,  Trat.  Mex.,  6-9,  17-18;  Id.,  Chron., 
127-8;  PacAeco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  179-362;  iii.  83-4;  xii.  133-562, 
passim;  xiii.  25-6,  213-50,  427-50;  xiv.  142-7,  329-47;  xxiii.  423-67;  xxix. 
326-577;  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  203,  261,  267-8,  270,  app.  i.  28;  ii.  33-6,  127-78, 
passim;  206-318,  passim;  iii.  94-100,  app.  9-11;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  ii. 
479-80;  iii.  138-553,  passim;  iv.  1-602,  passim;  v.  238-41;  Id.,  MS.,  122, 
925;  Alamayi,  in  Prescott's  Mex.,  i.  60;  Bercerra  Tanco,  Felic.  Mex.,  1-109; 
Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  213-335;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  71-151;  Cahrera, 
Escudo  de  Armas,  6-475,  passim;  Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  106-9,  112; 
Figueroa,  Becerro,  MS.,  35,  41;  Pap.  Francis.,  MS.,  i.  ser.  i.  No.  1;  Fh^nd. 
Prov.  Santiago,  MS.,  2-6:  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  147,  173-4;  ii.  41-61, 
190-7,  552;  3Ionumen.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  61,  69,  76-9,  No.  ii.  240-1;  No.  v. 
7-8;  No.  vi.  320-1,  352-4;  Moreno,  Fragment,  de  Quiroga,  1-202;  Medina, 
Chron.  S.  Diego  Mex.,  122-3,  236-46;  Pizarro,  Varones  Eustres,  120-1; 
Ramirez,  Doc,  MS.,  5-6,  216-63;  Romero,  Not.  Mich.,  9-25;  Remesal,  Hist. 
Chyapa,  56-8,  106-52,  458,  465,  525-38;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal,  i.  53-9;  Centra 
America,  Extractos  Sueltos,  MS.,  22;  Salazar,  Mex.  in  1554,  53-4,  164r-5; 
Sigiienza  y  Gdngora,  Anot.  Crit.,  MS.,  2-6,  28-35;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy., 
E6rie  i.  tom.  x.  287-8;  s^rie  ii.  tom.  v.  155-278,  passim;  Salazar,  Conq.  Mex., 
441-57;  Florida,  Col.  Doc,  119-39;  Veitia,  Linage,  MS.,  3-26;  Doc  Ecles. 
de  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  No.  v.;  Ardvalo,  Compend.,  98-100,  251;  Arroniz,  Hist,  y 
Cron.,  57-62;  Antinez,  Mem.  Hist.  132-4;  Bartolache,  Manif.  Guad.,  3-105, 
£.'-id  app.;  Bustamanfe,  Aparic.  Guad.,  5-75;  Id.,  Manifest.,  16,  22;  Id., 
Inform.,  1-26;  Guadalupe,  Col.  Ob.  y  Opusc^  1-815,  passim;  Heredia,  Serm. 
y  Desert.,  Guad.,  iii.  1-29;  iv.  1-55;  v.  1-201;  Hernandez,  Comp.  Geog. 
Mich.,  8;  Iglesias  y  Conventos,  230-3,  268-73;  Lorenzana,  Hist.  N.  Esj)., 
13-14,  35-6;  Lacunza,  Discurs.  Hist.,  458,  460-2;  Lebron,  Apolog.  Jurid., 
1-124;  Papeles  en  Derecho,  pt.  iv.;  Moniemayor,  Svmarios,  49,  150-2; 
Morclli,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  103-14;  Nouvelles  An.  des  Voy.,  xcix.  192;  cxxxi,. 


AUTHORITIES. 


427 


245;  Marcou,  Notes,  5;  Ifich.  Prov.  S.  Nic,  32-5,  101-2;  S.  Miguel,  Mex.y 

ii.  3-4,  13,  68-81;  Mex.  Not.  Ciud.  Ilex.,  400-5;  Peralta,  Not.  IJist.,  140-3, 
162-3,  279-80;  Conejares,  Maravil.  Aparic,  1-214;  Cuatro  Imageries,  Milag  , 
MS.,  1-43;  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  No.  v.;  Gonde  y  Oquendo,  Disert.  Ap. 
Guad.,  i.-ii. ;  Guridi,  Aparic,  Guad.,  1-210;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  8" 
169-75;  Beltrami,  Mex.,  ii.  219-29;  Crepo,  Mem.  Ajust.,  5-6;  Carriedo^ 
Estud.  Hist.,  i.  104-5,  112-13;  Episcopado  Mex. ,  7;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  20rvj 
Guadalupe,  Ivform.,  1-26;  MicMiacan,  Anal.  Estad.,  5;  N.  Esp.  Brev.  Res., 

i.  120-39;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  139-42;  Rihera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  i.  23,  57-60j 
Repertorio  Gen.,  35-7;  Id.,  Literat.,  i.  241-3;  Prov.  de  Santo  Evangelio,  Iv."), 

iii.  ;  Silicio,  Foment.  Col.  Ind.,  ix.  32-47;  Sardo,  Relac.  de  Chalma,  1-142; 
Parras,  Conq.Jal,  MS.,  84-5,  222-65;  Jalisco,  Mem.  Hist.,  175-6;  Viagtro, 
Univ.,  xxvii.  87;  Touron,  Hist.  Gen.  Am.,  vi.  34-6;  Zamacois,  Hist.  M^j.y 

iv.  470-715;  v.  19-20,  105-26;  Rihadeneyra,  Man.  Patronato,  400-8;  Friciu3, 
Indianischer  Relig.,  22-44;  Corral,  Serm.  Hist,  pp.  vii.  24;  Cartas  ^,e  Indian, 
56-61,  684^870,  passim;  Aim.  Calend.,  1856,  No.  vi.  56;  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  732-3,  762-87;  Bussiere,  U Empire  Mex.,  355-86; 
Barros,  Serm,,  14-19;  Cortes,  Diario,  1820,  iii.  155;  Die.  Univ.-  passim; 
El  Liceo  Ilex.,  i.  163-73;  Granados,  Tardes  Am.,  332-9;  Gordon's  Hist.  Geog, 
Mem.,  29;  La  Cruz,  i.  201-8;  La  Estrella  de  el  Norte,  3-29;  Museo  Mex.^  !. 
165-197,  passim,  447-51;  Mosaico  Mex.,  ii.  342,  461;  Robertson's  Hist..  Am.., 

ii.  141-5;  Villa  Sefior,  Teatro  Am.,  i.  14-16,  28;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bnl-zin,  i. 
153-230;  vii.  162-237;  viii.  167-610;  ix.  1-82,  2a  ^p.  iv.  639-42;  Pap.  Far-, 
V.  No.  ii.  58-6;  cxliii.  No.  xi. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 
1527-1549. 

Abobioinal  Yucatan — Francisco  de  Montejo  Appointed  Governor — 
Battle  of  Ake— The  Spaniards  March  on  Chichen  Itza — Alonso  db 
AviLA  and  his  Band  in  Quest  of  Gold — His  Message  to  the  Lord  op 
Chetumal — The  Chieftain's  Reply — Avila's  Command  Besieged — 
Their  Escape  and  Departure  for  Honduras — Montejo  Defeated — 
The  Canine  Bell-ringer — Flight  of  the  Spaniards — The  Adelan- 
tado's  Narrow  Escape — Gallantry  of  Blas  Gonzalez — The  Governor 
Departs  for  Tabasco — The  Spaniards  Driven  into  the  Sea — Montejo 
Transfers  his  Rights  to  his  Son — The  Spaniards  Again  Besieged — 
Torture  of  Diego  and  Juan  Cansino — Santillan  Takes  Montejo's 
Residencia — Missionary  Labors. 

Nowhere  on  the  continent  of  North  America  are 
the  traces  of  a  by-gone  civihzation  more  distinctly 
marked  than  in  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan.  Here  are 
found  pyramids  resembhng  in  mathematical  outline  the 
vast  structures  in  which  the  Pharaohs  lie  entombed. 
Here  also  the  traditions  of  the  early  inhabitants  carry 
the  mind  back  to  the  days  when  the  Israelites  fled 
from  their  pursuers  through  the  sundered  waters  of 
the  Red  Sea/  and  when  the  great  law-giver  lifted  up 
the  brazen  serpent  in  the  wilderness.^ 

Into  the  Antillean  sea  the  peninsula  juts  out  a  vast 
and  arid  promontory,  risen  from  the  ocean  perhaps 
when  Atlantis  sank.  Broken  by  undulating  hills  and 
low  ranges,  it  extends  in  a  series  of  irregular  plains, 

^  As  related  in  their  traditions,  a  path  through  the  sea  was  opened  for  the 
first  inhabitants  of  Yucatan,  as  they  fled  from  their  enemies,  i/errem,  dec. 
iv.  lib.  X.  cap.  ii.;  Landa,  RelacioUy  28. 

'  The  worship  of  the  god  Cukulcan,  seemingly  identical  with  Quetzalcoatl, 
a  name  signifying  feathered  serpent,  was  common  among  the  Itzas  Cocomes. 


ABORIGINAL  HISTORY. 


429 


from  which  comes  a  heated,  perfumed  air,  springing 
from  the  borders  of  rivers  which  Hghtly  water  a  nar- 
row fringe  of  coast,  now  of  treeless  lands  and  languid 
vegetation  clustering  in  oases  round  the  senote  reser- 
voirs formed  at  intervals  by  commiserating  nature. 

Clinging  to  half-forgotten  names  that  were  once 
applied  to  the  peninsula,^  tradition  itself  seems  to 
stamp  it  as  risen  from  the  sea,  with  an  influx  of  set- 
tlers from  the  orient,  and  a  reflux  from  the  Occident, 
consequent  upon  the  overthrow  of  some  pre-Toltec 
invasion.    With  the  first  inwanderers  is  associated 
Zamnd,,  the  culture-hero  and  earliest  ruler  of  the 
country,  the  founder  of  its  provinces,  its  institutions, 
its  hieroglyphics,  and  the  builder  of  Mayapan.  After 
his  time  Chichen  Itza  rises  into  notice,  as  the  seat  of 
a  triumvirate,  wjth  which  is  connected  Cukulcan,  who 
is  identified  with  the  mysterious  Quetzalcoatl,  and 
who  leads  the  western  immigration  of  dispersing 
Nahuas.    His  followers,  the  Cocomes,  rule  supreme 
at  Mayapan,  and  under  their  wing  the  Tutul  Xius 
enter  from  the  south  to  found  a  third  state,  with  capi- 
tal at  Uxmal.    During  the  civil  wars  which  ensue, 
the  latter  rise  to  the  first  rank,  and  inaugurate  the 
most  glorious  period  of  Maya  history.    The  last 
century  of  aboriginal  rule  presents  a  confused  record 
of  strife,  pestilence,  and  disasters,  which  leave  the 
country  at  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  divided  into 
enfeebled  and  hostile  factions,  to  offer  an  easier  prey 
to  invaders.     Yet  they  are  still  strong  enough  in 
number  and  spirit  to  repel  both  C6rdoba  and  Grijalva^ 
while  reports  of  their  meagre  possessions  serve  to 
speed  Cortes  onward  to  the  richer  Tenochtitlan.  And 
so  Yucatan  lies  neglected,  while  the  ocean  paths  on 
either  side  teem  with  eager  fortune-seekers.* 

The  remnant  of  a  shipwrecked  crew  are  the  pio- 
neers of  Yucatan.    It  has  already  been  related  that 

'  For  which  see  Native  Races,  v.  614-15,  this  series. 
*  For  a  full  account  of  their  history  and  institutions  sea  Id,,  ii.  iii.  v, 
passim. 


430 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


in  1512  Valdivia  and  twenty  of  his  men  were  thrown 
upon  the  Maya  shore,  where,  being  seized  by  the 
natives,  several  of  them  were  offered  in  sacrifice,  and 
their  roasted  limbs  devoured  by  the  natives.^  Men- 
tion has  also  been  made  of  Cordoba's  disastrous  ex- 
pedition in  1517,  when,  landing  at  Catoche,  and  after- 
ward near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Champoton,  he  was 
defeated  with  heavy  loss  and  glad  to  escape  to  Cuba, 
v/here  a  few  days  after  his  arrival  he  died  of  his 
wounds.^  More  fortunate  was  Grijalva,  who,  disem- 
barking in  the  following  year  on  the  island  of  Cozu- 
mel,  was  astonished  to  find  there  a  town  with  paved 
streets  and  structures  of  stone,  but  passing  thence  to 
the  mainland,  failed  to  establish  any  permanent  set- 
tlement. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  on  his  way  to  Mexico 
Cortes  also  touched  at  Cozumel,  and  skirting  the  coast 
of  the  peninsula,  landed  at  the  Rio  de  Tabasco,  where 
he  gave  battle  to  the  assembled  warriors.^ 

Among  those  who  accompanied  the  expeditions  of 
Grijalva  and  Cortes  was  Francisco  de  Montejo  whom 
Bernal  Diaz  describes*  as  of  medium  stature  and 
pleasing  aspect,  lavish  of  expense,  fond  of  pleasure, 
and  fitted  rather  for  a  business  life  than  for  that  of  a 
soldier.  Soon  after  the  conquest  Montejo  set  out  for 
Spain  as  the  envoy  of  Cortes,  and  under  a  capitula- 
cion  with  the  emperor,  dated  November  17,  1526,  was 
appointed  governor  and  captain-general  of  Yucatan 
and  Cozumel,  with  a  salary  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  maravedis  a  year. 

By  the  terms  of  this  agreement  he  was  required  to 

^  Hist.  Cent.  Am.^  i.  350,  this  series. 

^  Hist.  Mex.y  i.  8-11,  this  series.  For  the  origin  of  the  name  Yucatan 
see  Id. 

Id.,  i.  78  et  seq.  During  his  expedition  to  Honduras  in  1525,  Cortds, 
while  at  Trujillo,  despatched  a  vessel  to  Mexico,  with  instructions  to  call  at 
Cozumel  and  take  on  board  a  party  of  Spaniards  left  there  by  Valenzuela. 
Hifit.  Cent.  Am.,  i,  571-2,  this  series.  It  was  the  intention  of  the  Spaniards 
to  establish  at  this  island  a  calling-place  for  vessels  en  route  between  Mexico 
and  Honduras. 

^Hist.  Verdai.,  245. 


FRANCISCO  DE  MONTEJO. 


431 


build  two  forts  at  his  own  expense,  wherever  in  the 
territory  he  might  deem  best.  He  was  allowed  to 
select  as  his  own  property  ten  square  leagues  of  land. 
He  was  to  be  entitled  to  four  per  cent  of  any  royal 
income  that  mio;ht  be  derived  from  his  discoveries 
and  conquests,  the  amount  to  be  payable  to  himself 
and  heirs  after  deducting  the  expenses  of  administra- 
tion. Lands  allotted  to  settlers  were  to  be  deeded  to 
them  after  they  had  been  occupied  and  improved  for 
four  ^'"ears.  One  half  of  the  royal  fines  was  to  be 
devoted,  during  the  first  five  years,  to  public  works 
and  to  the  building  of  hospitals.  The  enslavement  of 
Indian  rebels  and  their  purchase  and  sale  were  to  be 
permitted  only  where  peaceful  measures  had  proved 
ineffectual.  Montejo  was  specially  enjoined  to  prohibit 
the  excesses  which  had  attended  previous  discoveries 
and  conquests,  and  especially  to  forbid  cruelty  toward 
the  natives,  all  cases  regarding  their  treatment  to  be 
referred  to  the  ecclesiastics,  a  number  of  whom  were 
to  accompany  the  expedition;  but  this  latter  clause  of 
his  contract  the  adelantado  failed  to  observe.^ 

A  sufficient  force  was  levied,  and  early  in  1527 
Montejo's  armament  left  the  shores  of  Spain,  the 
contador  Alonso  de  Avila  beinsf  second  in  command. 
Touching  at  Espanola  for  supplies,  the  expedition  was 
reenforced  by  many  recruits,  and  a  number  of  horses 
were  taken  on  board  the  vessels.  On  reaching  Cozu- 
mel,  the  Spaniards  whose  forces  mustered  about  four 
hundred,  apart  from  the  sailors,  who  manned  their 
flotilla  of  four  ships, were  received  with  all  outward 
show  of  friendship.    Arriving  at  the  mainland  they 

^The  full  text  of  Montejo's  capitulacion  with  the  crown  is  given  in  Co- 
gollvdo,  Hist.  Yucatlian,  62-73,  and  includes  a  cedula,  dated  November  17, 
1526,  bearing  upon  the  general  organization  of  expeditions  of  discovery  and 
and  conquest. 

Cof/ollvdo,  Hist.  Yucatlian,  74.  This  author  states  that  only  the  sailors 
received  pay.  Notwithstanding  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  no  friars  ac- 
companied the  expedition,  nor  could  C'ogoUudo  discover  the  name  of  any 
ecclesiastic  connected  with  it,  except  that  of  Francisco  Hernandez.  Herrera 
asserts  that  Montejo  equipped  three  vessels  in  which  over  500  men  emliarked, 
dec.  iv.  lib.  ii.  cap.  iii.  In  Cartas  de  Indias,  806,  the  same  statement  is 
made.    Oviedo,  iii.  225,  affirms  that  he  had  two  large  vessels  and  380  men. 


Yucatan. 


INVASION  OF  THE  PENINSULA. 


433 


were  allowed  to  disembark  without  opposition,  and 
unfurling  the  royal  banner  of  Spain,  cried  Espanal 
Espana!  Viva  Espana!  while  the  natives  looked  on 
with  seeming  indifference,  but  indifference  feigned  for 
the  purpose  of  luring  them  inland,  where  they  might 
be  cut  off  from  all  hope  of  retreat  to  their  ships. 

The  country  seemed  thickly  peopled  as  the  Span- 
iards passed  from  village  to  village,  and  everywhere 
quiet  prevailed. Before  they  had  penetrated  far  an 
incident  occurred  which  betrayed  the  real  temper  of 
the  inhabitants.  Thrown  off  their  guard  by  the  ap- 
parent friendliness  of  the  people,  the  invaders  held 
free  intercourse  with  them,  and  this  heedlessness  well- 
nigh  cost  their  commander  his  life.  Snatching  a 
hanger  from  an  attendant  slave,  one  of  the  natives 
aimed  at  him  a  sudden  blow,  which,  but  for  a  deft 
motion  on  the  part  of  the  adelantado,  had  been  fatal. 
As  it  was,  the  savage  paid  for  his  temerity  with  his 
Hfe. 

Continuing  their  march  across  the  peninsula,  Mon- 
tejo  and  his  command  encountered  many  hardships. 
The  country  was  rugged,  difficult,  and  all  but  unknown 
to  the  Spaniards;  water  was  scarce;  of  rivers  there 
were  none ;  and  provisions  began  to  fall  short.  On 
reaching  the  village  of  Choaco,  where  it  was  expected 
supplies  would  be  obtained,  the  place  was  found  to  be 
deserted,  and  no  morsel  of  food  had  been  left  behind. 
Here  the  men  rested  for  a  time,  and  then  worn  and 
spiritless  resumed  their  journey,  now  advancing  with- 
out fear  of  opposition  on  the  town  of  Ake  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  peninsula. 

Oviedo's  account,  iii.  225  et  seq.,  differs  materially  from,  that  of  Cogo- 
Uudo  and  other  authorities.  He  states  that  Montejo,  after  remaining  three 
days  at  Cozumel,  crossed  to  Yucatan,  where  he  landed  half  a  league  from  the 
village  of  Xala,  and  there  encamping,  built  a  town  which  he  named  Sala- 
manca. Want  of  jjrovisions,  says  the  chronicler,  bad  water,  and  an  unwhole- 
some climate  rapidly  thinned  the  ranks,  and  caused  desertion;  to  prevent 
which  he  stranded  his  vessels  and  landed  the  cargoes.  The  discrepancies 
between  Oviedo's  version  and  that  of  other  historians  are  elsewhere  so  essen- 
tial that  he  appears  to  be  describing  entirely  different  expeditions.  Several 
native  villages  which,  according  to  the  former,  the  adelantado  visited,  are 
not  even  mentioned  in  Cogolludo. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  28 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


But  as  yet  they  knew  little  of  the  character  of  their 
foe.  There  were  among  Montejo's  command  veterans 
who  had  borne  the  brunt  of  the  fight  during  the 
darkest  hours  of  the  Noche  Triste,  but  even  they 
had  not  seen  a  more  appalling  sight  than  that  which 
greeted  them,  when,  on  the  early  dawn  of  a  winter 
day,  toward  the  close  of  1527,^^  they  approached  this 
town.  "Hordes  of  Indians,  hideous  in  their  war- 
ppjnt,  came  forth,"  says  Oviedo,  *'like  fiercest  devils 
from  their  lurking  place;"  and  so  vast  was  their  num- 
ber that  it  seemed  as  if  all  the  rulers  of  Yucatan  had 
massed  their  forces  for  the  coming  struggle.  Nor 
could  they  have  selected  a  spot  more  favorable  for  a 
battle-field.  The  ground  was  narrow,  unfavorable  for 
the  action  of  cavalry,  and  such  that  the  Spaniards 
being  unable  to  deplore  their  ranks  could  make  but 
little  use  of  their  fire-arms,  and  were  in  danger  of  being 
crushed  by  the  mere  weight  of  the  enemy's  columns. 

While  Montejo  was  speaking  words  of  cheer  to  his 
men  and  bidding  them  stand  firm  before  the  shock, 
his  voice  was  drowned  by  the  uproar  of  the  oncom- 
ing masses,  as  they  mingled  with  their  war-cries  the 
shrill  blasts  of  their  conch-shell  trumpets.  Flights  of 
arrows  were  aimed  at  the  Spaniards  at  short  range,  and 
the  next  moment  their  lances  pointed  with  sharpened 
flint,  and  wielding  double-handed  swords  of  hardest 
wood,  the  Indians  grappled  with  their  foe.  Never- 
theless the  adelantado  held  his  ground,  and  beating 
back  the  assailants  a  short  distance  let  loose  at  them 
his  cavalry  and  blood-hounds.  The  horsemen  were 
in  turn  pushed  back  by  sheer  weight  of  numbers,  and 
again  the  natives  advanced  to  the  attack. 

Thus  till  dark  the  combat  lasted,  neither  side  gain- 
ing decisive  advantage.  The  night  was  spent  by  the 
Spaniards  in  dressing  their  wounds  and  obtaining  what 
little  rest  they  could,  the  natives  meanwhile  bringing 
up  fresh  reenforcements.    With  the  morning  the 


^2  The  exact  date  of  this  battle  cannot  be  ascertained,  but  it  was  certainly- 
near  the  close  of  this  year.  Cojollvdo,  Hist.  Yticathany  77-8. 


SEVERE  FIGHTING. 


435 


conflict  was  renewed,  and  until  mid-day  the  scale  of 
victory  liung  in  the  balance,  when  the  natives  falling 
back  in  some  disorder,  Montejo  ordered  a  final  charge 
on  their  wavering  ranks.  This  put  them  to  flight, 
and  the  Spaniards,  too  exhausted  for  pursuit,  flung 
themselves  on  the  ground  amid  the  corpses  of  twelve 
hundred  of  the  foe,  having  lost  one  third  of  their  own 
number  during  the  battle. 

No  further  resistance  was  made,  and  the  adelantado 
taking  possession  of  the  town  of  Ake  remained  there 
during  the  winter.  Breaking  camp  early  in  1528,  he 
put  his  troops  in  motion  toward  Chichen  Itza.^^  Here 
he  impressed  into  his  service  a  number  of  natives, 
and  erecting  a  fort  and  dwellings  of  timber  gave  to 
the  settlement  the  name  of  Salamanca.  No  outward 
signs  of  dissatisfaction  were  shown,  and  after  this 
battle  the  inhabitants  submitted  patiently  to  the  yoke, 
which  for  the  time  they  felt  themselves  unable  to 
shake  off.  Montejo  then  distributed  the  surrounding 
territory  and  its  inhabitants  among  his  followers,  the 
natives  apparently  accepting  their  lot  without  a  mur- 
mur. 

Had  this  expedition  been  in  charge  of  an  able 
leader  it  would  probably  have  been  successful;  but 
Montejo  was  unfitted  for  command.  Already  he  had 
allowed  himself  to  be  surprised,  and  now,  surrounded 
as  he  was  by  bands  of  Indians  whom  he  imagined  to 
be  subdued,  he  committed  the  fatal  blunder  of  dividino- 
his  forces.  A  rumor  was  current  throughout  his 
camp — one  raised  doubtless  by  the  natives  for  the 
purpose  of  hastening  the  overthrow  of  the  invaders — 
that  in  the  district  of  Bacalar^*  rich  gold  mines  were 
to  be  found.  Yielding  to  the  clamor  of  his  men,  he 
despatched  in  that  direction  Alonso  de  Avila  with  a 

An  Indian  phrase  meaning  mouths  of  the  wells  (bocas  de  pozos),  the 
words  referring  to  two  large  water-tanks  built  there.  Castillo,  Die.  Hist.  Yuc. , 
i.  247. 

^'  Called  Bakhahal  by  some  old  chroniclers.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Bacalar 
Kiver.  On  the  east  coast  is  a  town  called  by  Jefferys,  1776,  and  Kiepert, 
1858,  Bacalar.  Ogilby,  1671,  Dampier,  1679,  Laet,  1633,  Salamanca.  Cartog. 
Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  i.  332. 


436 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


band  of  fifty  foot  and  seventeen  horse,  the  choicest 
troops  of  his  command.  Arriving  at  the  town  of 
Chable,  a  place  distant  more  than  forty  leagues  from 
Montejo's  headquarters,  and  one  where  gold  was  sup- 
posed to  exist,  the  Spaniards  commenced  their  search, 
but  found  no  trace  of  the  precious  metal.  Meeting 
here  with  an  outward  show  of  friendship  and  even 
with  friendly  services,  the  contador  sent  to  the  lord 
of  Chetumal,^^  a  neighboring  region  and  one  also  sup- 
posed to  be  auriferous,  asking  for  information  as  to  the 
mines  and  for  a  supply  of  provisions.  The  reply  was 
stern  and  severely  laconic.  ''Of  gold,"  said  he  of 
Chetumal,  ''I  scorn  to  speak;  of  fowls  you  shall  have 
all  that  you  can  take  from  the  points  of  our  lances,  and 
we  will  send  you  maize  in  the  shape  of  flights  of  arrows." 

A.vila  was  an  officer  whose  courage  none  disputed, 
but  one  sorely  lacking  in  the  quality  which  is  deemed 
valor's  counterpart.  Although  under  strict  injunc- 
tions from  Montejo  to  use  only  peaceful  measures,  he 
set  forth  at  once  with  half  his  force  to  punish  the  in- 
solence of  this  Indian  noble,  taking  with  him  some  of 
the  friendly  caciques  to  assist  in  the  discovery  of 
the  mines.  But  again  the  Spaniards  were  disap- 
pointed, and  after  a  long  and  useless  search  they 
marched  against  the  proud  chieftain  of  Chetumal,^^ 
who  dared  thus  to  hurl  scorn  on  Christian  soldiers. 
Approaching  his  town^^  they  found  their  path  stopped 
by  far-spreading  swamps  and  lagoons,  across  which, 
with  much  difficulty,  they  made  their  way  in  canoes. 
Soon  they  came  in  sight  of  ripening  fields  of  maize 
and  fruit  and  cacao, and  halting  here  for  a  brief 

Situated  a  little  to  the  east  of  Amatique  Bay,  on  a  large  river  which 
rises  in  a  lake  in  Guatemala,  or  perhaps  in  Lake  Nicaragua,  and  flows  into 
the  Golfo  Dulce.  Mercator,  1569,  CJietemal;  West-Ind.  Spiefjhel,  1624,  Chete- 
mal.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  i.  266. 

Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  80. 

Among  others  the  chiefs  of  the  province  of  Guamil.  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  100. 

Their  line  of  march  is  described  in  Ovkdo,  iii.  245,  but  as  already  stated, 
Oviedo  dififers  from  other  chroniclers  in  his  narrative  of  the  conquest  of  Yu- 
catan. 

Here  was  also  abundance  of  honey  as  good  as  any  found  in  Spain;  but 
the  wax  was  as  black  as  jet.  Oviedo,  iii.  245-6, 


TACTICS  OF  CHETUMAL. 


437 


space  to  refresh  themselves,  advanced  to  give  battle. 
But  in  their  revenge,  as  in  their  lust  for  gold,  the 
Spaniards  were  doomed  once  more  to  disappointment. 
Chetumal  had  fled."^ 

Avila  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  chieftain's  town. 
^'A  place  then  containing  two  thousand  houses,"  says 
Oviedo,  '^and  distant  but  two  leagues  from  the  sea." 
Sending  to  Chable  for  the  remainder  of  his  force  he 
determined  to  establish  here  a  Spanish  settlement,  and 
give  to  it  the  name  of  Yilla  Real.^^  What  fairer  or 
safer  spot  could  be  found  for  the  site  of  a  new  colony  ? 
The  lord  of  Chetumal  had  every  chance  of  making 
good  his  boast,  when  the  Spaniards,  crossing  the 
lagoons  in  their  frail  canoes,  could  make  little  use  of 
their  weapons,  and  up  to  this  time  he  had  been  skulk- 
ing a  fugitive  from  his  capital  without  striking  a  blow 
for  its  defence. 

But  the  contador  was  now  to  learn  that  Chetumal 
was  no  mere  braggart.  From  certain  natives  cap- 
tured during  a  scouting  expedition,  he  ascertained 
that  the  chieftain  occupied  an  intrenched  camp  a  few 
leag^ues  from  the  town,  and  was  about  to  ioin  his  men 
with,  those  of  the  neighboring  caciques.  Avila  at  once 
marched  against  him,  and  taking  him  by  surprise  de- 
feated his  forces.  Nevertheless  he  felt  somewhat  ill  at 
ease,  and  resolving  to  open  communications  with  the 
adelantado,  despatched  six  messengers  to  his  camp, 
telling  them  that  their  return  would  be  expected  within 
sixty  days.  Meanwhile  Chetumal  was  not  idle.  Ally- 
ing himself  with  the  caciques  of  the  surrounding  dis- 
trict, he  assembled  his  forces  for  a  purpose  which  the 
Spaniards  could  not  fathom,  for  he  ventured  on  no 
attack. 

Many  months  elapsed,  weary  months  of  waiting, 

20  Gold  -was  secured  to  the  value  of  600  pesos,  according  to  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  101-2;  1,000,  according  to  Oviedo. 

2^  The  place  was  40  leagues  distant  from  Salamanca.  Cerezeda,  Carta,  in 
Squiers  3ISS.,  xx.  50,  and  was  named  after  Avila's  birthplace.  Oviedo,  iii. 
244-6.  From  Chable  to  Chetumal  was  a  journey  of  seven  leagues.  Ddvila, 
Ikl,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  103. 


438 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


and  the  contador  began  to  realize  that  the  answer  ot 
the  lord  of  Chetumal  was  not  an  idle  boast.  His  little 
band  was  surrounded  by  countless  hordes,  who  began 
to  harass  him  in  ceaseless  petty  encounter;  but  yet 
for  many  weeks  Avila  remained  in  Villa  Real,^^  daily 
looking  for  aid  from  the  adelantado.  None  came; 
nor  any  tidings  from  Chichen  Itza.  Ammunition 
was  nearly  exhausted,  and  the  beleaguered  Spaniards 
began  to  look  upon  themselves  as  doomed,  for  the  foe 
attacked  them  almost  daily,  showing  no  sign  of  fear. 
Their  only  hope  was  to  cut  their  way  out  of  the  place 
without  further  delay. 

In  sorry  plight  Avila's  band  set  forth  to  traverse 
the  sixty  leagues  that  separated  them  from  their  com- 
rades. All  along  their  route  were  evidences  of  a 
wide-spread  plan  to  exterminate  them.  Some  towns 
were  abandoned ;  others  were  secretly  fortified  to  serve 
as  man-traps;  no  provisions  could  be  found;  and  as 
they  advanced  hostilities  became  more  active,  until 
at  length,  being  driven  back  on  one  of  the  deserted 
towns  and  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  they  sat  down  in 
despair.  An  Indian  whose  life  the  contador  had  saved 
attempted  to  lead  them,  in  the  silence  of  the  night, 
by  an  unfrequented  path  through  the  woods.  Still 
they  were  pursued  and  their  progress  disputed  at 
every  step.  All  hope  of  escape  by  land  being  aban- 
doned, they  fought  their  way  to  the  coast,  all  that 
.were  left  of  them,  where  finding  some  canoes  they 
proceeded  along  the  shore,  living  on  berries  and 
shell-fish,  until  they  came  to  Trujillo,  in  Hon- 
duras.^* 

22  Oviedo  says  that  he  occupied  the  place  for  more  than  a  year.  iii.  246. 

2^CogollucIo  says  the  messengers  were  killed  13  leagues  from  Villa  Real. 
Hist.  Yucathan,  81.  Oviedo  affirms  that  they  were  massacred  while  at  sup- 
per in  fancied  security,  iii.  246. 

2^  According  to  a  statement  made  by  Avila  and  his  officers  to  Cerezeda,  then 
governor  of  Honduras,  and  narrated  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv. 
98-113,  the  survivors  were  in  Trujillo  on  the  18th  of  March,  1533.  In  Oviedo, 
iii.  254,  it  is  stated  that  the  journey  from  Villa  Real  to  Trujillo  occupied 
seven  months,  and  in  Herrera,  that  they  saved  their  horses  by  rafting 
together  their  canoes.  As  the  coast  was  low,  and  in  parts  overflowed,  they 
could  not  find  a  suitable  spot  for  landing,  dec.  v.  lib.  i.  cap.  ix. 


CRITICAL  SITUATION. 


439 


Meanwhile  nothing  was  known  by  Montejo  of  the 
fate  of  Avila's  command.  Surrounded  by  hostile 
hordes  he  was  cut  off  from  his  base  of  supplies.  His 
foraging  parties  were  captured  or  driven  back,  and  the 
natives  became  so  fearless  that  his  men  were  seldom 
allowed  to  devour  their  meal  of  roots  and  horse-flesh 
without  having  to  exchange  shots  with  the  enemy. 
No  sleep  could  be  had  unless  strong  picket-guards 
were  posted.  In  this  intermittent  warfare  occurred 
many  single  acts  of  bravery  and  skill  on  both  sides. 
"One  of  the  Spanish  archers,"  says  Cogolludo,  ''in- 
flicted great  injuries  upon  the  natives,  skilfully  direct- 
ing his  aim  at  the  leaders.  An  Indian  equally  dexterous 
in  the  use  of  the  bow  resolved  on  his  death.  The 
Indian  simulated  carelessness,  and  the  archer  shot  a 
dart  from  his  cross-bow  which  apparently  took  effect; 
but  as  the  Indian  was  prepared,  the  Spaniard  received 
almost  simultaneously  an  arrow  in  the  arm.  The 
Indian  being  indeed  severely  wounded  in  the  breast, 
rather  than  it  should  be  said  he  had  died  at  the  hands 
of  the  Spaniard,  withdrew  and  hanged  himself"  Such 
was  the  quality  of  their  patriotism ;  and  yet  Cogolludo 
is  at  a  loss  to  understand  why  the  natives  were  so 
relentless  in  their  war  upon  the  Spaniards ! 

At  length  a  desperate  battle  was  fought,  one  of  the 
severest  known  in  the  annals  of  Indian  warfare.  The 
Spaniards  had  no  alternative  but  to  meet  the  foe  on 
the  open  plain,  for  an  immense  multitude  had  assembled 
to  crush  them.  The  battle  was  indecisive;  but  when 
the  Spaniards  returned  to  camp  one  hundred  and  fifty 
of  their  number  lay  dead  upon  the  field,  and  few  of 
the  survivors  escaped  unwounded. 

After  this  engagement  Montejo's  only  thought  was 
to  save  himself  and  the  remnant  of  his  force ;  but  how, 
when  so  beset,  were  his  wounded  men  to  escape  across 
the  many  leagues  of  rugged  country  that  separated 
them  from  their  ships?  Indeed,  they  had  well-nigh 
given  themselves  up  for  lost  when  a  ruse  was  hit  upon 
which  is  commonly  attributed  to  the  adelantado,  but 


440 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


was  probably  the  invention  of  some  more  ingenious 
brain.  Tying  a  hungry  dog  to  the  tongue  of  a  large 
bell  suspended  from  the  limb  of  a  tree,  they  placed 
food  above  the  animal,  but  out  of  reach.  Then  they 
made  a  sally,  which  was  but  a  feint,  in  order  to 
reconnoitre  the  enemy's  camp,  and  draw  them  ofl'  from 
their  pathway  of  escape.  AH  being  ready  they  crept 
stealthily  forth  under  cover  of  the  night,  leaving  the 
dog  to  ring  deception  regarding  their  watchful  pres- 
ence. Thus  some  hours  were  gained,  and  when  the 
enemy  discovered  the  trick  and  a  number  pursued, 
they  dared  not  openly  attack. 

Reaching  the  town  of  Silan,^^  in  the  territory  of 
the  Cheles,  a  friendly  people,  they  remained  in  that 
neighborhood  for  several  months,  and  thence  made 
their  way  to  Salamanca, where  they  arrived  some 
time  in  1532,  and  were  soon  afterward  rejoined  by 
Avila  and  all  that  was  left  of  his  command. 

Once  more  Montejo  displays  his  unfitness  for  com- 

2^  A  harbor  and  town  on  the  nortn  coast,  some  21  leagues  east  by  north 
from  Merida.  In  Ogilby,  1671,  is  given  Morras  de  Silaa;  Dampier,  1699, 
Selam;  KLiepert,  Vijia  de  Silan.  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  i.  374. 

2^  In  Herrera's  narrative  are  many  perplexities  and  contradictions  as  to 
Montejo's  expedition.  In  dec.  iv.  lib.  x.  cap.  i.,  he  says:  *  The  adelantado 
abandoned  Chichen  Itza  in  1531,  went  to  Campeche  for  a  few  months,  and 
then  proceeded  with  his  men  to  New  Spain,  where  he  lived  some  years  im- 
portuning assistance  to  renew  his  attempt.'  In  dec.  v.  lib.  i.  cap.  ix.,  he 
affirms  '  that  in  1532  Montejo  was  settled  in  Salamanca,  where  j^vila  on  his 
return  from  Villa  Real  and  Trujillo  found  him.'  Again,  in  dec.  v.  lib.  ix. 
cap.  viii.,  he  states  *that  in  1535  the  adelantado,  the  contador,  and  their 
men  were  at  Salamanca,  and  that  at  this  time  Montejo  left  Yucatan  and  went 
to  Mexico  to  ask  aid  from  the  newly  arrived  viceroy.'  Speaking  of  the 
natives,  he  stigmatizes  them  as  'mendacious  and  perfidious  creatures,  who 
never  killed  a  Spaniard  except  by  treachery; '  utterly  oblivious  of  the  numer- 
ous encounters  in  which,  by  reason  of  native  courage  and  endurance,  it  often 
went  hard  with  their  hated  destroyers.  Herrera  may  be  used,  but  cannot  be 
wholly  trusted  when  writing  on  Yucatan. 

2^  When  Avila  and  his  men  arrived  at  Trujillo,  he  was  supplied  with  arms 
and  horses  by  the  colonists,  and  with  such  articles  of  clothing  as  they  could 
spare,  although,  no  vessel  from  Spain  having  reached  there  for  three  years, 
they  were  themselves  in  need  of  raiment.  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.,  this  series. 
Soon  afterward  two  ships  arriving  from  Cuba,  the  contador  put  his  men  on 
board,  and  thus  rejoined  Montejo.  From  Avila's  own  narrative  to  the 
king,  dated  from  Salamanca,  June  23,  1533,  we  learn  that  he  had  been  25 
days  at  Trujillo,  and  was  forced  to  leave  16  of  his  men  behind.  He  refers  to 
another  report  by  Valencia,  an  officer  of  Montejo,  also  addressed  to  the  king. 
JJdvila,  Relacion,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  97-128.  'Avila, 
after  two  years'  absence,  returned  to  Montejo's  camp,  by  way  of  Trujillo.* 
Montejo,  Carta,  in  Squier's  MSS.,  xxii.  129. 


MONTEJO'S  INCOMPETENCY". 


441 


mand.  No  sooner  had  this  reenforcement  arrived  than 
he  despatches  the  contador  with  fifty  men  into  the  in- 
terior, remaining  himself  in  an  intrenched  camp  with 
the  same  number.  And  untaught  by  previous  disas- 
ters, no  sooner  does  he  thus  again  divide  his  Icrces 
than  hostile  natives  appear,  "More  than  twenty  thou- 
sand of  them  were  soon  in  the  field,"  says  Cogolludo. 
While  attempting  to  conciliate  them  the  governor 
narrowly  escapes  capture  and  sacrifice  to  their  idols. 
"  On  hearing  a  tumult  outside  his  camp,"  the  chronicler 
writes,  ''the  adelantado  went  out  on  horseback  to  see 
if  he  could  pacify  the  natives.  They  were  divided 
into  several  groups,  and  approaching  one  of  them 
which  was  posted  on  a  small  eminence,  he  asked  them 
whether  they  were  angry,  saying  that  as  no  harm  had 
been  done  to  them  there  was  no  cause  for  the  revolt. 
The  Indians,  who  had  resolved  to  murder  all  the 
Spaniards,  approached  him  as  soon  as  they  heard  his 
voice,  and  having  surrounded  him,  some  of  them 
seized  his  lance,  while  others  held  his  horse  by  the 
reins.  They  were  in  the  act  of  dragging  him  from  his 
saddle,  when  Bias  Gonzalez,  seeing  his  peril,  charged 
at  the  enemy,  and  fought  with  such  desperate  courage 
that  he  prevented  his  commander  from  being  cap- 
tured, until  others  coming  to  their  help  they  were  res- 
cued, though  both  were  wounded,  and  the  horse  of 
Gonzalez  was  fatally  injured." 

Warfare,  hardship,  and  desertion had  now  so  greatly 
thinned  Montejo's  ranks,  that  he  resolved  to  proceed 
to  New  Spain  for  recruits  and  supplies,  for  the  em- 
peror had  given  orders  that  he  should  there  receive 
all  needful  assistance.  He  soon  levied  a  sufficient  force ; 
but  when  on  the  point  of  departure  he  heard  that  the 

2^  In  a  letter  to  the  king,  dated  Gracias  a  Dios,  Dec.  26,  1545,  Montejo 
says  that  his  jjeople  deserted  him  in  Yucatan  because  there  was  neither  gold 
nor  silver  there,  and  made  for  Peru,  and  that  after  occupying  the  territory  for 
nine  years  he  was  compelled  to  abandon  it.  Carta,  Squiers  MSS.,  xxii.  128. 
It  is  somewhat  singular  that  in  a  letter  to  the  king,  mentioned  in  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  i.  4G3,  Guzman  should  have  jjetitioned  that  the  gold  and 
silver  might  be  coined  at  Espanola,  where  they  had  silver  from  Yucatan. 

^''In  a  cedula  issued  from  Ocana,  April  4,  1531, 


442 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


inhabitants  of  Tabasco,  a  district  that  lay  within  his 
territory,  had  risen  in  revolt,  and  taking  with  him 
sixty  men  he  started  thither,  directing  his  son  Fran- 
cisco to  proceed  with  the  remainder  to  Salamanca. 

Here  again  this  effeminate  commander  makes  a 
mistake  in  applying  to  his  purpose  means  just  too 
weak  for  its  accomplishment.  The  Tabascans  could 
not  be  pacified  by  so  slender  a  force ;  so  he  sent  Gon- 
zalez Nieto  with  two  vessels  to  Salamanca,  ordering 
every  Spaniard  there  to  come  to  his  aid.  And  well 
was  it  for  his  people  at  Salamanca  that  their  help  was 
needed,  for  they  were  besieged  and  in  a  pitiable  con- 
dition, hemmed  in,  as  Cogolludo  tells  it,  on  the  spot 
where  they  had  landed;  they  had  been  compelled  to 
make  constant  sorties  for  food,  and  obtained  so  little 
that  their  commander  himself  and  five  others  were 
all  who  had  strength  left  to  watch  over  the  living 
skeletons  of  Francisco's  command. 

Before  the  end  of  1535  not  a  single  Spaniard  was 
left  in  Yucatan.  Nor  was  Montejo  more  successful 
in  Tabasco,  until  being  joined  by  Diego  de  Contreras 
with  a  small  band  of  veterans,  and  receiving  other 
reenforcements,  he  succeeded  in  subjugating  this  por- 
tion of  his  territory.  He  then  resolved  once  more  to 
attempt  the  conquest  of  the  peninsula.  In  1537  men 
and  supplies  were  obtained  in  New  Spain,  whence 
Montejo  sailed  for  the  Rio  Champoton,  whence  he 
proceeded  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  men  toward 
Acalan,  a  town  which  Cortes  had  told  him  held  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  the  farthest  limits  of  Cen- 
tral America.  Falling  sick  by  the  way,  he  intrusted 
the  command  to  Avila,  who  on  approaching  the  town 
sent  messages  of  peace  by  certain  of  his  captives. 
But  the  recollection  of  the  visit  of  Cortes  was  yet 
fresh  in  the  minds  of  the  natives,^^  and  on  his  arrival 
the  contador  found  the  place  deserted.  The  following 
day  many  of  the  natives  returned,  whereupon  their 
caciques  were  placed  in  irons,  in  the  hope  of  extorting 

See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  54G-7,  this  series. 


THE  ADELAI^TABO'S  SON. 


443 


information  of  gold  supposed  to  be  thereabout.  Avila 
purposed  to  establish  a  settlement  there,  giving  to  it 
the  former  name  of  Salamanca;  but  after  failure  to 
find  gold  they  returned  to  Champoton,  that  is,  those 
of  them  remaining  alive. 

Meanwhile  the  adelantado,  leaving  his  son  Francisco 
again  in  command,  had  returned  to  Tabasco,  whence 
he  purposed  to  send  recruits  and  supplies.  The  troops 
had  been  allowed  to  disembark  without  opposition,  and 
for  a  time  were  not  molested;  but  at  midnight,  a  few 
days  after  their  landing,  the  approaches  to  their  camp 
were  crowded  with  stealthily  gliding  figures;  and  the 
Spaniards,  roused  from  slumber  by  the  cry  of  a  senti- 
nel as  he  fell  pierced  to  the  heart,  had  barely  time  to 
grasp  their  weapons  when  the  foe  was  upon  them. 
For  hours  the  stillness  of  the  night  was  broken  by 
the  yells  of  the  wounded  and  the  groans  of  the  dying, 
as  a  desperate  hand-to-hand  struggle  was  maintained 
in  which  the  Indians  would  not  yield  and  their  ene- 
mies had  no  alternative  but  to  fight  or  die.  At  length 
the  assailants  were  repulsed;  and  for  a  brief  space 
hostilities  were  suspended,  the  natives  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  opportunity  to  send  fleet  messengers  over 
the  country  summoning  the  caciques  to  arms.  Soon 
the  Spaniards  were  again  in  a  state  of  siege.  All 
provisions  being  removed  they  were  compelled  to  live 
mainly  on  fish,  and  two  of  their  number  straying 
from  camp  were  captured  by  the  Indians,  who  sacri- 
ficed and  ate  them. 

The  caciques  were  now  ready  to  attack,  and  the 
assault  was  made  in  such  overwhelming  force  that 
after  a  stubborn  resistance  the  Spaniards  were  com- 
pelled to  retreat  to  their  boats,  whither  the  natives 
pursued  them.  Arraying  themselves  in  the  garments 
the  Spaniards  had  left,  the  natives  pointed  the  finger 
at  them  with  scorn  and  gibe  as  the  invaders  pulled 
from  shore.  Where  now  is  the  courage  of  you 
Spaniards?"  they  cried.  Maddened  by  these  taunts, 
Francisco  and  his  men  resolved  to  die  rather  than  suf- 


444 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


fer  such  disgrace.  Putting  back,  they  gave  battle, 
and  after  a  desperate  struggle  won  the  day,  forcing 
the  natives  back,  step  by  step,  till  they  regained  pos- 
session of  their  camp. 

The  result  of  it  all  was  cessation  from  hostilities  and 
a  truce ;  but  every  effort  to  penetrate  the  interior  ended 
in  failure,  and  the  Spaniards  were  compelled  to  remain 
in  the  neighborhood  of  their  camp.  Here  disease  and 
famine  rapidly  thinned  their  ranks,  and  before  long 
nineteen  gaunt  and  sickly  figures  were  all  that  sur- 
vived of  Francisco's  band.^^  Still  they  remained  at 
their  post,  their  wants  being  occasionally  relieved  by 
passing  vessels,  but  neither  supplies  nor  reenforcements 
reached  them  from  Tabasco,  though  a  few  men  and  a 
small  store  of  provisions  had  previously  been  sent,  prob- 
ably from  Honduras,  of  which  province,  in  answer  to 
his  own  petition  and  that  of  the  settlers  at  Trujillo, 
Montejo  had  been  appointed  governor. But  this  relief 
was  insufficient;  nor  was  it  an  easy  matter  to  enlist 
recruits,  for  throughout  the  New  World  the  fame  of 
Pizarro's  conquest  was  on  every  tongue,  while  the 
poverty  of  Yucatan  was  almost  as  widely  known.  At 
length,  being  no  longer  able  to  endure  their  hardships, 
the  commander  set  forth  to  ask  aid  from  the  adelan- 
tado,  leaving  his  cousin  and  namesake  in  charge  of 
the  camp.^^ 

But  help  was  long  delayed,  and  matters  in  the 
mean  time  became  worse.  Some  of  the  Spaniards 
threatened  to  desert,  whereupon  their  captain,  bring- 
ing them  in  the  presence  of  their  comrades,  bade 
them  depart  at  once.  The  men  hung  their  heads 
and  begged  leave  to  remain.    Finally  the  question  of 

3^  The  names  of  six  of  them  are  given  in  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  117. 

^^Montejo's  appointment  as  governor  of  Honduras  was  dated  1535,  but  he 
did  not  receive  it  till  the  following  year.  Oviedo,  iii.  314. 

^'■^  Before  his  departure  Francisco  Gil,  one  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado's  captains, 
arrived  at  the  mouth  of  a  river  then  known  as  the  Tanochil,  or  Tenozic,  sonie 
distance  to  the  north  of  the  Champoton.  Here  he  founded  a  settlement  which 
he  named  San  Pedro,  but  his  men  suflfered  greatly  from  privation.  Being 
visited  by  the  adelantado's  son  he  abandoned  his  claim.  Cogollvdo,  Hkt.  Yuca- 
than, 117-18. 


FOUNDING  OF  CAMPECHE. 


445 


abandoning  the  settlement  was  openly  discussed,  and 
only  through  the  persuasions  of  Francisco  were  they 
induced  to  remain  till  relief  might  come  from  Tabasco. 

But  that  relief  was  long  delayed.^*  During  the 
year  1539  vessels  despatched  by  the  adelantado  ar- 
rived at  the  settlement,  with  men  bringing  provisions, 
arms,  clothing,  and  a  number  of  recruits,  and  shortly 
afterward  the  adelantado's  son  returned  by  way  of 
New  Spain  in  command  of  twenty  horse.  About 
this  time  Montejo,  having  resigned  in  favor  of  Pedro 
de  Alvarado  his  claim  to  Honduras,  and  received  in 
exchange  certain  territory  in  Chiapas,  set  forth  for 
the  latter  province  about  the  middle  of  December. 
Thence  he  sent  for  his  son  and  formally  transferred  to 
him,  with  certain  reservations,^^  his  rights  and  powers 
over  Yucatan.  A  month  later  Francisco  returned 
with  a  good  store  of  supplies,  and  in  accordance  with 
his  instructions,  at  once  began  the  removal  of  his 
headquarters  at  Campeche. 

He  had  proceeded  but  a  short  distance  when  his 
party  was  assailed  by  a  large  band  of  natives.  The 
latter  were  routed,  but  along  the  Spaniards'  pathway 
trenches  had  been  dug  and  embankments  thrown  up 
at  each  favorable  point;  and  they  were  compelled  to 
fight  at  every  step.  So  great  was  the  slaughter  of 
the  Indians  that  they  often  fought  behmd  a  wall 
of  their  own  dead.  At  length  the  goal  was  reached ; 
and  in  1540  was  founded  there  a  settlement  named 
San  Francisco  de  Campeche. 

No  sooner  had  this  colony  been  organized  than 
Francisco  despatched  his  cousin  with  a  party  of  fifty- 
seven  men  to  the  district  of  Quepech  and  the  town 
of  Tihoo.  During  this  expedition  also  great  hard- 
ships were  encountered.     Fortifications  constantly 

So  long  that  one  of  their  party,  Juan  da  Contreras,  was  sent  to  apprise 
the  adelantado  of  their  desperate  strait.  Whether  Montejo  himself  re- 
turned to  Yucatan  at  this  time  is  doubtful.  Id.,  121-2. 

^^In  a  document  dated  Ciudad  Real,  1540,  the  adelantado  reserves  to 
himself  the  district  of  Tutul  Xiu  and  the  towns  of  Techaque,  Campeche, 
and  Ciudad  Real,  the  Spaniards  being  ordered  to  remove  to  Campeche. 
CogoUvdo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  123-5. 


446 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAK. 


obstructed  their  progress;  the  country  was  cleared 
of  provisions;  crops  were  destroyed;  there  were  no 
streams  on  their  hne  of  march,  and  the  wells  had 
been  filled  with  rocks.  Their  road,  a  narrow  path 
cut  through  the  forest,  was  encumbered  with  putres- 
cent carcasses.  One  night,  while  in  camp,  their  tents 
and  baggage  were  set  on  fire,  and  thus  they  lost 
nearly  all  their  eflects.  Nevertheless  they  continued 
the  march,  sending  word  of  their  disaster  to  the 
commander,  and  at  length  reached  their  destination. 
Here  they  were  joined  by  forty  others  bringing  sup- 
plies from  Campeche.  Taking  up  their  quarters  at 
Tihoo,  they  were  visited  by  a  number  of  natives, 
who  asked,  "What  do  ye  here,  you  Spaniards?  Those 
coming  against  you  are  more  numerous  than  the  hairs 
on  the  deer."  The  reply  was  that  the  Spaniards  would 
go  forth  to  meet  them.  True  to  their  word  they 
went,  and  coming  up  with  them  a  few  leagues  from 
the  town,  put  them  to  rout. 

Francisco  himself  soon  arrived  at  Tihoo  with  all 
his  force,  and  receiving  the  submission  of  several 
caciques,  resolved  to  found  there  a  city,  his  command 
being  united  and  mustering  about  two  hundred  men. 
But  one  more  battle  had  yet  to  be  fought.  On  a  cer- 
tain evening  in  June  1541,  while  celebrating  the  feast 
of  Saint  Barnabas,  the  Spaniards  beheld,  from  the 
hillock  on  which  their  camp  was  pitched,  a  hostile 
host  swarming  into  the  surrounding  plain.  At  day- 
break they  found  themselves  surrounded,  the  number 
of  their  foes  being  estimated  at  from  forty  to  seventy 
thousand.  Without  waiting  to  be  attacked,  the 
Spaniards  descended  to  the  level  ground,  and  deploy- 
ing their  forces  gave  battle.  After  fighting  till  nearly 
sunset  the  natives  were  driven  from  the  field,  and  so 
great  was  the  carnage  that  the  Spaniards  were  often 
compelled  to  climb  over  heaps  of  the  dead  in  pursuit 
of  the  living  This  battle  decided  the  fate  of  the 
natives  of  Yucatan.  Although  they  frequently  rose 
again  in  rebellion,  and  their  final  subjugation  was  not 


ANOTHER  SALAMANCA. 


447 


effected  until  several  years  later,  they  never  united 
their  forces  for  a  general  engagement. 

On  January  6,  1542,  the  Spaniards  founded  on  the 
site  of  Tihoo  a  city  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
Merida.^^  Thence  young  Montejo  extended  his  con- 
quest eastward  to  the  districts  of  Conil  and  Choaca. 
On  the  28th  of  May,  1543,  he  founded,  in  the  latter 
territory,  the  city  of  Yalladolid,  but  afterward  changed 
its  site  to  a  more  favorable  location. 

Zatuta,  a  region  occupied  by  the  Cocomes,  and 
Bacalar  were  also  brought  under  subjection,  the  latter 
by  Gaspar  Pacheco,  who  with  a  sufficient  force  accom- 
plished his  task  by  inflicting  on  the  hapless  natives 
such  diabolic  atrocities  as  can  hardly  be  believed.  He 
used  to  amuse  himself  by  clubbing  men  to  death  or 
by  chopping  off  their  hands,  ears,  and  noses ;  and  cut- 
ting off  the  more  tender  parts  from  the  bodies  of  his 
female  captives,  ordered  them  to  be  thrown  into  a  lake, 
with  calabashes  tied  to  their  feet,  and  there  left  to 
drown.  In  Bacalar  was  founded,  during  1544,  the 
city  of  Salamanca,^^  the  second  of  that  name  in  Yu- 
catan. 

Two  years  later  the  last  organized  revolt  oc- 
curred among  the  natives.  Of  all  nations  brought 
under  Spanish  domination,  the  Ah  Kupules  in  east- 
ern Yucatan  were  the  stubbornest.  Leaguing  with 
the  neighboring  caciques,  they  rose  in  revolt,  attack- 
ing the  settlement  of  Yalladolid,  after  putting  to 
death  all  the  colonists  at  their  encomiendas  through- 
out the  adjacent  districts.  It  was  on  the  9th  of 
November,  1546,  that  the  insurrection  broke  out. 
I  will  cite  a  few  incidents.    The  first  victims  were 

The  names  of  the  original  vecinos  are  given  in  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  YucatJian, 
137-8,  165-7. 

To  Zaqui,  a  site  six  leagues  distant  from  the  ocean,  and  one  affording 
easy  access  to  the  port  known  by  the  Spaniards  as  '  El  Cuyo.'  It  was  again 
changed  to  a  spot  farther  inland.  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  159-63.  See  also 
Notas  Voc.  Geogra/.,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  696. 

For  an  account  of  Pacheco's  expedition  and  of  the  founding  of  Sala- 
manca, see  Bienvenida's  letter  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  12-1;  Yucatan,  Simancas, 
Squiej-'s  3ISS.,  xxii.  53-7;  Bienvenida,  Lettre^  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy., 
serie  i.  torn.  x.  307-43. 


448 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


two  brothers  named  Diego  and  Juan  Cansino,  the 
sons  of  one  of  the  conquerors  of  New  Spain.  Un- 
conscious of  their  danger,  they  were  living  at  the 
Indian  town  of  Chemax,  granted  to  them  in  encomi- 
enda,  and  being  attacked,  while  unarmed,  by  a  mul- 
titude, were  overpowered  and  captured.  Fastening 
them  to  crosses,  and  retiring  to  such  a  distance  that 
their  weapons  would  not  prove  immediately  fatal, 
they  fired  arrows  at  them,  uttering  all  the  impreca- 
tions contained  in  their  verancular  against  the  religion 
of  their  victims.  For  many  hours  these  young  men 
were  forced  to  endure  this  torture.  At  sunset,  their 
bodies  riddled  with  darts,  they  expired,  chanting  the 
salve  regina  with  their  dying  breath.  Their  heads 
were  then  chopped  off  and  borne  as  trophies  by  the 
leaders  of  the  revolt,  and  their  bodies  cut  into  small 
pieces  and  sent  all  over  the  districts  in  token  of  the 
uprising. 

Other  encomiendas  were  attacked,  and  their  owners 
treated  with  similar  atrocity,  or  offered  in  sacrifice. 
Two  only  escaped.  Diego  Gonzalez  de  Ayala,  with 
the  aid  of  a  negro  slave,  forced  his  way  through  a 
band  of  natives  which  had  surrounded  his  dwelling, 
and  galloped  off  toward  Valladolid,  eight  leagues  dis- 
tant, hotly  pursued.  Their  horses  were  soon  ex- 
hausted, and  they  knew  that  on  foot  they  would  soon 
be  overtaken.  Thereupon  they  turned  and  dismounted, 
holding  their  pursuers  at  bay  until  their  horses  were 
rested;  and  thus  the  two  reached  the  settlement  in 
safety.  "  On  the  roadside,"  says  Cogolludo,  '*is  a  fruit- 
tree  which  is  now  called  the  tree  of  the  hook,  because 
here  Ayala,  riding  up  sorely  fatigued,  and  feeling 
that  his  only  refuge  was  in  flight,  unbuckled  his  shield 
and  hung  it  on  one  of  the  branches." 

After  sixteen  Spaniards  had  thus  been  slaughtered 
at  the  encomiendas  in  the  neighborhood  of  Valladolid, 
the  Indians  united  their  forces  to  attack  the  town. 
At  this  time  its  garrison  mustered  only  twenty  men; 
but  sending  for  assistance  to  Mdrida,  they  sallied 


DEATH  OF  MONTEJO. 


449 


forth  to  meet  the  enemy,  leavmg  three  or  four  of 
their  nmnber  in  the  fortifications,  with  orders  to  beat 
drums  and  make  all  the  uproar  possible,  and  thus 
impress  the  foe  with  the  belief  that  a  strong  guard 
was  stationed  there.  Astonished  at  their  boldness, 
the  natives  forebore  to  advance,  and  by  making  fre- 
quent sorties  the  besieged  held  them  in  check  until 
young  Montejo  with  a  considerable  force  came  to 
their  relief  Soon  after  his  arrival  the  Spaniards 
marched  forth  to  give  battle,  and  after  a  stubborn 
fight  put  the  enemy  to  rout,  though  with  the  loss  of 
twenty  of  their  own  number  and  five  hundred  of  their 
native  allies. 

By  adopting  peaceful  measures  after  the  victory, 
the  adelantado's  son  succeeded  in  pacifying  the  dis- 
turbed districts,  and  though  in  1547  the  territory  of 
the  Chetumals  was  the  scene  of  a  slight  outbreak, 
which  was  suppressed  without  bloodshed  by  the  politic 
measures  of  Juan  de  Aguilar,  it  may  be  said  that  all 
concerted  resistance  was  at  an  end.  Thus  at  lensfth 
there  was  peace  in  Yucatan;  but  the  conquest  of  this 
sterile  peninsula  had  cost  the  lives  of  more  Spaniards 
than  had  been  expended  in  wresting  from  the  Incas 
and  the  Montezumas  the  wealthiest  empires  of  the 
western  world.^^ 

Although  Francisco  de  Montejo  had  been  allowed 
to  remain  nominally  at  the  head  of  affairs  in  Yucatan, 
the  circumstances  under  which  its  subjugation  had 
been  effected  precluded  him  from  any  real  claim  to 
authority.  One  of  the  first  measures  of  the  audien- 
cia  de  los  confines  had  been  an  attempt  to  enforce  a 
royal  decree,  by  which  he  was  to  be  deprived  of  office. 
In  1545  the  oidor  Rogel  was  ordered  to  take  his  resi- 
dencia;  but  Montejo  was  son-in-law  to  the  president, 
and  it  was  arranged  that  the  investigation  should  be 
held  at  Chiapas.    Here  none  came  to  accuse  him, 

Cogolludo  estimates  the  loss  of  the  Spaniards  in  Yucatan  up  to  1547  at 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  n.  29 


450 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


and  the  proceedings  amounted  to  nothing.  Of  course 
the  governor  was  allowed  to  retain  his  title.  Again 
in  1548,  during  which  year  the  province  was  made 
subject  to  the  audiencia  of  Mexico/*^  the  licentiate 
Diego  de  Herrera  v/as  ordered  to  proceed  to  Merida 
and  take  the  residencias  of  the  adelantado,  his  son 
and  nephew.  The  principal  charges  brought  against 
Montejo^^  are  those  of  unlawfully  abstracting  funds 
from  the  royal  treasury,  and  of  refusing  to  liberate 
his  slaves  in  the  face  of  repeated  orders  from  the 
government. 

In  spite  of  all  prohibitions,  slave  labor  was  com- 
mon throughout  the  province,  and  in  1549  the  India 
Council,  learning  from  the  reports  of  missionaries 
that  no  heed  was  given  to  their  injunctions,  caused 
a  real  provision  to  be  sent  to  the  province,  wherein 
all  the  settlers  were  ordered  at  once  to  release  their 
bondsmen,  and  were  promised  in  return  a  compensa- 
tion for  the  loss  of  their  services.*^  During  the  year 
the  oidor  Santillan  arrived  at  Merida  with  full  power 
to  corrrct  abuses;  and  once  more  the  governor  was 
subjected  to  residencia.*^  Before  the  investigation 
was  completed  Francisco  de  Montejo  bid  farewell  to 
the  scene  of  his  many  disasters  and  his  bitter  humili- 
ations. Returning  to  his  native  land,  advanced  in 
years,  despoiled  of  office,  and  shattered  in  health  and 
fortune,  he  sought  redress  at  the  court  of  Spain,  but 

*®In  1547  the  cabildo  of  Merida  petitioned  for  this  change,  because  Gra- 
cias  a  Dios,  then  the  seat  of  the  audiencia  de  los  confines,  was  far  distant 
from  Yucatan,  and  the  journey  was  attended  with  great  danger,  whereas  one 
could  reach  Vera  Cruz  by  sea  within  eight  days.  Squiers  MSS.,  xxii.  14,  15, 
103. 

*^They  are  given  in  full  va.  Bienvenida,  Lettre^  in  Ternaux-CompanSt  Voy.t 
s6rie  i.  torn.  x.  320-33. 

^■^It  does  not  appear  that  either  Montejo  or  his  heirs  received  any  imme- 
diate benefit  from  the  promised  compensation;  for  in  CogoUvdo,  Hist.  Yuca- 
than,  277-85,  we  learn  that  the  matter  was  in  litigation  between  1561  and 
1G18.  In  the  latter  year  a  decision  was  rendered  in  favor  of  Dona  Catalina, 
Monte  jo's  daughter. 

Santillan  s  instructions  were  not  to  investigate  matters  which  had  pre- 
viously been  sifted  by  Herrera.  Puga,  Cedulario,  166.  CogoUudo  mentions 
that  this  third  residencia  was  generally  regretted  by  the  settlers,  and  in  Mon- 
tejo, Carta,  Sqiders  MSS.,  xxii.  104-5,  127-30,  is  related  the  adelantado's  plea 
for  quick  justice. 


MISSIONARIES  ON  THE  PENINSULA. 


451 


while  there  pleading  his  cause  was  summoned  to  re- 
ceive his  sentence  before  the  great  tribunal  where  all 
must  one  day  render  an  account/* 

In  the  agreement  which  Montejo  made  with  the 
crown  before  proceeding  to  Yucatan,  it  was  expressly 
stipulated  that  missionaries  should  accompany  all  his 
expeditions,  and  to  his  failure  to  fulfil  this  part  of 
his  agreement  may  be  attributed  many  of  his  disasters. 
In  1530  a  cedula  was  forwarded  to  the  audiencia  of 
Mexico,  ordering  that  special  efforts  be  made  to  supply 
this  omission,  and  soon  afterward  Father  Jacobo  de 
Testera,  with  four  others,  arrived  at  the  Spanish  en- 
campment on  the  Champoton/^  They  met  with  a 
friendly  reception  from  the  natives,  says  Cogolludo, 
*'who  brought  to  them  their  idols  to  be  cast  to  the 
flames,  and  their  children  to  be  instructed  in  the 
faitli."  Many  of  the  caciques  tendered  their  alle- 
giance ;  and  but  for  the  misconduct  of  a  band  of  fugi- 
tive criminals,  who,  passing  through  the  territory 
laden  with  idolatrous  spoils,  attempted  to  barter  them 
for  slaves,  thus  rousing  the  anger  of  the  natives,  the 
conquest  of  Yucatan  might  have  been  peaceably  ef- 
fected. Seeing  that  their  lives  were  in  danger,  the 
friars  made  their  escape  by  night,  setting  their  faces 
toward  Mexico ;  but  after  proceeding  some  fifty  leagues 

Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  245,  affirms  that  Montejo  died  in  Spain.  The 
author  of  Datos,  Biog.,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  807,  alludes  to  a  mistake  made  by 
Gil  Gonzalez  Davila,  who  states  that  his  death  occurred  at  Merida.  The  latter 
authority  probably  confuses  the  governor's  decease  with  that  of  his  son.  In 
Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  59-60,  a  work  showing  great  research,  it  is  stated  that 
the  former  died  in  Spain.  The  adelantado  married  Doila  Beatriz  de  Herrera, 
a  lady  of  gentle  birth.  Their  daughter  Dona  Catalina,  who  was  his  heiress, 
married  the  licentiate  Alonso  de  Maldonado,  the  first  president  of  the  au- 
diencia de  los  confines.  His  lieutenant  Francisco  was  a  natural  son;  but  the 
stain  on  his  birth  was  removed  by  an  imperial  rescript,  dated  April  6,  1627. 
By  a  royal  order  dated  October  26,  1617,  a  yearly  pension  of  3,000  ducados, 
equal  then  to  about  $4,125,  was  granted  to  his  heir  Don  Cristobal  Suarez 
Maldonado  y  Montejo,  payable  from  the  royal  treasury  of  Merida  to  himself 
and  to  those  to  whom  he  might  bequeath  it  in  perpetuity.  In  1758  the  duke 
of  Montellano  was  the  successor  and  to  him  was  paid  the  pension  in  Mexico. 
Certificacion  de  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  179-80. 

^•^  Fray  Lorenzo  de  Bienvenida  was  one  of  the  party.  The  names  of  the 
others  are  not  known.  The  date  of  their  arrival  is  uncertain.  Cogolludo  states 
that  they  came  in  1531,  Hist.  Yucathan,  102-3;  Torquemada  in  1534,  iii.  335. 


452 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


they  were  overtaken  by  messengers,  who  prevailed  on 
them  to  return.  The  gang  of  miscreants  refused,  how- 
ever, to  leave  the  country;  and  as  they  did  not  cease 
to  oppress  the  natives  and  vex  the  souls  of  the  eccle- 
siastics, Testera^^  and  his  colleagues  were  compelled, 
after  a  few  months,  to  abandon  this  field  of  labor. 

In  1537  a  second  mission,  consisting  of  five  friars, 
was  despatched  to  Yucatan,  and  though  they  found 
the  natives  tractable  and  willing  to  receive  the  faith, 
they  remained  but  two  years.^'  Not  until  about  1545, 
when  an  evangelical  crusade  was  undertaken  in  the 
New  World  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  ecclesiastics 
from  Spain,  was  any  permanent  mission  established  on 
the  peninsula.  Of  this  number  several  of  those  sent 
out  to  Guatemala  were  detailed  for  duty  in  Yucatan. 
Arriving  at  San  Francisco  de  Campeche  in  charge  of 
Father  Luis  de  Villapando,  they  were  warmly  wel- 
comed by  the  adelantado,  who  had  now  returned  to 
the  province,  and  the  principal  caciques  being  sum- 
moned into  his  presence,  Montejo  explained  to  them 
the  purpose  for  which  they  had  come.  A  convent, 
dedicated  to  Saint  Francis,  was  founded  at  this  settle- 
ment on  a  site  which  it  occupies  at  the  present  day, 
and  the  doctrines  of  ihe  faith  were  translated  into 
the  native  dialect.  The  first  to  be  baptized  was  the 
cacique  of  Campeche,  to  whom  was  given  the  name  of 
Diego  Nd,  with  the  title  of  Don.  This  convert  soon 
acquired  the  Spanish  language,  and  henceforth  acted 
as  the  interpreter  of  the  ecclesiastics. 

Testera,  a  native  of  Bayonne  in  France,  was  a  man  of  princely  fortune, 
and  though  advanced  in  years  was  young  in  enthusiasm.  He  came  to  New 
Spain  in  1529  or  1530,  and  was  appointed  prelate  of  the  province  of  the  Santo 
Evangelio.  This  position  he  resigned  in  order  to  engage  in  missionary  labors  in 
Yucatan.  Returning  thence  in  1533  he  was  appointed  custodian  by  the 
chapter-general  of  Mantua  held  in  1541,  and  afterward  comisario  general  of 
all  the  Indies.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Edes.,  665-6. 

The  little  that  is  known  about  this  mission  is  related  in  Torquemada, 
iii.  337-8. 

According  to  Torquemada,  iii.  337,  where  their  names  are  given.  In 
an  extract  from  a  letter  addressed  by  bishop  Marroquin  to  the  emperor  from 
Gracias  ^  Dios,  Dec.  1,  1545,  mention  is  made  of  'Fray  Luis  de  Villapando  and 
eight  religious,  who  went  from  Guatemala  and  are  now  in  Yucatan. '  Squiers 
MSS.,  xxii.  140. 


THREATENED  INSURRECTION. 


453 


During  the  year  1545,  Bartolome  de  las  Casas 
arrived  at  San  Francisco  de  Campeclie,  and  claiming 
that  Yucatan  was  included  in  his  diocese,  exhorted 
the  Spaniards  to  liberate  their  slaves.  Providence," 
exclaimed  the  apostle  of  the  Indies,  "  only  desires  to 
work  on  misguided  souls  through  the  teachings  of  the 
gospel;  it  has  a  horror  of  unjust  wars  undertaken  in 
its  name;  it  wishes  neither  captives  nor  slaves  to  bow 
before  its  altars.  Persuasion  and  gentle  treatment 
are  enough  to  win  the  hearts  of,  the  most  obdurate 
to  the  shrine  of  God."  The  colonists  answered  this 
appeal  with  slights  and  threats.  They  subjected  the 
bishop  to  incessant  annoyances;  they  denied  his  claim 
to  the  diocese;  they  refused  him  the  means  of  sup- 
port; and  being  left  to  find  his  way  back  to  Chiapas 
as  best  he  could,  he  was  compelled  to  borrow  one 
hundred  castellanos  from  one  of  the  friars  to  defray 
expenses.  Before  his  departure,  however,  many  of 
the  vecinos,  ashamed  of  their  conduct,  besought  his 
forgiveness,  and  testified  their  sincerity  by  presents. 

Soon  after  the  pacification  of  Yucatan,  Villapando 
is  invited  by  the  adelantado  to  settle  at  Merida,  then 
the  capital  of  the  province.  Here  he  founds  a  con- 
vent, and  so  successful  are  his  efforts  that  his  prose- 
lytes soon  number  more  than  one  thousand,  among 
them  being  many  of  the  leading  caciques.  In  com- 
pany with  Father  Melchor  de  Benavente  he  then  sets 
out  for  the  region  south  of  Merida,  travelling  bare- 
footed and  stafi*  in  hand  toward  Mani  in  the  fastnesses 
of  the  sierra.  Here  the  missionaries  meet  with  marked 
success,  and  soon  two  thousand  of  their  converts  are 
engaged  in  building  for  them  a  church  and  a  dwelling. 

For  a  time  they  are  not  molested  in  their  labors; 
but  when  they  endeavor  to  procure  the  release  of  the 
natives  from  the  bondage  in  which  they  are  held  by 
their  caciques,  the  latter  resolve  to  burn  them  alive, 
while  celebrating  worship  in  the  sanctuary.  On  the 
28th  of  September,  1548,  the  eve  of  Saint  Michael's 


454 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


day,  Yillapando  is  visited  by  a  boy  who,  as  Cogolludo 
relates,  came  to  him  to  be  catechised.  "Father,"  said 
the  child,  ''may  I  ask  you  a  question?"  ''Ask  it,  my 
son,"  answered  the  padre.  "Tell  me,  then,  whether 
it  is  better  to  live  or  to  die?"  "To  live,"  responded 
the  priest;  "for  life  is  our  natural  state,  while  death  is 
inherited  by  sin."  "Then,  if  you  want  to  live,  father," 
said  the  boy,  "you  had  better  go  hence,  for  this  very 
night  our  caciques  have  determined  to  burn  you  in 
the  church  if  you  remain  there."  "  Our  lives  are  in 
God's  hands,"  calmly  rejoins  the  padre,  and  dismiss- 
ing him  with  his  blessing,  bids  him  return  the  follow- 
ing day.  Villapando  then  informs  his  colleague  of 
the  danger.  There  is  no  escape  for  them,  and  they 
can  only  resolve  to  stand  firm  in  the  hour  of  trial. 
In  this  mood  they  repair  to  the  shrine,  and  there 
spend  the  evening  in  prayer. 

Toward  midnight  the  distant  roar  of  an  approaching 
multitude  is  heard.  Looking  from  one  of  the  windows 
the  padres  see  the  Indians  coming  with  lighted  torches. 
They  cling  to  the  foot  of  the  cross  and  pray  for  strength. 
Soon  the  church  is  surrounded,  and  yells  and  foul  im- 
precations are  heard,  with  threats  to  burn  the  build- 
ing.. Their  flaming  brands  light  up  the  structure,  and 
they  behold  the  two  figures  bowed  before  the  cross 
in  supplication.  An  hour  passes  by;  and  as  though 
held  back  by  some  unseen  influence,  the  natives 
forbear  to  harm  the  missionaries.  At  length  they 
withdraw,  purposing  to  return  the  following  day  and 
fulfil  their  menace.  The  priests  remain  all  night  at 
their  devotions,  and  when  at  dawn  a  streak  of  pale 
light  glances  athwart  the  sacred  effigy  on  the  cross, 
they  are  still  kneeling  in  prayer  to  Saint  Michael. 

But  what  noise  is  that  which  breaks  on  the  still 
morning  air,  as  the  two  fathers  are  repeating  their 
matins,  expecting  every  moment  the  call  of  mar- 
tyrdom ?  Now  their  time  has  come,  and  clinging  yet 
closer  to  the  crucifix,  they  ofler  up  one  last  suppli- 
cation to  the  virgin,  and  exhort  each  other  to  bear 


ESCAPE  FROM  DANGER. 


455 


the  dread  ordeal  with  Christian  fortitude.  The  sound 
grows  clearer;  but  surely  it  is  not  like  that  of  the 
night  before.  Presently  the  trampling  of  hoofs  is 
heard,  and  now  the  clang  of  swords.  The  padres  are 
rescued!  A  band  of  their  countrymen  despatched 
by  the  adelantado  to  a  point  some  leagues  distant,*^ 
chanced  to  pass  that  way,  and  Yillapando  and  his  col- 
league, inviting  them  into  the  sanctuary,  chant  a  te 
deum  of  praise  and  thankfulness  for  their  deliverance. 
The  church-bell  was  rung  at  the  usual  hour,  but  there 
were  none  to  answer  save  the  child  who  had  given 
the  warning.  The  natives  had  f?ed  to  the  mountains. 
Twenty-seven  of  the  leading  conspirators  were  after- 
ward captured  and  taken  to  Merida.  After  confess- 
ing their  intended  crime  they  were  condemned  to  be 
burned  alive.  Bound  to  the  stake,  the  fire  was 
already  kindled  when  Villapando  threw  himself  on 
his  knees  before  the  governor,  and  by  his  entreaties 
persuaded  him  to  spare  their  lives  and  allow  them  to 
be  committed  to  the  care  of  the  ecclesiastics. 

During  the  years  1548-9  an  additional  band  of 
missionaries  arrived  from  Spain  and  Mexico ;  and  in 
September  1549  the  first  custodial  chapter  was  held 
at  Merida,  under  charge  of  the  comisario  general  of 
Mexico,  Father  Juan  de  la  Puerta.  On  Villapando 
was  bestowed  the  office  of  custodian  of  the  province, 
and  mainly  through  the  efforts  of  this  zealous  evangel- 
ist a  convent  was  erected  near  the  scene  of  his  adven- 
ture at  Mani.^^ 

They  were  bound  for  a  place  called  Petu  and  appear  to  have  missed 
their  way,  for  they  were  now  some  14  leagues  to  the  westward  of  their  goal. 

^^In  August  1549  six  came  from  Spain  in  charge  of  Fray  Juan  de  Abalate. 
Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yucatlvan,  267-8. 

The  principal  authorities  consulted  on  the  conquest  of  Yucatan  are 
Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yucathan;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.;  Oviedo;  Herrera;  and 
Landa,  Rel.  Yuc.  Cogolludo  takes  the  lead  both  as  the  special  chronicler  of 
the  peninsula  and  as  one  who  has  consulted  most  of  the  material  extant  in 
his  time  concerning  it,  both  in  print  and  manuscript;  but  he  hardly  exercises 
sufificient  judgment  in  sifting  and  presenting  his  verbose  narrations.  The 
account  of  Bernal  Diaz  is  doubtless  worthy  of  credit  in  many  matters  of 
detail,  as  it  is  derived  from  eye-witnesses  of  the  incidents  which  he  describes. 
Oviedo's  version  has  already  been  mentioned,  and  on  his  authority  alone  rests 
the  story  of  the  expedition  to  Acalan  under  command  of  Avila,  from  whose 


456 


CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


statement  this  chronicler  compiles  his  narrative.  While  less  satisfactory, 
Landa  presents  several  points  of  value.  Herrera's  chapters  on  Yucatan  are 
brief,  and  in  relating  the  usages  and  modes  of  life  prevalent  among  the 
Mayas  during  the  period  preceding  the  conquest,  he  furnishes  some  very 
interesting  material.  The  most  complete  of  modern  accounts  is  Ancona's, 
Hist.  Yuc,  i.,  but  it  lacks  in  critique.  More  interesting,  if  less  exhaustive,  is 
that  of  Fancourt,  Hist.  Yuc,  who  accuses  Stephens,  Travels  in  Yuc,  i.,  of 
following  too  closely  the  text  of  Cogolludo,  while  he  himself  reveals  several 
shortcomings.  The  additional  authorities  which  have  been  consulted  in  this 
chapter  are  the  following:  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  84,  88;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
379-82,  398,  665-6;  SquiersMSS.,  xx.  50-1,  xxii.,  passim;  Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind., 
171;  Puga,  Gedulario,  48-166;  Figueroa,  Becerro,  36,  37,  41,  in  Pap.  Francisc, 
MS.,  i.  ser.  i.  No.  i.;  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  151,  206,  244-56;  Gomara, 
Hist.  Ind.,  62  et  seq.;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teat.  Ecles.,  i.  206-7,  245;  Benzoni, 
Mondo  JSfuovo,  98-9;  Alegre,  Hist.  Cornp.  Jesus,  ii.  111-12;  Pacheco  and  (7«r- 
denas.  Col.  Doc,  i.  463;  ii.  195-6;  xiii.  85;  xiv.  97-128;  xxii.  201-23;  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex.,  269;  Archivo  Mex.,  Doc,  ii.  178-83;  Cartas  de  Indias,  696, 
806-7;  Torquemada,  iii.  335-6,  488-90;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i. 
tom.  X.  306-18;  serie  ii.  tom.  v.  193-4,  202,  253^;  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich., 
iii.  233-4;  Id.,  MS.,  118-19;  Florida,  Col.  Doc,  129;  Costilla,  Die  Hist.  Yuc, 
1.  247;  Concilios,  Prov.,  1555-65,  235-6;  Registro  Yuc,  ii.  34-9,  52-9;  S.  Miguel, 
Mex.,  ii.  16;  Soc  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  lii.  347;  Id.,  2da  ep.  iv.  145-50; 
Robertsons  Mex.,  i.  144;  Gordons  An.  Mex.,  ii.  250-1;  March  y  Labor es. 
Hist.  Marina,  Esp.,  ii.  169-74;  Malte-Brun,  Yuc,  25-30;  Morelet,  Voy.  Am. 
Cent.,  i.  183-9;  Die  Univ.,  passim;  Descrip.  Am.,  121;  Blazquez,  Cazador, 
363;  Baqueiro,  Ensayo  Yuc,  ii.  438-43;  Welina,  Hist,  de  YuCy  passim; 
Barbachano,  Mejoras,  i.  9-10,  37-40. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN. 
1536-1542. 

Torre  Appointed  Juez  de  Residencia — An  Unpleasant  Meeting — The 
Vulture  Encaged — Guzman's  Release  and  Departure  to  Spain- 
Clipped  Wings — Guzman's  Death  and  Character — Torre's  Official 
Investigations — His  Wise  Administration — Indian  Revolt — A  Ca- 
tastrophe— Torre's  Last  Hours — His  Character — Coronado  Suc- 
ceeds Him  as  Governor — His  Incompetency — Delusive  Hopes— A 
Profitless  Expedition — Niza  Revives  Enthusiasm — Visions  of  Con- 
quest and  Wealth — Troubles  Foreshadowed — Coronado's  Expedi- 
tion Northward — His  Disappointment  and  Return — Contemporary 
Progress  in  Michoacan — A  Useful  Visit ador — Reforms  and  Pros- 
perity— QuiROGA  Made  Bishop  of  Michoacan — His  Beneficent 
Rule. 

Every  one  raised  to  high  estate  must  fall ,  and  little 
pulling  down  was  left  for  death  to  do  while  Charles 
ruled  the  Indies.  We  have  seen  the  fall  of  Hernan 
Cortes  and  deem  it  dastardly  even  though  not  unde- 
served; we  have  seen  the  fall  of  Nuno  de  Guzman, 
and  have  shed  no  tears  over  it.  There  is  yet  even 
deeper  abasement  in  store  for  him. 

Aroused  by  tales  of  Guzman's  atrocities,  the  king, 
by  cedula  dated  the  17th  of  March,  1536,  appointed 
the  licentiate  Diego  Perez  de  la  Torre  his  juez  de 
residencia  and  successor  of  Guzman  as  governor  of 
ISTueva  Galicia,^  with  instructions  that  his  examination 
shouJd  be  rigid. 

Nor  was  Guzman  the  only  one  to  be  subjected  to  a 

^  Torre  was  a  native  of  Almendralejo  in  the  province  of  Estremaclura,  of 
noLle  parents,  learned,  virtuous,  and  upright  in  the  administration  of  justice. 
He  occupied  the  position  of  judge  in  his  native  province  at  the  time  of  his 
appointment,  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  104,  109. 

(457) 


458 


NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN. 


residencia;  all  public  officers  in  New  Galicia  were  to 
be  called  to  account;  the  management  of  the  royal 
revenues,  public  funds,  and  repartimientos  was  to  be 
closely  investigated.  The  examinations  were  to  be  con- 
ducted with  brevity  and  nothing  reduced  to  writing 
except  what  was  essential.  The  juez  de  residencia 
was  required  in  his  reports  of  the  proceedings  to 
give  an  account  of  the  character  of  the  witnesses 
and  the  probable  motives  which  might  influence  their 
testimony.^  Explicit  instructions  were  also  given  him 
for  his  guidance  in  the  treatment  and  government  of 
the  natives. 

Hastily  arranging  his  aflairs  in  Spain,  Torre  sailed 
with  his  family,  and  arrived  at  Yera  Cruz  toward  the 
end  of  the  year.  Here  he  learned  that  Guzman — • 
who,  as  the  reader  is  aware,  had  arrived  at  the  capi- 
tal— was  making  preparations  to  escape,  having  or- 
dered a  vessel  for  his  departure.  No  time  was  to  be 
lost,  and  Torre,  leaving  his  family  in  Vera  Cruz,  set 
out  secretly  for  the  city  with  a  single  attendant. 

There  was  a  bond  between  Guzman  and  Mendoza, 
dissimilar  as  they  were  in  many  respects;  they  both 
hated  Cortes,  and  there  could  be  little  rivalry  between 
them,  for  Mendoza  stood  high  while  Guzman  had 
fallen  low.  And  so  the  viceroy  received  the  New  Gali- 
cia governor  kindly  when  he  came  to  Mexico,^  confident 
in  the  measures  he  had  taken  for  escape  both  from  the 
country,  and  from  the  unpleasantness  of  a  residencia. 

But  the  inexorable  judge  was  nigh.  Entering  the 
viceroy's  hall  of  reception  one  morning  Guzman  met 
Torre  coming  from  an  audience  with  Mendoza.  The 
recognition  was  mutual,  and  the  new  governor  of 
the  north  politely  informed  Guzman  that  he  was  his 
prisoner.  Resistance  was  useless;  escape  impossible. 
The  toils  were  around  the  wild  beast  that  had  so  long 

^Puga,  CeduJario,  158. 

^  According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  Mendoza,  having  heard  of  the  king's  intention 
to  send  out  a  juez  de  residencia,  wrote  to  Guzman  and  induced  him  to  come 
to  Mexico — ' y  le  senalo  por  posada  sus  Palacios. .  .y  el  Virrey  le hazia mucha 
honra,  y  le  fauorecia,  y  comia  con  el.'  Hist.  Verdad.,  231. 


DIEGO  PEREZ  DE  LA  TORRE. 


459 


roamed  defiantly.  Under  conduct  of  Mendoza's  guard, 
which  had  often  witnessed  his  honorable  entrance,  he 
was  marched  out  of  the  viceregal  palace  and  lodged 
in  the  common  prison/  Fortune  had  bestowed  upon 
him  her  last  smile. 

His  appointed  judge  lost  no  time  in  beginning  pro- 
ceedings, and  that  there  might  be  no  unnecessary  pro- 
traction of  the  trial  he  listened  only  to  the  most 
serious  charges.  The  accusations  were  the  gravest 
that  could  be  made.  The  murder  of  Caltzontzin,  the 
devastations  of  towns,  and  the  enslavement  of  natives 
alike  in  time  of  war  and  peace,  were  sufficient  to  con- 
demn a  far  more  popular  man.  The  districts  of  Pa- 
nuco  and  Nueva  Galicia  were  visited  by  Torre,  and 
the  testimony  of  witnesses  taken  relative  to  Guzman's 
acts  in  these  regions.  "  Thus  time  passed  by,  making 
the  trial  long,  although  it  had  been  so  promptly 
begun. ^    Nor  was  his  life  in  prison  cheered  by  much 

^ Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  JST.  Gal.,  104.  Neither  the  date  of  Torre's  arrival 
at  Vera  Cruz  nor  that  of  Guzman's  arrest  can  be  exactly  decided.  Herrera, 
dec.  vi.  lib.  i.  cap.  ix.,  states  that  Torre  arrived  at  Nueva  Galicia  in  1537,  but 
there  is  reason  to  conclude  that  he  reached  New  Spain  near  the  end  of  1536. 
Guzman  while  in  prison  addressed  a  letter  to  the  India  Council,  dated  Febru- 
ary 13,  1537,  in  which  he  uses  these  words:  '  Y  averme  tenido  en  esta  carcel 
veinte  y  cinco  dias. .  .antes  que  comience  la  residencia.'  And  further  on:  *  En 
lo  de  la  residencia  que  aqui  se  me  tomd. '  Carta,  in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc. ,  xiii.  452-3.  As  about  a  month  was  usually  occupied  in  the  preparation 
of  the  charge,  and  three  more  in  conducting  it,  I  am  inclined  to  the  opinion 
that  Torre  landed  at  the  beginning  of  November,  and  that  Guzman  was  im- 
prisoned a  few  days  later.  Bernal  Diaz  implies  that  Mendoza  did  not  display 
much  inclination  to  assist  Torre  in  the  matter,  'y  parece  ser  no  hallo ' — i.  e., 
Torre — *  tanta  voluntad  para  ello  como  quisiera.'  Hist.  Verdad.,  231. 

^  Mota  Padilla  states  that  he  was  confined  *  en  las  atarazanas  del  rey. '  Conq. 
N.  Gal.,  104.  From  Guzman's  letter,  however,  already  quoted,  and  from  the 
Auto  de  Soltura,  in  Ramirez,  Proceso,  273,  275,  it  appears  that  it  was  the 
'  carcel  pUblica '  in  which  he  was  imprisoned.  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  Torre 
*  le  lleuo  a  la  carcel  publica  de  aquella  Ciudad,  y  estuvo  jpreso  ciertos  dias, 
hasta  que  rogd  por  61  el  Uirrey^  que  le  sacaron  de  la  carcel. '  Hist.  Verdad.,  231. 
This  same  author  tells  of  a  practical  joke  played  on  Torre.  The  new  gov- 
ernor was  addicted  to  gambling,  and  in  order  to  bring  him  into  bad  repute, 
Guzman's  late  supporters  contrived  to  place  a  pack  of  cards  in  the  long 
sleeves  of  his  tabard.  As  the  juez  de  residencia  was  crossing  the  plaza  in 
company  with  persons  of  high  rank,  the  cards  kept  dropping  out  unperceived 
by  him  until  his  attention  was  called  to  the  contents  of  his  sleeve.  Torre  was 
quite  angry  and  said:  'They  do  not  wish  me  to  do  upright  justice;  but  if  I 
die  not,  it  will  be  done  in  such  a  manner  that  his  Majesty  shall  hear  of  this 
outrage.'  The  historian  adds:  'Ydende  a  pocos  dias  cayd  malo,  y  de  pen- 
samiento  dello,  d  de  otras  cosas  de  calenturas  que  le  ocurrieron,  murio.  Id. 
Torre  was  alive  when  Guzman  went  to  Spain  in  1538.  Ramirez,  Proceso,  275. 


460 


NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN. 


sympathy;  his  enemies  were  many  and  his  friends 
few.  According  to  Mota  Padilla  the  latter  took  less 
interest  in  him  than  the  former,  who  did  not  leave 
him  in  ignorance  of  the  joy  with  which  his  imprison- 
ment was  generally  regarded. 

An  appeal  to  the  India  Council^  brought  him  a 
temporary  relief  On  the  4th  of  October,  1537,  a 
royal  cedula  was  issued,  ordering  him  to  surrender 
himself  to  the  officers  of  the  Casa  de  Contratacion 
at  Seville,^  by  which  body  he  would  be  transferred  to 
the  India  Council.  Hence,  on  the  30th  of  June, 
1538,  after  an  incarceration  of  nearly  a  year  and 
three  quarters,  Guzman  walked  out  of  his  prison  and 
made  preparations  to  return  to  Spain. 

Neither  the  date  of  his  departure  nor  that  of  his 
arrival  in  the  peninsula  is  known.  Indeed,  the  last 
years  of  his  life  were  passed  in  obscurity  and  misery. 
The  king,  whose  indignation  was  roused  by  the  report 
from  the  audiencia,^  would  have  inflicted  extreme 
punishment  ^  but  for  the  influence  of  powerful  friend  s.^^ 
But  the  monarch  refused  to  see  him,  and  assigned 
Torrejon  de  Velasco  as  his  future  abiding-place,  where, 

^  Guzman,  in  this  appeal,  attempts  an  explanation  in  brief  of  his  acts  in 
Panuco  and  Nueva  Galicia.  He  charges  Cortes  with  being  the  prompter  of 
accusations  made  against  him,  and  complains  of  unfairness  in  the  manner  of 
conducting  the  proceedings.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii. 
450-5. 

In  this  auto  de  soltura  instructions  were  also  given  that  he  should  be  pro- 
vided with  4,000  pesos  out  of  his  property  which  had  been  sequestrated. 
Guzman,  by  this  act,  was  released  on  his  own  recognizance.  Hamirez,  Pro- 
ceso,  272-6. 

^  Guzman  was  himself  the  bearer  of  this  report.  The  instructions  to  the 
audiencia  were:  'E  vos  proseguireys  la  dicha  residencia. .  .para  que  la  pueda 
traer  consigo.'  Id.,  274. 

^  Zamacois  assumes  that  the  king  had  determined  to  have  him  executed 
on  his  arrival.  Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  631-2.  But  I  find  no  authority  to  warrant 
such  an  assertion. 

*  Y  como  en  la  Corte  no  falta  poderosas  intercessiones,  no  pago  sus  culpas 
como  merecian.'  Herrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  i.  cap.  ix.  This  author,  dec.  vii.  lib. 
ii.  cap.  X.,  intimates  that  Cortes  interested  himself  in  bringing  Guzman's 
trial  to  a  termination.  But  the  expression  used  by  Herrera  is  of  doubtful 
interpretation.  Mota  Padilla,  however,  accepts  it  as  evidence  of  a  noble 
generosity  extended  by  Cortes  to  his  former  foe,  besides  stating  that  he 
liberally  aided  him  in  his  poverty.  Beaumont  also  takes  this  view.  Cr6n. 
Mich.,  iv.  98-9.  Ramirez  reasonably  concludes  that  there  is  no  ground  for 
belief  in  such  a  story.  Proceso,  232-3. 


DEATH  OF  GUZMAN. 


461 


neglected  and  despised,  he  passed  the  remaining  six 
years  of  his  hfe.^^ 

The  record  of  Nuno  de  Guzman  is  before  the  reader^ 
who  will  see  in  him  an  able,  scheming,  and  unscrupu- 
lous lawyer;  a  fearless  soldier  and  a  skilful  though 
unpopular  leader;  an  unfeeling,  tyrannical  ruler;  a 
grasping  miser;  and  a  hypocritical  adherent  of  royalty 
and  Christianity.  True,  as  certain  writers  claim  in 
his  behalf,  his  faults  were  those  of  his  time;  but  in 
his  character  these  faults  are  shown  by  the  chroniclers 
at  their  worst,  unrelieved  by  a  single  one  of  the  gen- 
erous impulses  or  noble  traits  which,  notwithstanding 
their  deeds  of  blood,  have  given  lasting  fame  and 
respect  to  the  memory  of  many  of  the  conquerors. 
Few  of  the  old  chroniclers  have  anything  good  to  say 
of  him.  He  had  great  opportunities,  and  abused  them 
all.  Had  he  found  a  Mexico  or  a  Peru  in  the  north- 
west, his  name  would  not  have  been  so  utterly  for- 
gotten; his  sovereign  would  not  have  so  abhorred 
him,  and  his  historians  might  perhaps  have  found 
some  one  redeeming  quality  in  his  character.  But  he 
would  have  been  remembered  as  a  Pizarro,  not  as  a 
Cortes.^^ 

As  soon  as  Torre  had  concluded  so  much  of  the 
residencia  of  Guzman  as  pertained  to  his  administra- 
tion in  the  capital,  and  provided  for  the  safe  custody 
of  his  prisoner,  he  proceeded  to  Panuco,  as  before 
mentioned,  there  to  continue  his  investigations,^^ 
Having  completed  his  labors  in  that  province  he 
removed  with  his  family  in  1537  to  Guadalajara.^* 

i^He  died  there  in  1544,  according  to  Mota  Padilla,  Cmq,  N".  Gal.,  105| 
but  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  app.  28,  states  that  he  died  at  his  native  place, 
Guadalajara,  in  Spain,  poor  and  abhorred  by  everybody. 

^2  Ramirez  justly  remarks:  "  El  poderoso  valimiento  de  sus  enemigos  no  nos 
permite  hoy  fijarles  ' — that  is  to  say,  his  actions — '  cuota  ni  medida,  porque, 
como  ya  dije,  de  el  unicamente  conocemos  todo  el  mal  que  hizo.'  Proceso, 
233-58. 

Beaumont  erroneously  says  after  he  had  sent  Nuno  de  Guzman  to  Spain. 
CrOn.  Mich.,  iv.  111-12. 

He  was  accompanied  by  six  Franciscan  friars — one  of  whom  was  his  own 
son,  Fray  Diego  Perez — brought  by  him  from  Spain.  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N, 
Gal,  105, 


NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN. 


At  Tonold  he  was  received  by  the  provisional  governor, 
Cristobal  de  Onate,  who  recognized  his  authority  and 
delivered  the  administration  into  his  hands. 

Torre  proceeded  at  once  to  make  his  official  in- 
vestigations. A  general  residencia  was  proclaimed  in 
the  towns  of  Guadalajara,  Compostela,  Culiacan,  and 
Purificacion,  and  the  proceedings  conducted  with 
energy  and  prudence.  Such  cases  as  he  was  unable 
to  decide  himself  were  remitted  to  the  India  Council. 
By  the  close  of  the  year  the  investigations  were  so 
far  concluded  that  the  governor  was  permitted  to  turn 
his  attention  to  affairs  of  state. 

The  condition  in  which  Guzman  had  left  Nueva 
Galicia  was  indeed  a  deplorable  one.  His  system  of 
enslavement  had  driven  most  of  the  natives  to  the 
mountains,  thus  bringing  distress  on  all  who  remained, 
whether  Spaniards  or  Indians.  Numbers  of  settlers 
were  preparing  to  go  to  Peru,  while  others  made  raids 
upon  the  Indians  and  reduced  all  they  could  catch  to 
slavery. 

The  prudent  measures  of  Torre  restored  confi- 
dence. He  was  well  supported  by  the  viceroy,  and 
the  colonists  after  their  long  and  ineffectual  com- 
plaints^^ settled  down  with  some  degree  of  content. 

Oiiate's  "brother,  Juan,  was  one  of  the  stanchest  partisans  of  Guzman. 
When  the  news  arrived  in  Nueva  Galicia,  where  Juan  de  Onate  had  remained, 
of  Guzman's  imprisonment,  and  that  Torre  was  empowered  to  take  the 
residencia  of  all  subordinate  officials,  he  was  advised  by  Cristobal  to  effect 
his  escape.  He  accordingly  fled  to  Peru,  where  some  assert  that  he  died 
poor  and  blind.  Id. 

i^Mendoza,  on  the  10th  of  December,  1537,  reported  to  the  king  that 
although  this  province  was  rich  in  resources,  it  would  be  lost  unless  his 
Majesty  applied  some  remedy.  The  Spaniards  maintained  that  without  slaves 
they  could  not  subsist,  and  the  settlers  in  Culiacan  had  represented  to  the 
viceroy  that  under  the  prohibition  of  slavery  they  would  be  compelled  to 
abandon  the  town.  Mendoza  temporarily  assisted  them  by  supplying  iron- 
ware and  other  necessaries  to  the  value  of  1,000  pesos  de  tepuzque.  Ca7-ta,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col  Doc,  ii.  196-7,  209-10. 

^'^  *  El  licenciado  de  la  Torre  se  entretiene  bien  harto  mejor  de  lo  que  todos 
pensamos, '  is  the  compliment  which  the  viceroy  pays  the  new  governor  of 
Nueva  Galicia.  M,  209. 

The  viceroy  had  proclaimed  that  no  slaves  should  be  made  in  Nueva 
Galicia  except  in  accordance  with  the  order  issued  by  the  king.  He  had, 
moreover,  forwarded  to  his  Majesty  a  copy  of  the  trials  of  those  persons  who 
had  committed  excesses  in  branding  slaves  during  Guzman's  administration. 
Id.,  180,  196.    By  cedula  of  February  3, 1537,  the  governor  and  all  authorities 


WAR  IN  THE  NORTH-WEST. 


463 


Nor  did  the  efforts  of  Torre  in  his  deahngs  with 
the  natives  meet  with  less  encouragement.  He  soon 
saw  that  if  treated  well  the  natives  would  gladly 
return  to  their  homes/^  and  with  the  aid  of  the  friars 
this  was  in  a  measure  accomplished.^^  But  the  bad 
practices  of  encomenderos  could  not  immediately  be 
stopped.  Excesses  in  the  outlying  districts  were  still 
committed,  and  in  1538  in  the  northern  portion  of 
the  province  the  people  of  Jocolotlan,  Guajacatlan, 
and  Ostoticpaquillo,  under  the  leadership  of  their 
cacique  Guajicar,  rose  in  arms,^^ 

The  suppression  of  this  revolt  was  attended  with  a 
catastrophe  which  closed  the  career  of  the  unfortunate 
Torre.  As  soon  as  news  of  the  outbreak  reached 
Guadalajara,  a  council  was  held  at  which  it  was  decided 
to  send  a  force  under  the  command  of  captains  Alonso 
Alvarez,  Diego  Sigler,  and  Cristobal  Romero  against 
the  disaffected  district.^^  The  governor,  however,  in 
the  hope,  probably,  of  effecting  a  reconciliation  with- 
out the  necessity  of  bloodshed,  resolved  to  accompany 
the  expedition  in  person.  When  the  Spaniards  arrived 
in  the  hostile  territory  they  found  the  Indians  strongly 
intrenched  on  a  rocky  eminence,  and  though  Torre 
made  every  endeavor  to  induce  them  to  submit  on 
general  terms,^^  they  refused.  "Let  death  come  to 
you  or  us,"  they  replied. 

An  appeal  to  arms  was  therefore  unavoidable. 
The  heights  were  invested  and  assailed  at  different 
points,  and  the  Indians  so  harassed  that  they  de- 

of  New  Galicia,  judicial,  civil,  or  military,  were  placed  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  audiencia  of  New  Spain.  Puga,  Cedulario,  112. 

'Escribeme  ' — i.  e.,  Torre  to  Mendoza — *que  con  no  hacer  guerra  a  los 
naturales,  se  vienen  muchos  sus  casas,  aunque  en  dos  d  tres  partes  han  salido 
d  incitalle  (para  hacer)  esclavos.'  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  209. 

Mota  Padilla,  Cmq.  N.  Gal,  107. 

Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  114.  Mota  Padilla  assigns  the  cause  of  this 
outbreak  to  the  easy  and  indolent  life  which  they  were  leading  under  the 
amelioration  of  their  condition!  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  107. 

22  occupied  the  borders  of  the  present  territories  of  Jalisco  and  Zacatecas 
in  the  neighborhood  of  J ocotlan.  The  captains  named  were  regidores  of  the 
cabildo.  Telh,  Msi.  JST.  Gal.,  366. 

2^  He  summoned  them  to  come  to  a  peaceable  arrangement,  offering  in  that 
case  to  grant  them  a  free  pardon  for  all  past  offences.  Id.,  367. 


464 


NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN. 


scended  to  the  plain,  determined  to  try  a  pitched  bat- 
tle, in  which  of  course  they  were  overthrown.  Great 
numbers  were  slain,  and  the  remainder,  among  whom 
was  the  cacique  Guajicar,  fled  into  the  neighboring 
glens  for  refuge. 

Torre,  who  during  the  engagement  had  displayed 
the  usual  soldierly  qualities  of  a  Spaniard,  now  rode 
with  his  pursuing  troops,  encouraging  them  as  they 
toiled  over  the  difficult  ground.  While  so  occupied 
he  was  thrown  from  his  horse,  which  falling  upon  him 
inflicted  a  mortal  injury.^*  He  was  carried  back  to 
Tonald,^^  where  were  his  family,  and  they  laid  him  on 
his  death-bed. 

After  several  days  of  suffering,  and  conscious  that 
his  end  was  near,  Torre  formally  appointed  Christo- 
bal  de  Onate  his  successor  pending  instructions  from 
the  viceroy,^^  and  having  given  him  advice  regarding 
the  administration,  and  commended  to  his  care  his 
bereaved  family,  he  yielded  up  his  spirit  and  was 
buried  in  the  convent  of  San  Francisco  at  Tetlan.^^ 

Torre  is  described  as  possessing  a  robust  frame,  with 


24  'Tenia  lastimadas  las  entranas  de  la  caida,'  according  to  Tello,  who  does 
not  mention  that  the  horse  fell  upon  Torre.  Id.  Mota  Padilla  says,  '  Cayd  del 
caballo,  el  que  se  echo  encima  y  le  lastimd.'  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  108.  Parra  states 
that  Torre,  riding  at  random  over  the  plain,  plunged  into  a  swamp,  and  in  his 
endeavors  to  get  out  of  it  his  horse  fell  upon  him  breaking  a  rib  and  injuring 
his  spine.  Conq.  XaL,  230-1. 

'^^  Mota  Padilla  says  to  Tetlan,  situated  four  leagues  from  the  site  occupied 
by  Guadalajara  in  that  author's  time.  Tello,  writing  in  the  middle  of  the 
17th  century,  places  this  town  one  league  from  the  Guadalajara  of  his  time. 
Hist.  N.  Gal,  369,    The  site  of  Guadalajara  was  changed  several  times. 

'■^^  According  to  orders  received  from  the  king  providing  for  such  emergency 
the  cabUdo  was  consulted  with  regard  to  the  appointment  of  a  successor, 
Torre,  however,  excepted  his  son,  Melchor  Perez  de  la  Torre,  on  the  ground 
of  his  youth  and  inexperience,  from  the  number  of  those  whom  he  considered 
fit  to  occupy  the  position.  Id. ,  368. 

Torre  was  56  years  of  age  when  he  died.  His  remains  were  afterward 
removed  to  Guadalajara  when  the  convent  was  transferred  thither.  The  date 
of  his  death  is  not  known;  but  it  was  probably  during  the  latter  part  of  1538, 
inferred  from  an  expression  of  the  escribano  of  the  audiencia,  that  as  late  as 
July  30th  of  that  year  no  news  of  his  death  had  reached  the  capital;  *visto 
que  el  lisenciado  de  la  Torre  juez  de  residencia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia  no  estaba 
en  esta  dicha  cibdad.'  Ramirez,  Proceso,  275.  Two  marriageable  daughters 
were  especially  intrusted  to  the  protection  of  Onate,  who  did  not  fail  in  the 
discharge  of  his  trust.  One  was  married  to  Jacinto  de  Pineda  y  Ledesma,  a 
person  of  good  birth,  and  the  other  to  the  alf^rez  mayor,  Fernando  Florea, 
from  whom  Mota  Padilla  claims  to  be  descended.  Conq-  N.  Gal.,  109. 


DEATH  OF  TOREK 


465 


a  dark  sallow  complexion.  Brave  and  industrious, 
prompt  and  cautious,  he  was  strict,  perhaps  stern,  in 
the  administration  of  justice.  Possessed  of  a  genial 
and  generous  disposition,  the  absence  of  arrogance 
won  for  him  much  good- will;  and  though  the  kind- 
ness of  his  heart  ever  prompted  him  to  friendly  acts, 
he  was  guided  by  discrimination  in  his  benevolence. 
The  satisfactory  manner  in  which  he  performed  his 
duties  in  the  matter  of  residencias  in  Nueva  Galicia, 
and  the  successful  commencement  which  he  made  for 
the  establishment  of  a  healthy  government,  speak 
loudly  in  his  praise. 

When  the  news  of  Torre's  death  reached  Mendoza 
he  appointed  Luis  Galindo  chief  justice  of  Nueva 
Galicia,^^  and  shortly  afterward  Francisco  Vazquez  de 
Coronado  provisional  governor,  this  latter  appoint- 
ment being  confirmed  by  royal  cddula  of  April  18, 
1539.'' 

Vazquez  de  Coronado  was  a  native  of  Salamanca, 
and  had  married  a  daughter  of  Alonso  de  Estrada, 
the  royal  treasurer  of  New  Spain. Mendoza  held 
him  in  high  esteem,  but  his  eyes  were  perhaps  a  little 
blinded  by  friendship.  The  viceroy  regarded  him  as  a 
prudent  and  able  man,  and  gifted  with  talents  above 

28  He  also  ordered  Galindo  to  remove  the  Spanish  settlers  from  Tonala  to 
Guadalajara,  which  was  done  and  lots  assigned  to  them.  Tello^  Hist.  N.  Gal., 
389-70.  Mota  Padilla  says  the  building  of  Guadalajara  was  arrested,  and 
Mendoza  ordered  the  Spaniards  at  Teutlan  (Tetlan  ?)  and  Tonala  to  be  removed 
to  that  town.  Conq.  N.  Gal,  109. 

2^  The  same  cedula  ordered  Coronado  to  take  the  resideneia  of  the  deceased 
governor.  Coronado 's  salary  was  fixed  at  1,000  ducats,  with  an  additional 
sum  of  500  ducats,  to  be  paid  him  out  of  the  government  revenues  of  his 
province.  Id.,  110.  Herrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  Vo  cap.  ix.,  has  here  confused 
events.  He  leaves  it  to  be  inferred  that  the  death  of  Torre  was  not  known  in 
Mexico  at  the  time  of  Coronado's  appointment  by  the  king;  'y  Uegado  a 
Guadalajara,  hallo  que  era  muerto.' 

He  had  received  as  his  wife's  dowry  one  half  of  Tlapan,  which  town  had 
been  obtained  from  the  crown  by  his  mother-in-law  in  compensation  for 
Tepeaca  of  which  the  audiencia  had  deprived  her.  Mendoza,  Lettre,  in  TernauX' 
Com'pans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.  tom.  v.  252.  Cortes  states  that  Coronado  received 
Jalapa,  the  tribute  from  which  was  over  3,000  ducats,  and  accuses  Mendoza  of 
taking  that  source  of  revenue  from  the  crown  and  granting  it  to  the  wife  of 
Estrada  with  the  understanding  that  it  should  be  given  to  Coronado.  Cortes^ 
Escritos  Sueltos,  337. 

Hist.  Mex..  Vol.  II.  30 


466 


NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN, 


the  ordinary. But  Coronado's  ability,  either  as 
ruler  or  military  commander,  was  not  of  an  order  that 
made  him  fit  for  the  position.^^  This  is  clearly  shown 
in  his  Cibola  expedition,  wherein  he  pushed  north- 
ward with  great  perseverance ;  but  his  want  of  control 
over  his  followers  was  lamentably  evident;  and  the 
dissension  among  them,  and  the  disorderly  manner  of 
his  return,  display  weakness  as  a  leader.  Of  his  abil- 
ity as  a  ruler,  his  administration  and  its  results  will 
enable  the  reader  to  judge. 

At  the  time  of  his  appointment  Coronado  held  tlie 
office  of  visitador  in  New  Spain.  The  arrival  of  Cabeza 
de  Vaca,  and  his  report  of  what  the  natives  had  told 
him  of  wealthy  cities  toward  the  north,  hastened  his 
departure  to  Nueva  Galicia.  The  viceroy  was  infected 
with  the  general  excitement,  as  we  have  seen,  and 
ordered  Coronado  to  proceed  at  once  to  his  province. 
It  was  arranged  that  Father  Marcos  de  Niza  should 
accompany  him  and  make  a  preliminary  exploration 
northward  for  the  purpose  of  verifying  Vaca's  state- 
ments. Should  he  be  successful  in  discovering  the 
wonderful  cities,  it  was  determined  that  an  expedition 
on  a  large  scale  should  be  sent  to  take  possession  of 
them. 

Coronado  departed  from  the  capital  during  the 
latter  part  of  1538,  and  on  the  19th  of  November,  his 
commission  having  been  recognized,  he  appointed  the 
alcaldes  and  regidores  of  Guadalajara  for  the  ensuing 
year.^*  He  then  proceeded  to  visit  various  districts 
of  his  province,  portions  of  which  were  in  a  disturbed 

Although  nothing  is  known  of  Coronado's  previous  services  to  the  crown, 
Mendoza,  in  December  1537,  mentions  having  brought  them  to  the  notice  of 
the  king,  as  also  '  las  calidades  que  en  el  hay  para  poder  servirse  del  en  todo 
lo  demas  que  en  estas  partes  se  ofreciere.'  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
ii.  194-5. 

^^Castaneda,  speaking  of  Coronado,  says:  *Ce  chef  ne  sut  conserver  ni 
son  commandement  ni  son  gouvernement. '  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i. 
torn.  ix.  18. 

^2  Says  Oviedo:  *E1  qual  ni  los  dos  enamorados  que  se  dixo  de  susso  no 
hi9ieron  dano  notable  en  los  indios  ni  en  la  tierra,  sino  a  si  mesmos.'  iii.  168. 

On  the  following  day  he  delivered  to  Niza  at  Tonala  i-he  viceroy's 
instructions  relative  to  his  projected  explorations.  Mendoza,  Carta,  in  Pa- 
checo and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iii.  328. 


FRANCISCO  VAZQUEZ  DE  CORONADO. 


467 


condition,  and  having  arrived  at  his  border  town  of 
San  Miguel  de  CuHacan,  he  despatched  Niza  from  that 
place,  careful  provision  having  been  made  for  his  safe 
return  by  procuring  native  guides  and  taking  other 
precautions. 

On  the  7th  of  March,  1539,  Niza  set  out  on  his 
search,  accompanied  by  Father  Honorato,  a  negro 
named  Estevanico,  and  a  band  of  friendly  Indians. 
Coronado  a  month  later  invaded  a  northern  territory 
known  by  the  name  of  Topiza,^^  of  the  wealth  of 
which  he  had  received  reports.  But  the  expedition 
met  with  little  success.  He  failed  to  discover  the 
people  who  decked  their  persons,  as  he  had  been  told, 
with  ornaments  of  gold  and  precious  gems,  and  who 
faced  the  walls  of  their  houses  with  silver. After  a 
long  and  wearisome  march  over  mountains  he  reached 
a  barren  land  in  which  he  could  obtain  neither  gold 
nor  food;  hence  he  retraced  his  steps  to  San  Miguel. 

Not  long  afterward  Niza  returned  and  brought  to 
Coronado  the  welcome  news  of  the  existence  and 
grandeur  of  the  reported  cities,  whereupon  the  gov- 
ernor determined  to  go  with  him  to  Mexico,  and  with 
the  assistance  of  the  viceroy  prepare  an  expedition  for 
the  anticipated  conquest  of  Cibola.  They  arrived  at 
the  capital  at  the  end  of  August,^''  and  so  great  was 
the  excitement  over  the  glowing  account  of  Niza  that 
in  a  few  days  he  had  raised  a  force  of  three  hundred 
Spaniards  Avith  eight  hundred  native  auxiliaries,  eager 
to  join  in  reaping  the  golden  harvest.  A  reconnoitring 
party  of  fifteen  men  was  sent  forward  under  Melchor 

2^  Probably  identical  with  the  latter  Topia.  In  a  letter  addressed  to  Men- 
doza  after  the  departure  of  Niza,  Coronado  stated  that  he  would  be  ready  to 
start  on  this  expedition  the  10th  of  April  following.  His  force  would  consist 
of  150  horsemen,  with  12  spare  animals,  200  foot-soldiers,  cross -bowmen,  and 
arquebusiers,  and  be  provided  with  hogs  and  sheep.  The  distance  to  Topiza, 
or  Topira  as  it  is  written  in  this  letter,  he  considers  to  be  80  leagues  from  San 
Miguel.  Ternaux-Com'pans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  tom.  ix.  352-4. 

'^^  '  Les  habitants  portent  des  parures  en  or,  des  emeraudes  et  autres  pierres 
precieuses;  ils  emploient  Tor  et  I'argent  k  des  usages  communs;  ils  couvrent 
leurs  maisons  avec  ce  dernier  metal.   Id. ,  353. 

'■^'^  He  was  in  the  city  of  Mexico  on  the  2d  of  September,  since  he  was 
present  on  the  occasion  of  Niza  presenting  to  the  viceroy  a  written  narrative 
of  his  exploration.  Niza,  Rel,  in  Id.,  282-3. 


468 


NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN. 


Diaz  and  Juan  de  Saldivar,^^  for  the  purpose  of  veri- 
fying Niza's  account.  This  party  left  San  Miguel  on 
the  17th  of  November,  and  proceeded  one  hundred 
leagues  northward.  The  time  of  the  year  was,  how- 
ever, unfavorable,  and  the  excessive  cold  prevented 
further  advance. 

In  the  mean  time  preparations  in  the  capital  were 
pushed  forward  as  rapidly  as  possible.  Compostela 
was  named  as  the  rendezvous,  and  so  important  was 
the  expedition  deemed  by  the  viceroy  that  he  pro- 
ceeded thither  to  give  encouragement  by  his  presence 
and  to  superintend  final  preparations.  But  the  enter- 
prise was  not  without  its  opponents,  whose  principal 
arguments  were  that  it  would  deprive  Spanish  towns 
of  men  needful  for  their  protection;  hearing  which 
Coronado  took  sworn  depositions  as  to  the  actual 
number  of  citizens  enrolled.  On  the  22d  of  February 
a  review  was  held,  and  from  the  declarations  made  it 
appeared  that  the  ranks  were  mainly  composed  of 
poor  but  well-born  adventurers,  who  had  not  been 
long  in  the  country,  and  were  regarded  as  dissolute 
idlers  and  burdens  upon  the  community/^ 

It  was,  perhaps,  not  without  some  ground  that  the 
settlers  of  Nueva  Galicia  objected  to  the  departure  of 
their  governor  with  so  fine  a  band  of  troops.  Just 
apprehensions  of  a  general  uprising  of  the  natives 
were  entertained;  indeed,  in  some  portions  of  the 
province  the  natives  were  in  open  revolt.  Indian 
towns  belonging  to  the  Spaniards  were  attacked,  cat- 
tle driven  off,  and  converts  and  negroes  massacred. 
Coronado  had  been  so  occupied  with  schemes  of  con- 
quest and  too  frequently  absent  to  attend  properly  to 

28  Done  by  the  viceroy's  special  order. 

2^ '  Quelques  Indiens  qu'il  emmenait  avec  lui  furent  geles,  et  deux  Es- 
pagnols  souffrirent  beaucoup.'  On  the  20th  of  March,  1540,  Diaz  wrote  an 
account  of  his  proceedings  to  the  viceroy. 

^'^  Only  two  citizens  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  two  of  Guadalajara,  were 
found  among  the  troops.  From  Compostela  not  one  was  going.  Among 
those  who  examined  the  men  and  gave  depositions  may  be  mentioned  Gon- 
zalo  de  Salazar,  the  royal  factor,  and  Pero  Almidez  Chirinos,  the  veedor;  also 
Christdbal  de  Onate.  hiform.,  in  Pac/ieco  and  Cardenas^  Col.  Doc^  xiv.  373-84. 
A  certified  copy  of  these  depositions  was  forwarded  to  the  crown. 


CORONADO'S  EXPEDITION. 


469 


the  affairs  of  his  province,  and  this  neglect  sowed  the 
seeds  of  a  revolt  which  was  only  suppressed  after 
three  years  of  warfare.  Before  his  departure,  so 
alarming  had  matters  become,  that  on  the  26th  of 
December  preceding,  the  colonists  of  Guadalajara 
addressed  a  petition  expressing  fear  that  unless  he 
extended  aid  the  country  would  be  lost.^^ 

But  the  governor  was  not  to  be  turned  from  his 
adventure  by  trifles.  Here  was  a  land  where  gold 
was  as  common  as  was  earthen-ware  in  Spain,  and 
precious  gems  could  be  collected  in  heaps ;  time  enough 
to  attend  to  his  people  after  he  had  gathered  wealth. 
At  the  end  of  February,*"^  Onate  having  been  appointed 
lieutenant-governor,  the  army  marched  out  of  Com- 
postela  with  banners  flying,  every  man  of  them  having 
taken  an  oath,  required  by  the  viceroy,  to  obey  the 
orders  of  their  general  and  never  abandon  him. 

Day  after  day  and  month  after  month  they  jour- 
neyed northward,  robbing  and  murdering  as  occasion 
offered,  their  eyes  like  those  of  hawks  ever  eager 
for  prey.  But  gold  and  jewels  were  not  plentiful 
there.  The  seven  cities  of  Cibola  proved  but  so  many 
empty  crocks,  and  the  disappointed  booty-hunters 
cursed  the  reverend  Niza.  But  there  was  gold  enough 
beyond,  according  to  the  statements  of  the  natives, 
over  toward  the  north-east,  and  the  Spaniards  still 
pursued.    Across  rapid  rivers  and  over  trackless  des- 

The  colonists  requested  that  the  refractory  natives  should  be  reduced 
to  slavery.  The  result  of  the  appeal  is  not  known.  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal, 
37-^5.  Mota  Padilla  states  that  Coronado  sent  the  letter  to  the  viceroy, 
'  para  que  providenciase,  especialmente  sobre  los  dos  puntos  de  la  esclavitud 
de  los  rebeldes,  y  del  socorro  que  se  pedia  de  gente. '  On  the  8th  of  January, 
1540,  Coronado  set  apart  lands  for  the  commons  of  the  city  of  Guadalajara, 
and  on  the  following  day  proclaimed  the  royal  cedula  of  December  20,  1538, 
commanding  houses  in  the  Indies  to  be  constructed  of  stone,  brick,  or  adobe, 
to  insure  their  permanency.  Conq.  N.  Gal,  110. 

*2  The  date  of  departure  must  have  been  some  day  between  the  review  held 
on  the  22d  of  February  and  the  last  day  of  that  month,  since  Mendoza  writing 
to  the  king  on  the  17th  of  April  following  commences  his  letter  thus:  'Le 
dernier  de  fevrier  passe,  j'ai  ecrit  de  Campostelle  k  votre  majeste,  pour  lui 
rendre  compte  de  mon  arrivee  dans  cette  ville  et  du  depart  de  Francisco 
Vasquez,  avec  I'expedition, '  etc.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  tom.  ix. 
290.  There  is  an  error  in  the  account  of  Castaneda  in  Td.,  24,  where  it  is 
stated  that  the  forces  arrived  at  Compostela  from  Mexico  on  Shrove-Tuesday, 


47b 


NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN. 


erts  Coronado  pushed  westward  to  the  later  New 
Mexico,  and  with  a  portion  of  his  followers  penetrated 
perhaps  to  the  territory  of  Kansas,  while  detachments 
of  his  forces  prosecuted  explorations  in  other  direc- 
tions. Still  gloomy  disappointment  was  ever  at  his 
side,  and  at  last  he  rode  back  to  Tiguex  in  the  Rio 
Grande  Valley.  His  soldiers  were  heart-sick  and  im- 
pudent. Coronado's  control  over  them  was  lost,  and 
in  April  1542  he  commenced  the  homeward  march. 
On  the  way  his  authority  was  little  heeded.  Sick  in 
mind  and  body,*^  he  proceeded  to  Mexico,  where  he 
arrived  with  a  remnant  of  his  force,  shortly  after  the 
middle  of  the  year,  there  to  be  greeted  by  the  frigid 
features  of  his  friend  the  viceroy. 

While  the  progress  of  affairs  in  New  Galicia  was 
thus  retarded  by  the  loss  of  the  able  Torre  and  the 
weak  administration  of  Coronado,  the  adjacent  prov- 
ince of  Michoacan  was  gradually  advancing  under  the 
benignant  rule  of  Quiroga.  After  the  march  of  Guz- 
man through  the  district,  it  seemed  to  have  been 
struck  by  the  flail  of  the  evil  one.  The  treatment  of 
the  natives  by  their  oppressors  became  more  brutal; 
the  outrages  perpetrated  by  the  encomenderos  became 
more  violent,  and  the  scourges  in  their  hands  fell 
heavier,  as  more  labor  and  still  more  tribute  was  ex- 
acted from  the  hapless  Tarascans.  The  missionaries 
labored  hard  to  mitigate  their  wrongs,  and  preached 
to  them  the  patience  and  sufferings  of  the  saviour; 
but  even  their  sympathy  and  kindly  teachings  had 
lost  half  their  power.  Horrified  at  the  cruel  murder 
of  their  much-loved  king,  the  Tarascans  regarded 
Christianity  as  a  mockery.  Those  who,  with  the  un- 
fortunate Caltzontzin,  had  embraced  the  religion,  lost 
their  faith  in  it,  and  all  who  could  betook  themselves 
to  the  mountains,  or  to  the  depths  and  twilight  shelter 
of  the  forests  on  the  western  lowlands. 

He  had  received  a  severe  injury  on  the  head  from  the  kick  of  a  horse, 
while  engaged  in  equestrian  games  at  Tiguex.  For  a  detailed  account  of  his  ex- 
pedition, see  Hist.  N.  Mex.  States,  i.,  and  Hist.  Ariz,  and  New  Mex.,  this  series. 


CHANGE  FOR  THE  BETTER. 


471 


In  1532  the  audiencia,  in  accordance  with  general 
instructions  issued  by  the  king,  sent  Juan  de  Villa- 
seiior  to  Michoacan^*  in  the  capacity  of  visitador. 
Having  made  official  visits  to  various  districts  he  sent 
his  report  of  the  condition  in  which  he  found  it ;  but 
his  presence  there  does  not  seem  to  have  ameliorated 
matters,  since  in  October  of  the  same  year  delegates 
of  the  native  lords  went  to  Mexico  and  formally 
complained  of  the  intolerable  proceedings  of  the  en- 
comenderos.  To  remedy  the  lamentable  state  of 
affairs  the  audiencia  in  1533*^  sent  the  oidor  Quiroga 
as  visitador  into  that  region,  in  the  hope  that  a  man 
of  his  ability,  high  character,  and  well-known  zeal  for 
the  welfare  of  the  Indians  would  be  able  to  effect 
some  beneficial  change. 

Quiroga  well  responded  to  the  expectations  of  the 
audiencia.  With  untiring  ardor,  supported  by  pru- 
dence, good  judgment,  and  kindness  of  temper,  he 
carried  on  the  work  of  reformation.  The  Tarascans, 
exasperated  as  they  were,  listened  to  his  words  and 
recognized  in  him  a  friend,  while  he  sternly  imposed 
restrictions  upon  the  encomenderos  by  reorganizing 
the  repartimientos  in  a  manner  advantageous  to  the 
natives.  Thus  both  the  ecclesiastical  and  secular 
condition  of  affairs  was  improved.  The  natives  were 
gradually  induced  to  abandon  their  idolatrous  and 
polygamous  practices, and  the  Spaniards  made  to 

Villasenor  was  one  of  the  conquerors  and  a  citizen  of  Mexico.  He  was 
empowered  to  investigate  matters  connected  with  the  inquisition  and  proceed 
against  guilty  persons  of  whatever  class  or  condition.  A  few  years  later,  by 
order  of  Mendoza,  he  established  himself  at  Guango  to  oppose  the  inroads  of 
the  Chichimecs,  and  had  assigned  to  him  and  his  family  for  four  lives  that 
town  and  those  of  Numaran,  Penjamillo,  Conguripo,  Puruandiro,  and  some 
others  as  encomiendas.  His  descendants  figure  among  the  most  prominent 
of  the  country.  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  413-19. 

Both  Herrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  i.  cap.  x.,  and  Gonzalez  Davila,  Teatro  Ecles., 
i.  3,  are  in  error  as  to  the  date  of  Quiroga's  official  visit  to  Michoacan,  stating 
it  to  have  taken  place  in  1536.  Depositions  taken  in  Quiroga's  residencia  in 
that  year  prove  that  he  had  visited  Michoacan  two  and  a  half  years  before. 
Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  11-12. 

*^The  governor  of  Michoacan  during  this  period  was  the  native  lord 
Pedro  Ganca,  or  Cuirananguari.  Quiroga  persuaded  him  to  put  aside  polyg« 
amy  and  be  legally  married  to  a  concubine  who  had  informed  Quiroga  of  the 
governor's  taste  for  a  plurality  of  wives.  Moreno,  Frag.  Quiroga,  35. 


472 


NUEVA  GALICIA  AND  MICHOACAN. 


recognize  that  there  was  a  controUing  power  in  the 
land/' 

Among  other  important  results  of  his  labors  was 
the  fomiding  of  the  hospital  of  Santa  Fe,  two  leagues 
from  the  capital  town,  Tzintzuntzan.  From  this  in- 
stitution, which  was  intended  by  the  founder  to  be  a 
centre  for  the  propagation  of  Christianity**^  as  well 
as  an  asylum  for  the  sick,  the  natives  derived  great 
benefit.  When  Quiroga's  residencia  as  oidor  was 
taken  in  1536  the  erection  of  this  establishment  con- 
stituted the  ground  of  a  charge  of  oppression  against 
him,  but  he  was  honorably  acquitted. 

After  Quiroga's  official  visit  the  prospects  of  Micho- 
acan  were  brighter.  The  establishment  of  a  bishopric 
in  the  province  and  the  election  of  this  worthy  man 
as  prelate  have  already  been  mentioned.  In  1537  or 
1538  he  returned  to  the  scene  of.  his  previous  labors 
and  applied  himself  with  unflagging  zeal  to  the  good 
government  of  his  diocese.  In  order  to  inform  him- 
self of  the  condition  and  requirements  of  the  different 
districts  in  his  extensive  see,  he  visited  every  portion 
of  it  in  person,  travelling  on  muleback  for  more  than 
six  hundred  and  fiftj  leagues,  with  no  other  company 
than  his  secretary  and  a  page. 

The  success  of  his  administration  both  as  visitador 
and  prelate  was  signally  marked.  The  influx  of  friars 
was  maintained  with  regularity,  and  convents  and  edu- 
cational and  charitable  institutions  were  rapidly  multi- 
plied in  Michoacan  during  this  period.  His  powerful 
influence  in  the  political  government  of  the  province  is 
evidenced  by  the  amelioration  noticeable  in  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Tarascans.  The  wanderers  in  the  mountains 
were  won  from  their  wild  retreats,  and  settled  in 

An  oppressive  encomendero  had  imposed  exorbitant  tribute  upon  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Michoacan.  Quiroga  intervened  and  freed  them 
from  the  exaction. 

*  Llamolos  de  Santa  Fd,  porque  en  ellos  se  avia  de  propagar  la  Fe  Ca- 
tholica. '  This  hospital  was,  like  the  one  in  Mexico,  placed  under  the  charge 
of  a  rector  with  a  stipend  of  150  pesos  de  oro  de  minas.  Such  superintendent 
could  only  hold  the  incumbency  for  a  term  of  three  years,  not  *  in  vim  benejicij, 
sino  como  en  encomienda.'  Id.,  14,  15. 


AUTHORITIES. 


473 


pleasant  towns  and  villages,  where  they  were  taught 
manufacturing  and  agriculture.  Prosperity  followed, 
and  the  strong  contrast  presented  between  the  happy 
progression  under  Quiroga  and  the  misery  of  the  few 
preceding  years  proclaims  his  rule  a  righteous  one.*^ 

Among  his  historians  there  are  not  wanting  those  who  call  his  adminis- 
tration '  gobierno  de  oro,  porque  no  se  volvieron  a  oir  los  clamores  de  los  indios 
agraviados,  ni  el  estruendo  de  las  armas  de  los  ciudadanos  inquietos,  ni  la 
violencia  de  las  virgenes,  ni  los  robos,  ni  las  muertes  lastimosas.'  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  i.  227. 

The  following  additional  authorities  have  been  consulted  for  this  chapter: 
Cortes,  Eacritos  Sueltos,  305,  337;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  71-6;  lib.  i.  cap.  ix.; 
lib.  V.  cap.  ix. ;  Puga,  Cedulario,  78,  80-4,  112-13,  158-9;  Cartas  de  Indias, 
254-5,  859;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  210;  vi.  498;  xiii.  193;  xiv. 
373-84;  xvi.  5-39;  xxiii.  410-14;  Ramirez,  Proceso,  231-76;  Beaumont,  Crdn. 
Mich.,  iv.  27-472,  passim;  Id.,  MS.,  283-625,  passim;  Florida,  Col.  Doc, 
119;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  203;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  tom.  ix., 
passim;  Id.,  tom.  x.  259-68;  s6rie  ii.  tom.  v.  252;  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  app,  i. 
28;  Jalisco,  Mem.  Hist.,  34r-7,  96;  Die  Univ.,  passim;  Buelna,  Compend., 
11;  Soc  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  vii.  55-6;  Parra,  Conq.  Xal,  MS.,  242;  Peralta, 
Not.  Hist.,  380;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  543-703,  passim;  v.  7;  Comargo, 
Hist.  Tlax.,  182-4;  cxxxi.  245;  Bussier-e,  L' Empire  Mex.,  355;  Gomara,  HisL 
Mex.,  ii.  166-8,  184-7. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 
1540-1547, 

Departure  of  Cortes  for  Spain — His  Arrival  and  Reception — Hollow 
Show — Vain  Hopes — He  Joins  the  Expedition  to  Algiers — And 
Suffers  Shipwreck — Loss  of  the  Famous  Emeralds — He  is  Slighted 
AT  A  Council  of  War — Return  to  Madrid — A  Fruitless  Petition — 
More  Indignities — Last  Touching  Appeal — Determination  to  Re- 
turn TO  Mexico — Last  Illness  and  Death  of  the  Conqueror — 
Disposition  of  the  Remains — His  Last  Will — The  Estate — The 
Descendants  of  Cortes — Resum]^  of  his  Character. 

We  have  seen  as  the  settled  poHcy  of  Spain  that 
the  greatest  discoverers  and  conquerors  must  not  be 
allowed  permanent  or  hereditary  rule.  The  viler  sort, 
like  Pedrarias  and  Velazquez,  were  the  safer  instru- 
ments of  royalty;  while  the  claims  of  the  noble  and 
chivalrous,  Columbus,  Balboa,  and  Cortes,  whose 
services  were  too  great  for  convenient  recompense,  it 
was  usually  found  easier  to  repudiate.  It  is  true  they 
asked  much,  for  they  had  given  much;  they  asked 
long  and  persistently,  for  the  sovereign  promised  with 
little  thought  of  performing ;  in  due  time  it  was  the 
king's  pleasure  not  to  know  them. 

The  viceroy  Mendoza  was  not  naturally  a  bad  man. 
He  was  only  carrying  out  the  policy  of  his  master 
Charles  when  he  so  irritated  and  persecuted  Cortes 
as  to  drive  him  from  Mexico  in  1540.  It  was  in  Jan- 
uary of  that  year  that  he  embarked  for  Spain,  accom- 
panied by  his  son  Martin,  then  eight  years  of  age,  by 
the  chronicler  Bernal  Diaz,  and  a  retinue  of  nobles 
and  partisans.    On  his  arrival  he  learned  that  the 

<474) 


BEFORE  THE  COURT. 


475 


emperor  was  at  Ghent,  the  court  remaining  at  Madrid. 
When  approaching  the  capital,  the  members  of  the 
India  Council  and  other  dignitaries,  with  an  outward 
show  of  great  respect,  came  forward  in  gorgeous  array- 
to  welcome  him.  The  palace  of  the  comendador  Juan 
de  Castilla  was  prepared  as  the  residence  of  the  illus- 
trious guest,  and  no  lack  of  attention  revealed  the 
insincerity  of  superficial  show.  Not  long,  however, 
was  Cortes  allowed  to  cherish  the  flattering  hope  of 
eventually  making  eflective,  not  only  in  name,  the 
honors  and  titles  which  had  been  showered  upon  him 
years  before.  The  enthusiasm  of  the  first  reception 
jDassed,  and  cold  politeness  was  gradually  observed 
by  the  members  of  the  council,  though  Cortes  was 
always  courteously  received,  and  even  with  apparent 
friendship,  by  the  president.  Cardinal  Loaisa.  But 
when  he  came  to  ask  a  settlement  of  his  aflairs,  he 
found  that  the  great  conqueror  had  become  but  an 
ordinary  litigant. 

A  year  passed  by,  and,  though  influential  persons 
interceded,  nothing  was  done  in  his  behalf,  except 
in  the  claim  against  Guzman,  which  was  decided  in 
his  favor.  His  proud  soul  rebelled  against  such 
treatment;  he  asked  permission  to  return  to  Mexico, 
but  was  refused.  Still,  he  never  faltered  in  his  loy- 
alty toward  his  sovereign  master.  In  1541  Charles 
prepared  an  expedition  against  Algiers,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  releasing  a  number  of  Spanish  captives ;  and 
Cortes  joined  it  voluntarily,  accompanied  by  his 
son  Martin.^  The  fleet  was  dispersed  by  a  storm, 
and  the  admiral's  ship  Esperanzaj  on  which  Cortes 
embarked,  was  driven  upon  the  rocks.  He  and  his 
son,  with  most  of  the  cavaliers,  saved  their  lives  by 
swimming  ashore.  But  the  inestimable  treasure,  the 
five  famous  emeralds  which  the  conqueror  always  car- 
ried on  his  person,  were  lost  in  the  flood.    The  fates 


^  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  347,  says  with  his  two  sons,  Martin  and  Luis;  other 
authors  maintain  that  the  latter  remained  at  Madrid  in  the  service  of  the 
prince. 


476 


DEATH  OF  CORT^IS. 


seemed  to  have  united  at  this  juncture  to  wrench  from 
his  grasp  httle  by  Httle  what  they  had  so  lavishly 
bestowed;  prestige,  honors,  wealth,  and  royal  favor, 
all  seemed  vanishing.  Was  there  nothing  to  be  left 
him  for  all  his  toils,  all  his  successes,  but  a  hollow 
title  ?  Was  implacable  Nemesis  always  to  pursue  him? 
The  loss  of  the  baubles,  however  much  they  repre- 
sented in  money,  could  not  cause  such  heart-ache  as 
did  ingratitude,  slight,  and  insult. 

A  council  of  war  was  called,  and  the  greatest  soldier 
of  the  day  was  not  summoned  to  it ;  his  very  presence 
was  ignored.  In  regard  to  the  situation,  he  had  ex- 
pressed an  opinion  in  favor  of  an  immediate  attack; 
but  the  courtiers  were  anxious  to  raise  the  siege :  the 
formidable  ramparts  of  the  Moslem  made  the  peaceful 
walls  of  Madrid  seem  far  away,  and  it  was  decided  to 
abandon  the  enterprise.  Stung  by  the  manifest  insult, 
and  indignant  at  the  effeminate  resolution,  Cortes  ex- 
claimed :  Had  I  but  a  handful  of  my  veterans  from 
New  Spain,  not  long  would  they  remain  outside  of 
yonder  fortresses!"  ^'Indeed,  senor,"  was  the  reply; 
"no  doubt  you  would  do  wonderful  things;  but  you 
would  find  the  Moors  quite  a  different  foe  from  your 
naked  savages." 

After  his  return  home  Cortes  again  began  to  press 
his  suit.  He  presented  a  memorial  to  the  emperor, 
recounting  the  services  which  he  had  rendered  to  the 
crown ;  the  losses,  grievances,  and  persecutions  he  had 
suffered;  the  wrongs  inflicted  by  the  audiencia  and 
viceroy,  and  praying  that  justice  might  be  done;  that 
his  honors  and  titles  might  be  made  available,  and  in 
a  manner  commensurate  to  his  services  and  sacrifices, 
so  that  he  might  with  dignity  maintain  the  rank  and 
position  to  which  he  had  been  raised.  What  kind  of 
play  was  this  ?  He  had  achieved,  and  had  been  re- 
warded; then  he  was  robbed  and  humiliated,  and 
without  cause.  Cortes  handed  in  the  petition  and 
never  afterward  heard  of  it. 

Bowed  down  by  disappointment,  wounded  in  his 


SLIGHTS  AND  INDIGNITIES. 


477 


most  sensitive  part,  his  heart-felt  loyalty  and  love  for 
his  sovereign  spurned,  his  influence  and  popularity 
gone — what  had  he  to  live  for?  Then,  too,  he  began 
to  suffer  the  infirmities  of  age;  his  constitution  was 
shattered,  and  his  sight  and  hearing  were  growing 
dull.  The  hardships  of  so  many  rough  campaigns, 
the  wounds  received,  the  fevers,  and  the  long  ex- 
posures, all  had  left  their  impress.  If  one  wishes  to 
see  glorious  recompense,  let  one  look  at  Peru,  which 
has  done  even  more  than  Mexico  to  fill  the  royal 
coffers.  Perhaps  the  turbulence  there  has  taught  the 
monarch  prudence.  Go  further  then,  and  compare  the 
conduct  of  Cortes  with  that  of  Pizarro  after  their 
respective  conquests:  the  one  is  gentle,  obedient;  the 
other  arrogant  and  blood-bespilling.  Yet  wherever 
it  is  most  politic  that  it  should  be  inflicted,  there  will 
the  punishment  be  felt.  When  the  monarch  has  no 
further  need  of  the  man,  it  is  well  the  man  should  die. 

But  the  life  of  Cortes  was  destined  to  be  spared  for 
a  few  more  indignities.  He  had  sent  to  Mexico  for 
his  daughter  Dona  Mana,  to  be  married  to  Alvaro 
Perez  de  Osorio,  heir  to  the  estates  and  titles  of  the 
marques  de  Astorga.  The  engagement  was  cancelled 
by  Osorio  for  pecuniary  and  prudential  motives.^  The 
humiliation,  the  insult,  which  struck  at  once  the  pride 
of  the  conqueror  and  the  heart  of  the  father,  affected 
him  to  such  a  degree  that  for  a  time  he  was  pros- 
trated by  a  dangerous  fever. 

Before  this,  namely,  on  February  3,  1544,  Cortes 
had  made  a  touching  and  dignified  appeal  to  the  mon- 
arch for  redress,  praying  for  a  final  settlement  of  his 
affairs.  To  this  as  in  the  other  instance  no  reply  was 
made.  It  has  even  been  stated  that  after  Charles 
refused  to  see  Cortes  the  latter  on  one  occasion  forced 

2  The  dowry  of  Dona  Maria  was  to  have  been  100,000  ducats  in  gold,  which 
under  the  present  circumstances  could  probably  not  be  raised  at  the  time. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  237.  This  occurred  subsequently  to  the  making 
of  his  will,  from  which  it  appears  that  20,000  ducats  had  already  been  paid  to 
Marques  Astorga  on  account  of  the  dowry,  and  Cortes  provided  that  the  re- 
mainder  be  paid,  to  fulfil  the  contract. 


478 


DEATH  OF  CORTEG. 


his  way  to  the  royal  carriage  and  placed  his  foot  upon 
the  step.  "Who  is  this  man?"  demanded  the  king. 
"  One  who  has  given  your  Majesty  more  kingdoms 
than  you  had  cities  before ! "  was  the  reply.^   This  was 


and  then  the  conqueror,  his  patience  exhausted,  de- 
termined to  return  to  New  Spain,  to  leave  his  native 
soil  forever. 

Having  previously  obtained  permission  to  depart, 
he  proceeded  to  Seville  and  was  received  with  honors 
by  the  nobility,  the  last  to  be  tendered  him  in  this 
life.  They  bid  him  farewell,  asking  God's  blessing  on 
his  departure.  But  these  manifestations,  hollow  or 
sincere,  could  not  revive  his  broken  spirit,  nor  dispel 
his  bitterness  of  heart ;  his  health  declined,  and  it  was 
soon  apparent  that  his  last  hour  was  drawing  near. 
The  strain  upon  his  faculties  had  been  severe,  and 
death  came  at  last  to  his  relief  To  escape  visi- 
tors, he  was  conveyed  to  the  village  Castillejo  de  la 


December  2,  1547,  then  in  his  sixty-second  year, 

^  This  incident  is  not  well  authenticated,  as  it  rests  mainly  on  Voltaire, 
Essai  sur  les  Mceurs. 

*In  this  last  appeal  to  the  emperor,  he  begins:  'Pense  que  haber  traba- 
jado  en  la  juventud  me  aprovechara  para  que  en  la  vejez  tubiera  descanso,  y 
asi  a  cuarenta  anos  que  me  he  ocupado  en  no  dormir,  mal  comer,  y  a  las  veces 
ni  bien  ni  mal,  traer  las  armas  a  cuestas,  poner  la  persona  en  peligro,  gastar 
mi  hacienda  y  edad  todo  en  servicio  de  Dios,  trayendo  obejas  a  su  corral ' .  . . 
to  extend  the  power  and  fame  of  his  sovereign,  and  to  increase  his  domain,  by 
the  conquest  of  many  large  kingdoms,  and  lordships  of  barbarous  nations. 
All  of  which  he  had  accomplished  in  person  and  at  his  own  cost,  without  aid 
from  the  government;  on  the  contrary,  he  had  been  hindered  by  '  muchos 
emulos  e  invidiosos  que  como  sanguijeulas  han  rebentado  de  hartos  de  mi 
sangre. '  He  could  not  conceive  why  the  royal  promises  were  not  fulfilled,  and 
why  he  was  again  deprived  of  the  favors  once  granted.  It  was  more  difficult, 
he  said,  to  defend  himself  against  his  Majesty's  fiscal  than  to  conquer  the 
enemy's  country.  Cortes  cor  eludes  this  long  and  interesting  appeal  *  trusting 
there  will  be  no  unnecessary  delay  in  the  decision,  otherwise  he  prefers  to 
lose  all  and  return  to  his  home,  '  porque  no  tengo  ya  edad  para  andar  por 
mesones,  sino  para  recogerme  i,  aclarar  mi  cuenta  con  Dios,  pues  la  tengo 
larga,  y  poca  vida  para  dar  los  descargos,  y  sera  mejor  perder  la  hacienda 
quel  anima.'  Cortes,  Carta  al  Emperador,  in  Col  Doc.  Ined.,  i.  41-6.  On  the 
back  of  the  original  document  is  the  laconic  indorsement:  No  hay  que  responder 
—Needs  no  reply  1 


FUNERAL  CEREMONIES. 


479 


Hernan  Cortes  expired.  Two  days  afterward  his 
remains  were  deposited  with  due  solemnity  and  pomp 
in  the  monastery  of  San  Isidro,  on  the  outskirts  of 
Seville,  the  sepulchre  of  the  dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia. 
The  bearer  of  that  title  and  guardian  of  young  Cortes, 
second  marques  del  Yalle,  and  many  other  distin- 
guished personages  from  Seville  and  the  neighboring 
country  were  present  at  the  obsequies. 

The  remains  of  Cortes  rested  at  San  Isidro  until 
1562,  when  they  were  removed  by  order  of  Martin 
Cortes  to  New  Spain,  to  the  city  of  Tezcuco.  Pur- 
suant to  a  provision  of  the  will  they  were  to  have 
been  deposited  in  his  favorite  city,  Coyuhuacan,  within 
ten  years  after  his  death.  This,  however,  was  never 
done.  They  were  destined  to  wander  from  place  to 
place,  till  in  1823  they  disappeared  altogether  from 
the  city  of  Mexico.^ 

^  It  was  pro\dded  in  the  will  that  in  whatever  place  in  Spain  Cortes  died 
his  remains  were  to  be  deposited,  to  be  transferred  within  ten  years  to  Coyu- 
huacan in  New  Spain.  The  remains  of  his  mother  and  of  his  son  Luis,  at 
Cuernavaca,  were  to  be  transferred  to  the  same  place  at  that  time.  Concerning 
the  funeral  services,  it  was  provided  that  all  curates  and  friars  of  the  place 
in  which  he  died  should  attend  at  the  obsequies;  50  poor  people  were  to 
receive  new  suits  of  clothes  and  one  real  to  attend  with  torches;  new  clothes 
for  mourning  being  given  also  to  all  his  servants  and  his  son's,  and  5,000 
masses  were  to  be  read;  1,000  for  the  souls  in  purgatory,  2,000  for  those  who 
died  in  his  service  in  New  Spain,  and  the  remainder  for  those  he  had  wronged 
unknowingly  and  whose  names  he  could  not  remember.  Cortes,  TestamentOy 
in  Col  Doc.  rn6d.,  iv.  239-77.  In  the  year  1629,  on  the  death  of  Pedro  Cortes, 
fourth  marques  del  Valle,  the  bones  of  the  conqueror  were  removed  from 
Tezcuco  and  deposited  in  the  Franciscan  church  in  Mexico,  with  great  pomp; 
and  in  1794  the  relics  were  transferred  to  the  hospital  of  Jesus  Nazareno. 
This  new  sepulchre,  surmounted  by  a  chaste  monument  adorned  with  the 
arms  and  the  bust  of  Cortes,  the  work  of  the  celebrated  sculptor  Tolsa,  had 
been  erected  through  the  exertions  of  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo  and  the  assist- 
ance of  representatives  of  the  Cortes  family.  The  ceremonies  observed  on 
the  occasion  of  this  last  transfer  eclipsed  in  grandeur  anything  heretofore 
witnessed  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  But  scarcely  30  years  elapsed  before  the 
relics  were  again  disturbed.  When  in  1823  the  remains  of  the  patriots  who 
proclaimed  the  independence  of  Mexico  in  1810  were  to  be  transported  to  the 
capital,  pamphlets  appeared  exciting  the  populace  to  reduce  to  ashes  the 
remains  of  Cortes.  The  outrage  was  however  prevented  by  the  friends  of  the 
family,  who  obtained  an  order  from  the  government  to  remove  the  casket  to 
a  secure  place.  The  order  was  made  effective  by  Alaman,  then  a  member  of 
the  cabinet,  who  says  in  connection  with  the  event  in  his  DiserL,  ii.  60: 
*  Habiendo  yo  intervenido  en  la  pronta  egecucion  de  estas  drdenes,  en  virtud 
de  las  funciones  piiblicas  que  desempeuaba. '  During  the  night  of  September 
15th  the  chaplain  of  the  hospital,  Dr  Joaquin  Canales,  removed  the  remains, 
and  by  disposition  of  Count  Lucchesi,  acting  for  the  family,  they  were  pro- 
visionally deposited  under  the  platform  of  the  altar  of  Jesus.    The  excite- 


480 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


Since  that  time  a  deep  mystery  has  hung  over  the 
final  resting-place  of  the  conqueror's  remains.  Though 
it  is  generally  belived  that  they  were  secretly  shipped 
to  the  family,  and  are  now  deposited  at  Palermo  in 
Italy,  there  is  a  possibility  that  they  never  left  Mex- 
ico, but  occupy  some  hidden  spot  known  to  few.^ 
Perhaps  it  was  befitting  that  the  great  chieftain  who 
had  known  no  rest  in  life,  should  not  find  it  in  death. 

The  day  after  his  death  the  will  of  Cortes  was 
opened.''  It  is  a  voluminous  document  and  throws 
some  additional  light  upon  the  character  of  its  author, 
but  most  of  the  details  are  not  now  of  interest  to  the 
reader.  As  guardians  of  the  legitimate  children,  ad- 
ministrators of  the  estate,  and  executors  of  the  will, 
in  Spain,  were  appointed  Juan  Alonso  de  Guzman, 
duke  of  Medina  Sidonia ;  Pedro  Alvarez  Osorio,  mar- 
quis of  Astorga,  and  Pedro  Arellano,  count  of  Agui- 
lar;  and  for  New  Spain,  the  marchioness,  wife  of 
Cortes ;  Bishop  Zumdrraga ;  Friar  Domingo  de  Betan- 
zos,  and  Licenciate  Juan  de  Altamirano.  The  prin- 
cipal heir,  succeeding  to  the  estate  and  title,  was  his 
legitimate  son,  Martin,  who  after  his  twentieth  year 

ment  of  the  populace  continued,  and  it  was  found  expedient  to  remove  the 
bust  and  arms  from  the  monument,  and  to  ship  them  to  the  duke  of  Terranova 
at  Palermo.  The  marble  obelisk  and  sepulchre  disappeared  after  the  hospital 
and  church  property  was  sequestered  by  the  government  in  1833.  Mora,  Mej. 
Rev.,  iii.  188,  says  in  connection  herewith:  'And  they  would  have  profaned 
even  the  ashes  of  the  hero  but  for  the  precautions  taken  by  some  unprejudiced 
persons  who,  wishing  to  save  their  country  the  dishonor  of  such  reprehensible 
and  rash  procedure,  managed  at  first  to  conceal,  and  then  to  ship  them  to  his 
family  in  Italy.  * 

I  ^ Icazbalceta,  in  a  letter  to  Henry  Harrisse  on  the  subject,  says:  'The 
place  of  the  present  sepulture  of  Cortes  is  wrapped  in  mystery.  Don  Lticas 
Alaman  has  told  the  history  of  the  remains  of  this  great  man.  Without  pos- 
itively saying  so,  he  lets  it  be  understood  that  they  were  taken  to  Italy . . . 
It  is  generally  believed  that  the  bones  of  Cortes  are  at  Palermo.  But  some 
persons  insist  that  they  are  still  in  Mexico,  hidden  in  some  place  absolutely 
unknown.  Notwithstanding  the  friendship  with  which  Mr  Alaman  has  hon- 
ored me,  I  never  could  obtain  from  him  a  definite  explanation  in  the  matter; 
he  would  always  find  some  pretext  to  change  the  conversation.'  Harrisse, 
217-20.    There  was  certainly  something  strange  in  the  reticence  of  Alaman. 

''It  was  executed  October  11,  1547,  before  the  notary  Melchor  de  Portes. 
The  text  is  printed  in  CorUs,  Escritos  Sueltos,  348-92;  CorUs,  Testamento,  in 
Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  iv.  239-77;  Alaman,  DiserL,  ii.  app.  98-138;  Mora,  Mej. 
Rev.,  iii.  379-453,  and  others.  The  will  was  admitted  to  probate  August  16, 
1548. 


THE  WILL. 


481 


was  to  enjoy  the  full  income  of  the  inheritance,  though 
his  majority  was  fixed  at  twenty-five.  All  the  other 
children,  legitimate  and  natural,  were  well  provided 
with  an  adequate  income,  and  appropriate  dowries  for 
the  daughters.  None  of  the  many  male  and  female 
relatives  seem  to  have  been  forgotten,  and  all  the 
servants,  even  the  lady's-maids  to  the  marchioness, 
were  liberally  remembered.  Endowments  for  the 
erection  and  support  of  religious,  charitable,  and  educa- 
tional institutions  were  made  with  princely  generosity. 
A  college  for  theology  and  canon  law,  and  a  convent, 
the  latter  to  serve  as  the  Cortes  family  sepulchre, 
were  to  be  founded  at  Coyuhuacan;  neither  of  these 
institutions  were  built,  however,  for  want  of  funds. 
A  third,  the  celebrated  hospital  de  la  Concepcion, 
afterward  known  as  Jesus,  was  erected.  The  manner 
in  which  the  testator  dwells  upon  the  Indian  question 
forms  a  striking  feature  of  the  will,  and  reveals  the 
fact  that  he  entertained  great  scruples  concerning  the 
legality  of  holding  Indian  slaves,  and  of  exacting- 
tributes.^ 

^Concerning  the  Indian  vassals  of  Cortes,  he  enjoined  his  successor  to 
ascertain  whether  these  had  paid  him  more  tribute  than  the  amount  formerly 
paid  to  their  native  chiefs;  if  so,  the  full  sum  so  overpaid  ^ould  be  returned, 
including  also  all  tributes  collected  unjustly;  the  same  was  to  be  done  with 
all  lands  unjustly  seized  from  the  natives.  Should  the  question  of  slavery  be 
decided  in  the  future,  the  successor  must  act  accordingly,  and  pay  particular 
attention  to  the  instruction  and  education  of  the  natives.  Besides  ordering 
his  mother's  remains  to  be  transferred  to  his  own  future  burial-place,  Cortes 
further  signified  his  filial  love  by  founding  certain  services  at  the  sepulchre 
of  his  father,  atMedellin.  To  his  wife  he  gave  10,000  ducats,  being  the  dower 
received  from  her;  the  dower  of  his  daughter  Maria  he  fixed  at  100,000  ducats, 
20,000  already  paid,  and  the  balance  to  be  paid  over  to  conclude  the  marriage 
with  Osorio.  This,  as  mentioned  in  the  text,  never  took  place.  The  dowry 
of  the  other  legitimate  daughters,  Catalina  and  Juana,  was  50,000  ducats 
each.  The  natural  sons,  Martin  and  Luis,  received  a  life-rent  of  1,000  ducats, 
and  were  enjoined  to  acknowledge  and  obey  their  brother,  Don  Martin,  as  the 
head  of  the  family.  The  natural  daughter,  Catalina  Pizarro,  whose  mother 
was  Leonor  Pizarro,  afterward  married  to  Juan  de  Salcedo,  was  to  enjoy  all 
the  rents,  tributes,  and  other  income  from  the  village  of  Chinantla,  besides 
receiving  other  grants  of  lands  and  cattle.  Leonor  and  Maria  had  a  dowry 
of  10,000  ducats  bestowed.  Those  who  had  served  under  Cortes  were  to  be 
paid  according  to  their  contracts;  all  he  had  expended  in  the  service  of  the 
crown  should  be  computed  and  collected  from  the  royal  treasury,  and  all  his 
debts,  of  whatever  nature,  should  be  paid.  Cortes,  Testamento,  in  CoL  Doc. 
InM. ,  iv.  239-77.  The  provisions  of  the  will  are  very  minute  and  concise, 
showing  that  great  care  was  bestowed  by  the  testator  in  its  preparation. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  31 . 


482 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


The  assertions  of  Cortes  concerning  his  poverty, 
%vhich  we  observe  in  his  memorials  to  the  emperor, 
must  not  be  taken  hterally,  but  rather  in  a  compara- 
tive sense.  From  the  provisions  of  his  will  it  is  mani- 
fest that  at  the  time  of  his  death  he  deemed  himself 
possessed  of  vast  estates.  These,  however,  or  the 
greater  portion  of  them,  were  the  object  of  litigation 
with  the  crown  and  prominent  individuals  in  New 
Spain,  and  were  otherwise  embarrassed.  His  last 
unsuccessful  expeditions  had  swallowed  up  immense 
sums,  and  the  loss  of  the  emeralds  was  also  an  impor- 
tant item.  After  his  death,  when  the  litigations  came 
to  a  close,  the  verdict  was  against  the  heirs,  and  few 
of  the  provisions  of  the  will  could  be  carried  out. 
The  original  grants  to  Cortes,  with  a  few  exceptions, 
T\^ere  confirmed  to  his  son  Martin  in  1565  by  Philip 
II.,  in  recognition  of  the  father's  services  to  the  crown, 
and  in  consideration  of  the  son's  gallant  conduct  at 
the  battle  of  St  Quentin.  Tehuantepec  was  the  only 
portion  retained  by  the  crown,  for  which  the  heirs 
were  compensated  in  a  sum  equal  to  the  amount  of 
tributes  collected.  But  the  magnanimity  of  the  king 
lasted  only  two  short  years.  In  1567,  after  the 
alleged  conspiracy  of  Martin  Cortes,  the  estate  was 
sequestrated  by  the  crown;  it  was  returned  in  1574, 
greatly  reduced,  and  injured  by  neglect  and  the 
rapacity  of  royal  officials.  After  that  other  seques- 
trations and  changes  occurred.^ 

'The  original  grant  to  Cortes  of  July  6,  1629,  in  Pacheco  and  OdrdmaSf 
Col.  Doc.y  xii.  291-7,  comprised  22  towns  with  dependencies,  and  23,000  vas- 
sals. In  1805,  according  to  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  265,  the  marquisate 
contained  4  villas,  49  villages,  and  17,700  inhabitants.  This  is  refuted  by 
Navarro  y  Noriega,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Oeog. ,  Boletin,  ii.  83,  who  claims  there  were 
7  judicial  districts,  33  curacies,  1  city,  15  villas,  157  pueblos,  89  haciendas, 
119  ranchos,  and  5  estancias,  with  150,000  inhabitants  all  told.  This  was 
not  so  bad  after  all.  The  income  from  the  houses  in  Mexico  was  applied, 
pursuant  to  the  will  of  Cortes,  to  the  erection  and  maintenance  of  the 
hospital  of  Jesus.  According  to  Terranova  y  Monleleone,  Esposicion,  29-30, 
in  1828  this  income  amounted  to  28,000  pesos.  In  the  course  of  time  the 
estate  greatly  diminished,  and  in  the  year  mentioned  the  duke  of  Terra- 
nova  retained  only  the  'haciendas  marqueaanas,'  some  lands  in  Tuxtla,  and 
the  property  in  Mexico  city;  and  the  income  had  greatly  decreased  by  the 
abolition  of  tributes.  The  sugar  plantation  of  Atlacomulco  was  not  a  part 
of  the  original  grant;  it  was  bought  by  Martin  Cortes  in  1553.  Ter/ranova  y 


PROGENY. 


483 


Cortes  was  first  married,  as  we  well  know,  in  Cuba., 
to  Catalina  Juarez,  a  native  of  Granada,  in  Andalusia, 
whose  death  occurred  in  October  1522.  It  is  supposed 
that  by  her  he  had  a  child,  but  nothing  definite  can 
be  ascertained  on  the  subject.  A  natural  daughter  by 
a  Cuban  Indian  is  also  mentioned  at  that  time.  The 
issue  of  his  second  marriage,  with  Dona  Juana  de 
Zuniga,  was  one  son,  Martin,  and  three  daughters: 
Maria,  married  to  Luis  Vigil  de  Quinones,  conde  de 
Luna;  Catalina,  who  died  single  at  Seville,  and  Juana 
married  to  Hernando  Enriquez  de  Rivera,  duke  of 
AlcaU  and  marques  de  Tarifa.  Beside  these  there 
were  several  natural  children:  Martin  Cortes,  son  of 
the  devoted  Marina;  Catalina  Pizarro,  daughter  of 
Leonor  Pizarro;  Luis,  son  of  Antonia  Hermosilla;^^ 
Leonor  and  Maria,  daughters  of  noble  Indian  women; 
Leonor  was  married  to  Juan  de  Tolosa,  one  of  the 
founders  of  Zacatecas;  and  finally  another  son  Luis, 
who  died  before  his  father. 

With  Pedro  Cortes,  the  fourth  marques  del  Valle 
and  great  grandson  of  the  conqueror,  the  direct  line 
became  extinct.  The  estates  and  title  passed  to  his 
niece.  Dona  Estefania,  married  to  Diego  de  Aragon, 
duke  of  Terranova,  descendant  of  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  families  of  Sicily.  This  union  remaining 
without  male  issue,  by  the  marriage  of  their  daughter 
J uana  with  Hector,  duke  of  Monteleone,  the  line  be- 
came united  with  the  Pinatelli  family,  Neapolitan 
nobles  of  the  first  rank.  Thus  the  descendants  and 
present  representatives  of  the  great  adventurer  s  family 
are  the  dukes  of  Terranova  y  Monteleone,  in  Sicily, 
one  of  the  proudest  families  of  Italy." 

Monteleone,  Esposicion,  23-31,  60-62.  More  particulars  concerning  the  estate 
may  be  found  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  330-8;  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  19;  Humholdt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  126;  Villa  Senor,  Theatre, 
i.  269-70;  ii.  118-23;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  sMe  i.  torn.  i.  4,  415,  461. 

I*'  Martin,  Luis,  and  Catalina  were  legitimized  by  papal  bull  of  April  16, 
1529,  which  is  given  in  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  2d  app.  32-6.  The  former  were 
made  knights  of  Santiago  and  Calatrava,  respectively. 

The  statement  in  Prescott,  iii.  351,  that  by  the  marriage  of  a  female  into 
the  Louse  of  Terranova,  the  Cortes  family  was  united  with  the  descendants 
of  the  *graji  capitan '  Gonzalo  de  C6rdoba,  is  erroneous.    The  house  of  Ter- 


484 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


In  finally  reviewing  the  character  of  Hernan  Cortes, 
after  our  long  acquaintance,  and  comparing  him  with 
his  contemporaries,  we  find  conspicuous  a  supreme 
worldly  ambition,  love  of  power,  of  wealth,  of  fame, 
united  to  intense  religious  zeal  and  loyalty  to  the 
king.  In  the  combination  there  was  much  that  might 
be  called  remarkable.  This  union  of  the  spiritual 
and  the  sensual,  a  selfishness  as  broad  and  deep  in 
heavenly  as  in  earthly  affairs,  an  all-abiding,  heart- 
felt loyalty  to  the  sovereign  of  Spain,  paramount  even 
to  self-love  or  to  church  devotion,  seems  here  more 
evenly  balanced  than  in  any  person  of  note  among 
those  who  came  early  to  the  Indies.  Though  his 
religious  zeal  was  so  fervid,  he  seldom  permitted  it 
to  stand  in  the  way  of  worldly  advancement;  but 
there  was  ever  present  a  fighting  piety  which  might 
have  adorned  a  member  of  the  house  of  Hapsburg. 
Love  of  gold  was  usually  subordinate  to  love  of  glory ; 
and  yet  we  have  seen  him  decline  a  coveted  title  be- 
cause of  a  real  or  pretended  lack  of  means  to  support 
it.  Further,  after  having  had  set  apart  for  him  lands, 
and  vassals,  and  revenues  befitting  a  king,  he  rendered 
the  latter  part  of  his  life  miserable  by  reason  of  vain 
importunities  to  his  sovereign  for  more.  A  tithe  of 
what  he  possessed  he  might  with  contentment  have 
enjoyed,  but  in  his  later  mood  half  the  planet  would 
have  been  too  small  for  him  while  the  other  half  re- 
mained to  be  coveted. 

But  in  this  it  was  more  what  he  considered  his  due 
that  he  desired,  than  the  gratification  of  an  all-absorb- 
ing avarice,  such  as  that  which  possessed  Nuno  de 
Guzman,  and  men  of  similar  stamp.  When  an  humble 
navigator  discovered  a  new  world,  or  a  nameless  cava- 
lier conquered  a  considerable  portion  of  it  at  his  own 

ranova  united  with  the  Cortes  family  received  its  title  from  Philip  II.  in  1563, 
and  is  distinct  from  that  of  Terranova  in  Calabria.  The  genealogy  of  Cortes 
may  be  found  in  Claviyero,  Storia  Mess. ,  iii.  236-7.  See,  also,  Carriedo,  Es- 
tudios,  ii.  7;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  13-14;  Panes,  Vireyes,  in  Monumentof 
Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  70,  79;  Lebron,  Apolog.  Jurid.,  in  Pap.  Derecho,  No.  4, 
58-Gl;  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  48-52,  1st  app.  4-6;  2d  app.  32-6;  Corfds,  Resi' 
dencia,  i.  Ill;  Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  279-80. 


REVIEW  OF  HIS  CHARACTER. 


485 


cost  and  in  the  name  of  the  king,  laying  it  at  the 
sovereign's  feet,  with  all  its  wealth  of  gold  and  pearls, 
and  land  and  vassals,  it  was  an  undetermined  question 
how  much  of  it  belonged  to  the  monarch  and  how 
much  to  the  discoverer  and  conqueror,  and  it  is  not 
at  all  strange  that  opinion  should  be  divided  on  the 
subject.  But  in  every  emergency,  whatsoever  the 
monarch  said  or  did,  whether  he  granted  lands  and 
honors  or  withheld  them,  Cortes  was  bound  to  believe 
all  as  right.  He  might  sometimes  sacrifice  wealth 
and  power  to  religion;  more  frequently  he  would  sac- 
rifice religion  to  wealth  and  power,  but  never  would 
he  abate  one  jot  of  his  devoted  obedience  to  the  king, 
unless  it  was  clearly  to  the  king's  interest  that  he 
should  be  slightly  disobeyed. 

From  the  time  of  the  Honduras  expedition,  and 
his  separation  from  the  faithful  Marina,  the  star  of 
the  conqueror  declined.  From  that  day  care  fast 
engraved  wrinkles  on  his  forehead.  The  hardships 
and  disappointments  experienced  on  the  march  had 
broken  his  spirits  and  lowered  his  strength  of  mind, 
and  they  never  recovered.  In  the  mean  time  he  had 
reached  the  summit  of  fame;  he  was  captain-general 
and  governor  of  the  country  he  had  conquered,  and  was 
made  a  marquis  with  vast  grants.  Nevertheless  his 
soul  was  embittered  by  the  fact  that  the  gifts  of  his 
royal  master  were  benefits  only  in  name,  that  real 
honors  were  withheld,  that  he  was  no  longer  supreme 
in  the  land  of  his  achievement,  but  must  be  ruled 
like  any  other  by  an  audiencia  and  subsequently  by 
a  viceroy.  Still,  his  restless  impulse  carries  him  for- 
ward to  new  and  exciting  scenes.  New  Spain  is 
conquered,  and  he  would  penetrate  beyond.  The  Cali- 
fornia and  Spice  Island  expeditions  fail;  he  wrangles 
with  the  viceroy  over  the  right  of  further  discoveries, 
of  which  he  is  finally  and  effectually  deprived. 

Nowhere  is  the  presence  of  noble  character  more 
visibly  displayed  than  when  taunted,  maligned,  and 
robbed  by  the  royal  officials.   While  possessing  ample 


4S6 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


power  to  sweep  them  from  his  path,  he  endured  in 
angry  patience  every  indignity  and  wrong  rather  than 
place  himself  on  record  as  other  than  law-abiding  and 
a  lover  of  good  conduct.  His  domestic  life  during 
his  second  marriage  seems  to  have  been  one  of  great 
felicity;  we  find  him  the  kindest  of  parents  and  a 
devoted  husband,  though  from  his  earlier  libertinisms 
the  contrary  might  have  been  expected.  We  have 
seen  that  till  his  last  moments  he  showed  the  greatest 
solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  his  entire  family. 

In  mind  and  manners,  in  adventure,  war,  diplomacy, 
he  everywhere  displayed  great  versatility.  There  was 
little  that  he  could  not  do;  there  was  little  he  could 
not  do  better  than  another.  Were  ships  required,  he 
would  make  them;  were  they  in  the  way,  he  would 
burn  them.  Did  he  want  powder,  there  was  the 
sulphur  of  the  volcano;  did  he  lack  iron  for  guns,  he 
used  silver  or  copper.  Were  the  hosts  of  Andhuac 
too  many  for  him,  he  turned  against  them  other  hosts 
before  whom  he  was  likewise  in  point  of  numbers  an 
insignificant  enemy.  But  though  his  feats  as  an  Ind- 
ian-fighter were  wonderful,  it  is  not  in  these  that  we 
find  him  at  his  best.  A  stupid  slur  was  that  made 
during  the  Algiers  expedition  by  the  king  s  courtier, 
who  said  that  Cortes  would  find  the  Moors  a  very 
different  enemy  from  naked  Americans.  Cortes  was 
a  match  for  any  Moor,  or  any  Spaniard;  indeed  his 
most  brilliant  exploits  were  achieved  when  he  found 
himself  opposed  by  his  own  countrymen;  and  he  was 
scarcely  less  successful  as  a  ruler  than  as  a  military 
leader. 

His  nature,  as  we  everywhere  have  seen,  was  one 
of  emphasis  and  intensity.  Affairs  of  gallantry  he 
conducted  with  as  much  skill  and  persistency  as  were 
required  to  win  a  battle.  The  grave  and  courtly 
manners  by  which  the  Spaniard  commonly  veils  his 
real  character  were  in  Cortes  modified  by  a  freeness 
and  vivacity  due  in  a  great  measure  to  New  World 
influences. 


HIS  BIOGRAPHERS. 


487 


We  cannot  condemn  simply  because  one  has  faults ; 
we  cannot  wholly  condemn  if  one  has  many  and  glar- 
ing faults.  It  is  only  when  one  displays  that  most 
offensive  of  faults,  an  unconsciousness  of  having  any, 
that  we  may  regard  the  case  as  entitled  to  sweeping 
condemnation. 

The  leading  biographer  of  Cortds  is  Gomara,  on  whose  works  biblio- 
graphical notes  will  be  found  in  my  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  314-16.  With  regard 
to  his  Bistoria  de  Mexico,  which  in  reality  may  be  looked  upon  as  a  biog- 
raphy of  Cortes,  he  has  met  with  supporters  and  detractors.  Las  Casas  is 
scathing  in  his  criticisms  of  the  earlier  portions  of  his  work,  asserting  that 
his  information  being  derived  from  the  representations  of  Cortes  is  warped. 
Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  11-12,  448  et  seq.  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  11,  also  con- 
sidered that  Gomara's  statements  are  not  consistent  with  the  facts,  and 
Munoz  charges  him  with  accepting  the  accounts  of  previous  writers  without 
due  examination,  and  of  being  credulous  and  deficient  in  discernment.  Hist. 
Nuev.  Mund.,  i.  p.xviii.  On  the  other  hand  Gomara  is  followed  by  numerous 
writers,  ancient  and  modem.  Herrera  draws  largely  upon  him,  while  at  the 
same  time  he  was  enabled  to  consult  documents  which  this  father  of  American 
history  never  saw.  Gomara  obtained  his  materials  from  important  sources, 
such  as  letters,  reports,  and  other  documents  to  which  he  had  access ;  but, 
chaplain  as  he  was  to  Cortes,  it  was  but  natural  that  he  should  be  prejudiced 
in  favor  of  his  patron,  and  be  disposed  to  somewhat  color  his  great  deeds, 
without  chronicling  those  which  might  detract  from  his  renown.  Oviedo 
supplies  information  relative  to  Cortds  which  no  one  else  gives.  In  his  Hist. 
Gen.  de  Indicts  he  reproduces  the  conqueror's  first  letters,  slightly  adapted  to 
his  own  language.  Having  met  him  in  Spain  he  had  frequent  opportunities 
of  conversing  with  him.  He  received  occasional  letters  from  Cortes,  and  his 
mention  of  these  and  quotations  from  them  assist  in  proving  facts  and  fixing 
dates.  Bemal  Diaz  detracts  somewhat  from  the  credit  of  his  great  com- 
mander by  exalting  that  of  his  companions.  Pizarro,  Varones  Bust. ,  gives  a 
glowing  eulogy  of  Cortes,  but  it  is  non-critical  and  partial.  He  enlarges  on 
the  importance  of  omens  and  natural  phenomena  which  presented  themselves 
at  the  birth  and  during  the  eventful  periods  of  the  life  of  the  hero.  He 
ranks  him  naturally  enough  second  to  his  relative  Pizarro.  Clavigero,  Storia 
Mess. ,  has  made  a  few  valuable  investigations,  and  produced  Cortes'  family 
tree.  This  author's  usual  perspicacity  is  displayed  in  his  researches  and  con- 
clusions relative  thereto.  The  Hesidencia  of  Cortds,  as  containing  the  testi- 
mony of  his  foes,  is  full  of  dark  pictures,  most  of  which  are  exaggerated  and 
many  of  them  false.  Nevertheless  the  student  receives  much  aid  from  the 
statements  of  opposing  witnesses,  and  particularly  from  such  corroborative 
evidence  as  appears.  From  the  Escritos  Sueltos,  the  Cartas  of  Cortds,  from 
letters,  memorials,  and  other  papers,  in  Coif.  Doc.  Ind.,  and  Pacheco  and  Cdr- 
denas.  Col.  Doc. ,  xv.  xxvi.-xxx. ,  and  other  volumes,  much  fresh  information 
may  be  gathered  as  regards  his  actions,  motives,  and  character.    The  notes 


DEATH  OF  CORTfiS. 


of  Lorenzana  in  CorMs,  Nueva  Esp.,  Mexico,  1770,  supply  many  important 
particulars,  and  may  be  consulted  with  interest.  The  researches  of  Hum- 
boldt, Essai  Pol.,  Paris,  1811,  have  revealed  many  facts  which  may  be  con- 
sidered as  historical  discoveries.  Among  the  modem  biographers  of  Cort^a 
Arthur  Helps  occupies  a  prominent  position.  Bom  about  1817  he  began,  to 
figure  as  a  writer,  anonymously,  as  early  as  1835,  and  continued  to  furnish 
the  press  at  frequent  intervals  with  productions  covering  a  wide  range  of 
literature,  as  essays,  dramas,  biographies,  and  histories.  He  also  assisted 
Queen  Victoria  in  preparing  her  Leaves  from  the  Journal  of  our  Life  In  the 
Highlands.  For  these  and  other  efiforts  he  was  in  1872  honored  with  knight- 
hood. As  an  essayist  he  has  been  compared  to  Lamb  for  good-natured  satire 
and  deep  feeling,  and  his  treatises  generally  indicate  also  the  observer  and 
thinker.  The  first  notable  work  on  America,  TJie  Conquerors  of  the  New 
World,  London,  1848-52,  two  volumes,  a  speculative  and  semi-historio 
account  of  the  settlement  of  America,  chiefly  with  reference  to  the  race 
mixture,  is  not  a  work  of  much  merit.  It  is  now  rarely  met  with,  owing 
perhaps  to  Helps'  own  efiforts  to  withdraw  it  from  circulation.  Yet  the  book 
served  a  good  purpose  in  inciting  him  to  further  researches  for  the  more 
thorough  and  elaborate  History  of  the  Spanish  Conquest  in  America,  London, 
1858-61,  four  volumes,  followed  in  1868  hy  Life  of  Las  Casas,  Life  of  Pizarro, 
1869,  Life  of  Cortes,  1871.  In  the  former  work  an  excellent  treatise  on  enco- 
miendas  is  ofifered  by  Sir  Arthur,  who  has  in  a  measure  competed  with  Pres- 
cott,  while  covering  ground  not  embraced  by  him.  But  the  main  object  of 
the  former  work  is  still  the  race  mixture,  or  rather  the  origin  of  negro  slavery 
and  its  effect  on  America,  and  this  accounts  for  the  less  thorough  treatment 
of  the  regular  history,  and  for  the  lengthy  deviations  from  its  natural  course. 
Treating  rather  of  the  result  than  the  progress  of  conquest,  and  inclining 
greatly  to  ethnologic  and  social  data,  the  book  is  apt  to  disappoint  those  who 
take  the  title  as  an  index.  Although  showing  an  admirable  grasp  of  subject 
and  philosophic  treatment  the  historian  is  not  unfrequently  found  to  yield  to 
the  essayist,  and  at  times  poetic  feeling  and  fancy  take  the  place  of  facts. 
Free  from  affectation  the  language  deserves  the  compliment  of  'beautiful, 
quiet  English,'  bestowed  by  Ruskin,  but  as  finished  work  it  cannot  compare 
with  Eobertson,  Prescott,  or  even  Irving.  His  Life  of  Cort4s  forms  a  slightly 
elaborated  gleaning  on  this  topic  from  the  preceding  volumes,  and  forms  as  a 
natural  result  not  a  thorough  history  of  his  conquests,  but  rather  an  attractive 
biography,  which  at  times  dwells  too  much  on  trifles,  and  incorporates  idle 
statements;  yet  displays  in  other  respects  a  clear  perception  of  traits  and 
incidents,  frequently  manifested  in  profound  observations  and  adomed  with 
brilliant  sentences.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  Paris,  1857, 
four  volumes,  scarcely  does  Cortes  justice.  The  &hh6,  though  a  fascinating 
writer,  regarded  the  Conquest  from  a  native  stand-point,  and  consequently 
his  views  and  descriptions  are  tinged  with  a  corresponding  coloring.  Pre- 
eminent, however,  among  modern  writers  of  this  period  of  Mexican  history 
stands  Prescott,  whom  I  have  already  considered  in  the  first  volume  of  my 
History  of  Mexico.  In  addition  to  what  has  been  already  said  about  his 
Conquest  of  Mexico  it  may  be  remarked  that  after  the  fall  of  the  city  his  work 
is  for  the  most  part  confined  to  the  biography  of  Cortes,  whose  bright  achieve-. 


FURTHER  AUTHORITIES. 


489 


ments  and  good  qualities  are  prominently  and  brilliantly  set  forth,  but  whose 
imperfections  are  not  impartially  portrayed.  Alaman's  Diaert.^  Mexico, 
1844,  may  be  regarded  as  a  complement  to  Prescott.  Although  he  gives  but 
a  biographical  outline  of  the  career  of  Cortes  as  an  individual,  Alaman  never- 
theless displays  great  research  on  certain  points  upon  which  he  throws  much 
light.  Annin,  Alte  Mex.,  Leipsic,  1865,  supplies  some  additional  information 
to  that  found  in  Prescott.  This  work  is  well  written.  The  following  addi- 
tional authorities  may  be  mentioned:  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  8-13; 
Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  274-7;  Benzoni,  Mondo  Nuovo,  51;  Torquemada,  i. 
540;  Providencias  Eeales,  MS.,  7,  15-25,  209,  215-20;  Beales  CMulas,  MS., 
i.  136-70;  Kingsborough's  Blex.  Antiq.,  v.  158;  Vetancvrty  Teatro  Mex.y 
167-8;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.^  MS.,  70,  79;  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  ii.  cap. 
10;  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.  Oajaca,  ii.  361-6;  HaMuyfs  Voy.,  iii.  454;  Figue- 
roa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  132-7;  Kerr's  Col.  Voy.,  iii.  454;  iv.  307-28;  Beau- 
mont, Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  90-1;  Cabrera,  Escudo  Armas,  406;  Sammlung  oiler 
Beisebesch. ,  xiii.  265-6;  Voyages,  New  Col.,  i.  348;  World  Displayed,  ii.  252; 
Certificacion  de  Mercedes,  MS.,  11-12;  Villa  Setior  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  i, 
69-73,  269-70;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  6,  149-51;  Dillon,  Beaut^s,  55-8;  Eivera, 
Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  61;  Raynal,  Hist.  Phil.,  iii.  247-8;  Pelaez,  Mem.  Guat.,  i. 
128-9;  Pap.  Varies,  torn,  cliii.  pt.  iii.  55-80;  Dubois,  Mexique,  88-93;  Dufey, 
Bdsume,  i.  213-14;  Calderon  de  la  Barca,  34;  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist.,  187-92; 
Chevalier,  Mexique,  6.3-4;  Salmon's  Modern  Hist.,  iii.  197;  Sandoval,  Hist. 
Carlos  v.,  ii.  635;  Peralta, Not. Hist.,  145-6,  340;  Salazar,  Conq.  il/ea:., 462-74; 
Societe  AmAricaine,  i.  296;  Pimentel,  Sit.  Actual,  110-11;  Conder's  Mex.  and 
Guat.,  81-3;  Bussierre,  UEmp.  Mex.,  370,  377-9;  Arroniz,  Hist,  y  Cron., 
31-2,  54^7;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  12-13, 18;  Campbell,  Span.  Am.,  43;  Southern 
Quart.  Bev.,new  series,  vi.  120-1;  Cavanilles,  Hist.  Espana,  v.  177-89;  Eivera, 
Mex.  en  184S,  7-11;  Revilla,  notes  in  Solis,  Hist.  Conq.  Mej.  (Madrid,  1843), 
485-6;  Gordon's  Anc.  Mex.,  236-40;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  No.  v., 
259-61;  Liceo  Mex.,  i.  91-109;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex.,  iii.  187-8,  379-423;  Glee- 
son's  Hist.  Cath.  Church,  i.  36;  Lacunza,  Disc.  Hist.,  No.  xxxiii.  462;  Nouv. 
Bib.  desVoy.,  127-30;  Robles,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s^rie  i.  tom.  ii.  202- 
19;  Mayer's  Mex.  Azt.,  i.  76-9,  89-91;  Wilson's  Mex.,  279,  417-18;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  265;  iv.  238-660,  passim;  v.  5-18;  xi.  530-1;  Mavor's  Univ. 
Hist.,  xxiv.  147-8;  Roche,  Fernand  Cortez,  136-8;  Portilla,  Espana  en  Mex., 
118-29;  N.  Am.  Rev.,  Iviii.  197;  Edinburgh  Rev.,  April,  1845,  469,  472-3; 
U.  S.  Cath.  Mag.,  1844,  146,  417;  Carriedo,  Estud.  Hist.,  ii.  7,  8;  Mexico, 
200-4;  Lebron  y  Cuervo,  Apolog.  Jurid.,  in  Papcles  de  Derecho,  No.  4,  58-61. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 
1541-1542. 

Rule  of  OiJatb  in  Nueva  Galicia — His  Difficult  Position — Rebellion 
Rife — Departure  of  Coronado — Causes  of  Dissatisfaction — Begin- 
ning OF  Hostilities — Defeat  of  Ibarra — Alvarado  Arrives  at 
Navidad — And  is  Appealed  to  for  Aid — He  Receives  a  Summons 

FROM  MeNDOZA,  and  DEPARTS  FOR  TiRIPITIO — AGREEMENT  BETWEEN 

Them — Alvarado  Returns  to  OiJate's  Relief — Precipitous  Attack 

ON  NOCHISTLAN — DEFEAT  OF  THE  SPANIARDS — AnD  DeATH  OF  AlVA- 

BADO — Arrival  of  Mendoza  with  Reenforcements — His  Successful 
Campaign — End  of  the  Mixton  War — Expeditions  of  Juan  Rodri- 
guez Cabrillo  and  Ruy  Lopez  de  Villalobos — The  Survivors  of 
Soto's  Florida  Expedition  Arrive  at  PInuco. 

By  the  departure  of  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coro- 
nado from  Nueva  Galicia,  Crist 6bal  de  Onate,  as 
lieutenant-governor,  occupied  no  enviable  position; 
nevertheless  he  behaved  with  prudence  and  circum- 
spection. He  was  respected  without  being  hated, 
and  he  united  justice  with  clemency  as  far  as  he  was 
able.  In  war  he  seldom  shared  in  the  reckless  confi- 
dence of  his  fellow -conquerors,  and  never  appeared 
over-hasty  to  attack ;  but  once  engaged,  he  was  want- 
ing in  neither  skill  nor  bravery. 

From  the  revolt  of  1538,  in  which  Governor  Torre 
lost  his  life,  to  the  departure  of  Coronado,  there 
seems  to  have  been  no  open  hostilities  on  the  part  of 
the  natives.  Yet  there  was  observed  a  growing  spirit 
of  discontent,  and  of  disregard  for  the  authority  of  the 
encomenderos  which  foreboded  trouble;  and  here  and 
there  outrages  began  to  be  committed,  until  finally 
open  insurrection  was  at  hand.  Certain  ruling  spirits 
among  the  conquered  race  were  plotting  mischief,  and 

(490) 


AFFAIRS  IN  NEW  GALICIA. 


491 


sounding  the  minds  of  the  several  nations  through 
secret  agencies.  Sorcerers  from  the  mountains  of 
Zacatecas,  messengers  of  Satan  the  pious  chroniclers 
called  them,  appeared  in  the  northern  towns  of  Tlal- 
tenango,  Juchipila,  Jalpa,  and  elsewhere,  inciting  the 
inhabitants  to  rise  and  exterminate  the  oppressors. 
They  refused  to  pay  tribute,  and  abandoned  their 
houses  and  lands. 

In  some  parts  the  Indians  killed  the  missionaries 
who  tried  to  persuade  them  to  return  in  peace  and 
submit  to  Spanish  rule;  in  other  places  they  killed 
their  encomenderos,  abandoned  their  towns,  and  re- 
tired to  the  mountains.  Fortified  camps  w^ere  estab- 
lished in  the  mountains  where  the  chieftains  and 
warriors  gathered  to  meet  the  unconquered  Chichi- 
mecs.  Upon  their  ancient  altars  again  appeared  the 
bloody  sacrifice;  promise  of  supernatural  aid  through 
omens  was  made  by  the  sorcerers;  and  the  effects  of 
Christian  baptism  were  removed  by  washing  of  heads 
and  other  acts  of  penance.  Few,  indeed,  were  the 
towns  in  New  Galicia,  from  Colima  to  Culiacan,  not 
represented  at  these  mysterious  conclaves.  But  while 
the  conspiracy  was  thus  wide-spread,  active  operations 
were  confined  for  the  most  part  to  the  region  north 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  east  of  the  mountains  about 
Nochistlan.  Mixton,  Nochistlan,  Acatic,  and  Cuinao 
were  the  principal  strongholds,  and  were  under  the 
command  of  Tenamaxtli.  In  other  parts  of  the  coun- 
try the  vrarriors  were  also  on  the  alert,  but  seemed  in 
most  cases  to  have  awaited  the  results  in  the  north. 
Their  penoles  and  fortified  clifis,  almost  impregnable, 
were  strengthened  by  walls  supplied  with  trunks  of 
trees  and  stones  to  be  rolled  or  thrown  down  upon  the 
assailants;  they  had  been  well  provided  with  food  and 
water,  though  the  prophetic  words  of  the  magicians 
led  the  natives  to  expect  that  food  would  be  miracu- 
lously bestowed ;  they  even  reckoned  on  the  annihila- 
tion of  the  Spaniards  by  the  deities  without  human 
instrumentality. 


402 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


We  are  not  accustomed  to  seek  long  for  the  reason 
of  insurrection  and  revolt  among  conquered  nations. 
In  this  instance  we  need  only  call  to  mind  that 
Nuno  de  Guzman  had  been  there.  As  to  more  re- 
cent causes  we  have  the  testimony  of  Cortes  that 
the  trouble  was  due  to  Coronado's  departure/  and 
Mendoza's  extortion  of  men  and  provisions  for  that 


MiXTON  War. 


expedition.  Beaumont  declares  it  certain  that  the 
insurrection  originated  in  the  brutality  of  the  enco- 
menderos.^ 

1  Peticion  al  Emperador,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  63-4.  Cortt^s  had 
complained  as  early  as  June  1540  that  Coronado  was  leaving  the  countrj,'  un- 
protected. Col.  Doc.  InM.,  iv.  214;  see  also  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  79. 

2  And  in  the  face  of  such  evidence,  together  with  assertions  to  the  same 
effect  by  nearly  all  the  old  chroniclers,  and  the  appalling  expositions  of  Las 
Casas,  Zamacois,  Hist.  ]\Uj.,  iv.  669-72,  stubbornly  defends  the  Spaniards. 
He  slurs  Las  Casas  and  the  writers  who  credit  such  statements,  and  in  a  ver- 
bose and  fallacious  argument  seeks  to  prove  that  the  uprising  took  place  be- 
^«ause  the  natives  would  not  accept  the  rites  and  customs  of  the  Catholic 


ADVENTURES  OF  OJtATE. 


493 


Before  open  hostilities  began,  Onate  had  gone  to 
Compostela  to  malve  provision  for  the  safety  of  the 
Tepic  region  and  the  coast.  Here  he  left  Juan  de 
Villalba  as  governor,  and  returned  to  Guadalajara, 
where  he  learned  that  the  Guaynamota  and  Guasa- 
mota  Indians  had  killed  the  encomendero  Juan  de 
Arce.  The  viceroy  was  notified  of  the  outbreak,  and 
all  available  measures  were  adopted  for  defence.^  And 
thus  began  the  last  desperate  struggle  of  the  natives 
of  New  Galicia  to  regain  their  ancient  liberty. 

Realizing  his  precarious  position,  Onate  made  an 
attempt  at  reconciliation.  In  April  1541  he  sent 
Captain  Miguel  de  Ibarra,  with  some  twenty-five 
Spaniards  and  a  considerable  force  of  friendly  Tlajo- 
mulco  and  Tonald  Indians,  up  the  Juchipila  Kiver  to 
reconnoitre.  The  inhabitants  had  destroyed  their 
fields,  deserted  their  towns,  burned  the  church,  thrown 
down  the  crosses,  and  retired  to  the  mountain  fast- 
ness, cr  penol,  of  Mixton. 

Ibarra  arrived,  and  through  friars  and  interpreters 
the  natives  were  exhorted  to  lay  down  their  arms, 
whereupon  full  pardon  would  be  granted.  The  answer 
was  a  shower  of  arrows  and  stones,  in  which  one  of 
the  Franciscan  mediators  was  killed.  The  Spaniards 
fell  back  to  consult  respecting  future  movements. 
Shortly  afterward  they  were  visited  by  embassadors 
pretending  peace,  and  who  desired  the  next  day, 
palm  Sunday,  April  10th,  to  be  set  apart  for  a  formal 
conference.  Ibarra  was  thus  thrown  off  his  guard,  and 
retired  to  rest.  Early  next  morning,  during  an  eclipse 
of  the  sun  as  some  say,  the  Spanish  camp  was  attacked 

faith;  they  refused  above  all  to  discard  polygamy.  He  quotes  from  Beaumont 
to  sustain  his  view,  but  the  citation  has  no  bearing  on  the  revolt  whatever, 
merely  on  the  zeal  of  the  missionaries  to  induce  the  reluctant  neophytes  to 
leave  their  wives.  On  the  contrary,  Beaumont  affirms  positively  'que  el 
motivo  principal  que  movi6  d  estos  indios  d  rebelarse  fu6  la  dureza  de  algunos 
encomenderos.'  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  236.  An  occurrence  during  one  of  their 
Bavage  feasts,  interpreted  as  a  good  omen  by  their  sorcerers,  strengthened 
the  belief  of  the  natives  in  success,  and  probably  hastened  the  outbreak. 

^  It  seems  that  during  his  visit  to  Compostela,  Onate  changed  the  site  of 
the  place  from  near  Tepic  to  the  Cactlan  Valley,  for  greater  safety.  Mota- 
Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gcd.,  112;  Beaumont j  Crdn.  Mich.t  iv.  235. 


494 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


by  overwhelming  numbers.  Ibarra  was  defeated  and 
put  to  flight ;  ten  Spaniards  were  killed,  including  Cap- 
tain Francisco  de  la  Mota,  and  over  two  hundred  of 
the  native  allies.*  It  was  through  the  valor  of  Captain 
Diego  Vazquez  that  Ibarra's  party  escaped  utter  de- 
struction. 

When  the  first  among  the  wounded  arrived  at 
Guadalajara,  Onate  set  out  with  his  force,  except 
twelve  whom  he  left  to  guard  the  city.  He  had  not 
gone  a  league  before  he  learned  that  the  most  gallant 
of  Ibarra's  companions  were  killed  or  captured,  and 
that  the  whole  province  was  in  arms;  whereupon  he 
deemed  it  more  prudent  to  return  and  defend  the 
town.  Fifteen  days  later  friendly  Indians  confirmed 
the  alarming  news  of  a  general  uprising  in  the  regions 
of  Culiacan,  Compostela,  and  Purificacion,  where  the 
small  Spanish  garrisons  were  continually  harassed ;  it 
was  also  said  that  the  enemy  intended  to  march 
against  Guadalajara.  Onate  immediately  sent  Diego 
Vazquez  to  the  city  of  Mexico  with  urgent  appeals 
for  aid. 

During  the  month  of  August  1540,  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado  had  put  into  the  port  of  Navidad,  for  water  and 
provisions,  with  the  formidable  fleet  prepared  in 
Guatemala  to  discover  the  Spice  Islands/  though 
now  diverted  to  explore  the  newly  found  regions  of 
Cibola,  for  which  were  so  many  claimants.  While 

*In  the  Mendoza,  Visita,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  106-8,  it  is  stated 
that  Ibarra  was  sent  out  with  the  friar  Coruna,  who  heard  of  the  revolt  at 
Purificacion  and  came  in  person  to  Guadalajara.  The  same  document  men- 
tions an  expedition  prior  to  that  of  Alvarado,  in  which  Ofiate  with  50  Span- 
iards was  defeated  after  a  battle  of  four  hours.  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  ii.  cap. 
X.,  also  makes  Onate  command  the  defeated  party,  consisting  of  40  horse  and 
as  many  foot,  and  a  few  Indian  allies.  A  note  by  Munoz  in  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  iii.  377,  also  states  that  Mendoza  was  in  Guadalajara  in 
the  early  part  of  1541. 

^According  to  a  contract  made  with  the  crown.  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii. 
this-  series.  Alvarado  landed  at  Navidad  for  water  and  provisions.  TellOy 
Hist.  N.  Gal,  382;  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa.,  161;  Torquemada,  i.  323.  At 
Purificacion.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  236;  Vazquez,  Ohron.  Gvat.,  i.  159. 
Most  authors  agree  that  he  came  to  Navidad  direct,  though  it  appears  ho 
touched  at  several  ports  south  before  his  arrival  at  this  place. 


EXPEDITION  OF  ALVARADO. 


495 


there  word  reached  him  from  Juan  Fernandez  de 
Hijar,  commanding  at  Purificacion,  concerning  the 
critical  state  of  affairs.  Hijar  explained  their  forlorn 
condition,  and  begged  the  adelantado  not  to  depart 
without  coming  to  their  aid. 

The  prospect  of  an  encounter  with  so  formidable  a 
foe  appealed  at  once  to  Alvarado's  chivalry,  to  his 
devotedness  to  the  interest  of  the  crown,  and  to  his 
love  of  great  and  perilous  undertakings.  He  landed 
his  force,  consisting  of  about  four  hundred  Spaniards 
and  some  Indians,^  who  all  agreed  to  render  the  re- 
quired assistance  before  proceeding  on  their  voyage 
of  discovery.  At  this  juncture  couriers  arrived  from 
Mendoza,  summoning  Alvarado  to  Mexico,  to  arrange 
necessary  matters  concerning  his  expedition.  The 
order  frustrated  his  plans;  but  though  he  had  deter- 
mined to  go  at  once  to  the  relief  of  Guadalajara, 
he  could  not  disregard  the  request  of  the  viceroy. 
He  marched  his  forces  to  Zapotlan,  there  to  pass  the 
rainy  season;  and  after  some  discussion  with  Men- 
doza's  messengers,  Luis  de  Castilla  and  Agustin 
Guerrero,  Alvarado  agreed  to  meet  the  viceroy  at 
Tiripitio  in  Michoacan,  where  Juan  de  Alvarado,  his 
relative,  had  an  encomienda. 

It  appears  that  Mendoza  had  received  from  the 
crown  an  interest  in  Alvarado's  contract,  which  the 
latter  was  reluctant  to  concede.  Difficulties  arose 
between  them  on  this  point  at  Tiripitio,  but  were  for- 
tunately removed  by  the  good  offices  of  Bishop  Mar- 
roquin  of  Guatemala,  who  was  present.  Mendoza's 
plan  to  unite  with  Alvarado  and  exclude  Cortes  from 
further  discoveries  northward  and  in  the  South  Sea 
was  accomplished,  as  much  to  his  own  as  to  Alvarado's 
satisfaction.  The  latter  was  severely  censured  at  the 
time  for  thus  conniving  against  the  interests  of  his 
benefactor.^ 

«  The  forces  of  Alvarado  are  variously  given  as  from  300  to  600, 
''  Cortes  never  resented  this  ingratitude,  but  complained  of  Mendoza's  con- 
duct in  the  matter,  and  the  cunning  and  avarice  he  displayed  toward  Alva- 
rado.   According  to  his  testimony  the  adelantado  anchored  his  magnificent 


m 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


The  contract  concluded,  Alvarado  accompanied  the 
viceroy  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  to  attend  to  the  final 
preparations  for  the  two  expeditions  agreed  upon: 
one  along  the  northern  coast  and  the  other  to  the 
Spice  Islands,  after  which  Alvarado  returned  to 
New  Galicia  to  join  his  troops  and  the  fleet.  When 
Crist6bal  de  Onate,  who  was  now  sorely  pressed  by 
the  savages,  learned  of  Alvarado's  return  to  Zapotlan, 
he  despatched  Juan  de  Villareal  to  notify  him  of  the 
Mixton  disaster,  and  to  ask  for  early  assistance.  It 
was  necessary  to  Alvarado's  enterprise  to  leave  the 
ports  of  New  Galicia  secure  as  a  base  for  operations, 
80  that  there  was  inducement  for  him  to  hasten  to 
Onate's  relief.  He  sent  fifty  men  to  protect  Autlan 
and  Purificacion ;  fifty  remained  at  Zapotlan  to  guard 
the  districts  of  Colima  and  Avalos;  at  Etzatlan  and 
Lake  Chapala  garrisons  of  twenty-five  men  each  were 
stationed,  and  Alvarado  himself  with  a  hundred  horse 
and  as  many  foot  pushed  on  to  Guadalajara.  Tonald 
and  Tlacomulco  had  been  kept  faithful  by  Friar  An- 
tonio de  Segovia,  and  reenforced  Alvarado  on  the 
way;  he  seems  also  to  have  been  joined  by  a  native 
force  from  Michoacan.  Such  was  the  rapidity  of  his 
march  to  Guadalajara,  that  the  passage  of  the  bar- 
ranca of  TonaU,  which,  owing  to  the  river  and  the 
roughness  of  the  country  ordinarily  required  three 
days,  was  accomplished  in  a  day  and  a  night. 

Just  before  the  arrival  of  Alvarado,  which  occurred 
June  12, 1541,  Ibarra  had  returned  from  a  new  recon- 
noissance,  during  which  he  had  met  nothing  but  scorn 

fleet,  composed  of  12  or  13  ships,  at  Huatulco  in  Tehuantepec,  to  take  in 
provisions.  He  was  prevented,  however,  by  the  viceroy's  agents,  who  in 
their  turn  offered  him  provisions  in  the  name  of  their  master,  demanding 
in  exchange  an  interest  in  the  fleet  and  in  the  enterprise.  Alvarado  refused, 
and  sailed  for  Navidad.  But  the  viceroy's  emissaries  had  foreseen  this  and 
arrived  there  soon  after  the  fleet.  Alvarado  had  no  alternative  now  but  to 
Bubmit  to  the  viceroy's  conditions,  lest  his  starving  forces  should  desert  him; 
and  thus  it  came  about  that  Mendoza  obtained  a  half  ownership  in  the  fleet. 
After  the  death  of  Alvarado  the  viceroy  seized  all  the  ships  and  even  then 
claimed  that  Alvarado  was  still  his  debtor.  CorUs,  Memorial^  in  Escritos 
fiueltos,  134-5.  Bishop  Marroquin,  writing  to  the  emperor  in  1545,  refers  to 
his  services  in  arranging  the  difficulties  whi^h  had  existed  between  Mendoza 
imd  Alvarado.  Squier'a  MSS.,  xxii.  139. 


RASHNESS  OF  THE  CONQUISTADOR. 


497 


from  the  natives  at  Nochistlan.  A  cour^cil  of  war 
was  held,  and  the  fiery  adelantado  declined  to  await 
the  coming  of  reenforcements  from  Mexico ;  nor  would 
he  accept  the  aid  of  Onate's  brave  little  band  in  the 
attack  he  had  decided  upon.  The  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor, better  acquainted  with  the  enemy's  strength 
and  desperate  valor,  counselled  prudence  and  delay. 
He  called  to  mind  the  rugged  nature  of  the  country, 
and  the  recent  rains  which  rendered  operations  of  cav- 
alry difficult.  Other  prominent  persons  joined  Onate 
in  his  endeavor  to  dissuade  the  adelantado  from  so 
perilous  an  undertaking  until  troops  should  arrive 
from  Mexico,  but  no  reason  could  prevail,  and  he 
scoffed  at  their  fears. 

The  conqueror  had  been  summoned  from  weighty 
matters  for  this  petty  strife.  He  would  show  Onate 
a  thing  or  two,  and  teach  him  how  to  quell  his  own 
disturbances.  '"By  Santiago!"  he  exclaimed,  "there 
are  not  Indians  enough  in  the  country  to  withstand 
my  attack,  and  a  disgrace  would  it  be  to  Spanish  valor 
to  employ  more  men.  God  has  guided  me  hither  and 
I  shall  vanquish  the  rebels  alone.  With  a  smaller 
force  than  this  I  have  discomfited  greater  hosts.  It 
is  disgraceful  that  the  barking  of  such  a  pack  should 
suffice  to  alarm  the  country.  I  shall  leave  this  city 
on  the  day  of  St  John^  with  my  own  force,  and  not 
a  citizen  or  soldier  from  Guadalajara  shall  follow. 
Let  them  remain;  the  victory  will  be  mine  alone." 
And  somewhat  sneeringly  he  added,  "  Because  of  an 
insignificant  advantage  gained  by  the  natives,  the 
Spaniards  have  lost  their  valor  I" 

Now  Onate  was  every  whit  as  brave  as  Alvarado, 
but  he  was  more  prudent;  the  lives  of  the  settlers,  of 
their  wives  and  little  ones,  depended  on  his  judicious 
conduct.  The  taunt  of  the  adelantado  stung,  but  he 
would  not  treat  the  illustrious  conqueror  with  disre- 

*Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  389,  and  other  authors  here  say  *  St  James,'  which 
would  be  July  25th;  Alvarcido's  disastrous  defeat  occured  June  24th,  or  on  St 
John's  day. 

EzsT.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  82 


49a 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


spect.  It  pained  him  to  see  bravery  becoming  bra- 
vado; Alvarado's  men  were  but  lately  enlisted,  and 
could  not  be  compared  with  those  so  recently  defeated 
at  the  Mixton.  I  am  sorry  to  see  you  dej  art  alone," 
he  said,  "for  I  assure  your  worship  there  will  be 
trouble.  Had  you  but  awaited  the  viceroy's  reen- 
forcements,  we  might  have  jointly  pacified  the  country 
without  much  risk."  More  determined  than  ever, 
Alvarado  replied:  "The  die  is  cast;  I  trust  in  God!" 
Thereupon  he  set  out  from  Guadalajara  with  his 
forces,  horse,  foot,  and  Indians,  toward  Nochistlan. 
He  stirred  within  his  men  their  vanity  and  their  valor; 
it  was  absurd  to  think  of  waiting  for  more  men;  the 
fewer  the  number  the  greater  the  share  of  plunder. 
Thus  was  opened  the  last  campaign  of  the  dashing 
adelantado,  one  of  the  most  reckless,  and  one  of  the 
most  cruel. 

Unable  to  remain  inactive,  Onate  followed  with 
twenty-five  horsemen.  Should  his  fears  be  realized,  he 
would  be  near  to  render  aid;  and  in  case  of  a  hojDe- 
less  rout  he  might  return  in  time  for  the  protection  of 
Guadalajara.  He  crossed  the  Kio  Grande  and  march- 
ing through  the  mountains  of  Nochistlan  toward  Juchi- 
pila  stationed  himself  on  a  height  from  which  he  could 
witness  the  attack. 

On  the  24th  of  June  Alvarado  arrived  at  the 
penol  of  Nochistlan,  which  was  protected  by  seven 
walls  of  stone,  earth,  and  trees,  and  defended  by  a 
multitude  of  warriors.  After  a  short  and  fruitless 
parley  he  pushed  forward  to  take  the  breastworks  by 
assault.  A  human  flood  opposed  his  progress.  Ten 
thousand  Indians,  men  and  women,  poured  down  upon 
the  aggressor  like  a  torrent.  The  sky  was  dark  with 
arrows,  darts,  and  stones,  and  at  the  first  shock  twenty 
Spaniards  fell  dead.  The  ferocity  of  the  enemy  was 
such  that  they  tore  the  bodies  of  the  slain  to  pieces, 
threw  them  into  the  air,  and  then  devoured  them. 
Consternation  seized  the  Spaniards.  Nevertheless 
Alvarado  rallied,  and  in  a  second  onslaught  ten  more 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


499 


horsemen  bit  the  dust.  Thirty  out  of  a  hundred, 
slain  in  a  trice  !  It  was  a  result  unparalleled  in  the 
history  of  Indian  warfare.  It  was  indeed  a  perilous 
situation,  yet  they  rallied  again.  The  natives  encour- 
aged by  their  victory,  and  aware  of  the  determination 
of  the  assailants,  were  ready;  they  even  came  forth 
from  their  intrenchment  and  seemed  desirous  of  tak- 
ing the  open  field.^ 

Alvarado  now  ordered  to  the  assault  the  Spanish 
foot,  Captain  Falcon,  one  hundred  strong,  with  five 
thousand  Michoacan  allies  under  Antonio,  son  of 
Caltzontzin,  the  late  king  of  that  country,  all  to  be 
supported  by  the  cavalry.  Disregarding  his  orders. 
Falcon  attacked  too  soon,  and  without  awaiting  the 
support,  pressed  on  toward  the  summit  of  the  hill. 
Perceiving  that  the  horsemen  were  not  present  the 
Indians  offered  little  resistance  until  he  had  reached 
a  point  near  the  top  of  the  penol,  then,  suddenly  clos- 
ing in  upon  his  front  and  rear,  they  prevented  the 
cavalry  from  coming  to  his  aid.  With  great  difficulty 
the  assailants  extricated  themselves  from  their  des- 
perate situation,  during  which  Captain  Falcon  with 
seven  or  eight  Spaniards,  and  many  allies,  were  killed. 
The  enem}^  pursued  the  retreating  Spaniards  into  the 
plain  below,  where  bogs  prevented  the  cavalry  from 
effective  action.  The  people  of  the  penol  were  masters 
of  the  field,  and  the  Spaniards  were  fairly  put  to 
rout.  The  rain  fell  in  torrents;  the  roads  became 
impassable. 

For  a  distance  of  three  leagues  the  elated  Indians 
pursued,  and  another  Spaniard  was  killed.  Alvarado 
had  dismounted  to  fight  on  foot,  to  cover  the  retreat 
in  person.  At  last  the  Spanish  forces  were  driven 
into  a  ravine  between  Yahualica  and  Acatic,  when  the 
fury  of  the  pursuers  began  to  abate,  and  they  turned 

*  According  to  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  391,  who  has  left  us  the  most 
accurate  account  of  the  Mixton  war.  A  somewhat  different  version  of  Alva- 
rado's  attack  is  given  by  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xi.,  who  says  that 
the  combined  forces  of  Onate  and  the  adelantado  marched  on  Nochistlan, 
See  also  Vega,  Crdn.  Mich.,  MS.,  lib.  iv.  cap.  vii. 


500 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


back  toward  Nochistlan.  Alvarado  endeavored  to 
check  the  flight  of  his  men,  to  rally  and  rest  them; 
but  they  were  terror-stricken  and  paid  no  heed  to  the 
orders  of  the  commander.  To  save  their  lives  they 
were  now  even  willing  the  enemy  should  live;  so 
onward  they  swept  over  the  rugged  ground,  caring 
little  for  captain  or  country.  Alvarado's  secretary, 
Baltasar  de  Montoya,  whose  horse  was  much  fatigued, 
was  particularly  anxious  to  widen  the  distance  be- 
tween himself  and  the  enemy. 

Montoya  rode  in  front  of  his  master,  who  repeatedly 
told  him  to  slacken  his  pace,  or  the  horse  would  fall 
with  him.  But  the  scribe  was  beside  himself  with 
fear;  so  much  so  that  on  coming  to  a  broken  embank- 
ment, instead  of  economizing  his  fast  failing  resources 
he  spurred  the  jaded  animal  toward  the  steep.  When 
about  half  way  up  the  horse  lost  its  footing  and 
fell,  throwing  likewise  Alvarado  and  his  horse  to  the 
ground,  whereupon  all  were  precipitated  into  a  ravine 
below.  Montoya  was  not  much  injured,^^  but  the 
gallant  conqueror  lay  crushed,  his  fair  form  broken 
and  mutilated. 

Alas!  Tonatiuh,  the  sun,  had  set;  the  immortal 
one  was  clay.  Slain  by  no  enemy,  he  w^as  none  the 
less  a  victim  to  his  own  rashness.  He  was  the  last 
of  the  famous  four,  and  his  death  was  as  might  have 
been  expected.  Cortes  and  Sandoval,  though  no  less 
familiar  with  danger  than  Olid  and  Alvarado,  were  less 
the  slaves  of  reckless  impulse.  Ever  holding  passion 
subservient  to  reason,  and  feeling  to  common-sense, 
they  escaped  violent  death.  Not  that  death  by  vio- 
lence, quick  deliverance,  is  necessarily  worse  or  more 
appalling  than  the  long-draw^n  agony  attending  bodily 
disease  or  a  broken  heart.  Alvarado's  was  not  a 
glorious  death,  but  neither  was  that  of  Cortds  or 
Columbus,  whose  last  hours  were  made  miserable  by 
slights  and  insults,  by  foiled  ambition  and  a  princely 
pauperism. 

^•^  The  clumsy  coward  lived  to  the  age  of  105  years.  TeWo,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  392. 


DEATH  OF  ALVARADO. 


501 


Few  of  the  New  World  conquerors  perished  in  bat- 
tle ;  and  yet  it  was  not  altogether  on  account  of  the 
superior  prowess  of  the  European.  Surely  the  dan- 
ger was  apparently  greater  during  the  Noche  Triste 
than  in  this  retreat  of  Alvarado's,  or  in  the  captivity 
of  Olid  in  Honduras.  Look  at  the  fate  of  Diego  de 
Nicuesa,  of  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  of  Vasco  Nunez,  Pizarro, 
and  the  long  list  of  captains  who  came  to  the  Indies, 
and  behold  the  irony  of  ambition  I  And  even  worse, 
perhaps,  was  the  end  of  those  of  yet  more  exalted 
ideas  and  successes,  whose  souls,  no  matter  how  high 
the  achievement,  or  how  great  the  reward,  were  racked 
with  disappointment,  envy,  and  hatred  as  the  aching 
body  was  descending  to  the  grave.  Reverse  the  prov- 
erb "Per  aspera  ad  astra,"  and  see  what  toils  and  suf- 
ferino-s  sytrino;  from  renown ! 

Alvarado  did  not  immediately  expire.  Upon  a 
hastily  prepared  litter  he  was  borne,  in  great  suf- 
fering, to  Atenguillo,  four  leagues  from  where  the 
fatal  fall  occurred.  Ohate  having  witnessed  the  rout 
of  the  Spanish  forces  from  his  position,  hastened  to 
his  relief ;  but  the  flight  of  Alvarado's  party  was  so 
rapid  that  it  was  impossible  to  overtake  them.  At 
Yahualica,  too  late,  he  came  up  with  stragglers 
from  whom  he  learned  the  particulars  of  Alvarado's 
fate. 

At  nightfall  the  lieutenant-governor  arrived  at 
Atenguillo,  and  the  meeting  of  the  commanders  was 
touching  in  the  extreme.  ''He  who  will  not  listen  to 
good  counsel  must  be  content  to  suffer,"  said  Alvarado. 
''I  was  wrong;  I  see  it  now;  yet  most  of  all  it  was 
my  misfortune  to  have  with  me  so  vile  a  coward  as 
Montoya,  whom  I  have  rescued  these  many  times 
from  death."  He  was  conveyed  to  the  city  of  Gua- 
dalajara to  the  house  of  Juan  de  Camino,  who  was 
married  to  Magdalena  de  Alvarado,  his  relative;  and 

^^The  first  words  Alvarado  spoke  after  recovering  his  senses  were:  *Esto 
merece  quien  trae  consigo  tales  hombres  como  Montoya.'  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal., 
392. 


602 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


after  attending  to  his  worldly  affairs  he  expired,  July 
4,  1541.^' 

With  few  exceptions,  Alvarado's  men  left  Guadala- 
jara after  their  leader's  death.  But  the  garrisons 
posted  at  different  points  remained  for  some  time  at 
Onate's  request;  and  at  last  a  detachment  of  troops 
arrived  from  Mexico.  Fifty  men,  sent  by  Mendoza, 
under  Captain  Juan  de  Muncibay,  came  late  in  July 
and  increased  the  number  of  defenders  to  eighty-five. 
And  the  revolted  natives,  elated  at  their  recent  vic- 
tory, redoubled  their  efforts  to  enlist  in  the  struggle 
for  freedom  those  who  had  heretofore  held  aloof. 

Many  native  chiefs,  however,  remained  faithful  to 
the  Spaniards.  One  of  these,  Francisco  Ganguillos 
of  Ixcatlan,  distinguished  himself  by  arresting  thirty 
of  the  rebel  emissaries  from  Matlatlan,  sending  them 
to  Guadalajara,  where  they  were  put  to  death after 
having  revealed  a  plan  to  attack  the  city  in  Septem- 
ber, the  intention  being  to  annihilate  the  Spaniards 
before  Mendoza  could  arrive  with  succor.  At  a  coun- 
cil of  war  it  was  resolved  to  defend  the  city  to  the 
last,  though  some  of  the  officers  were  in  favor  of 
abandoning  the  country,  or  at  least  of  retreating  to 
TonaU.  Onate,  however,  objected,  maintaining  that 
the  Indians  there  were  as  treacherous  as  elsewhere. 

The  strongest  buildings  about  the  plaza  were  forti- 
fied, the  rest  being  abandoned  and  torn  to  pieces  for 
material  to  strengthen  the  defences.  In  the  mean 
time  Captain  Muncibay  and  Juan  de  Alvarado  made 
a  reconnoissance,  during  which  they  had  a  sharp  fight, 
and  a  thousand  natives  are  said  to  have  been  slain. 

His  remains  were  deposited  in  the  cliapel  of  Our  Lady  in  Gruadalajara; 
subsequently  transferred  to  Tiripitio,  thence  to  Mexico,  and  finally  to  Guate- 
mala. Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal,  395-6,  rightly  remarks:  *  Torquemada  and  Reme- 
sal  erred  when,  speaking  of  Alvarado  s  death,  they  say  it  occurred  at  Etzatlan, 
or  on  the  height  of  Mochitiltic,  between  Guadalajara  and  Compostela,  and 
that  the  adelantado  was  buried  at  Etzatlan;  and  that  Bernal  Diaz  errs  still 
more,  saying  that  it  happened  on  some  petioles  called  Cochitlan,  near  Purifi- 
cacion. '  The  sad  fate  which  overtook  Alvarado's  wife.  Dona  Beatriz  de  la 
Cueva,  during  the  destruction  of  the  city  of  Guatemala,  and  the  biographical 
sketch  of  Alvarado,  are  given  in  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.,  this  series. 
^^Sept.  6,  1541.  Tello,  Hist.  JST.  Gal.,  399. 


DESPERATE  ENCOUNTERS. 


533 


When  the  fortifications  were  completed,  news  came 
by  the  natives  who  suppUed  the  city  with  food  and 
water,  that  the  friendly  people  of"  Tlacotlan,  a  town 
of  three  thousand  inhabitants,  one  league  from  Gua- 
dalajara, had  also  rebelled. 

Captain  Pedro  de  Placencia  was  sent  to  protect 
the  carriers,  but  the  enemy  advanced  upon  him  in 
such  force  that  he  was  obliged  to  return  headlong 
into  the  city,  with  the  pursuers  upon  his  heels.  On 
the  28th  of  September  the  assailants  appeared  in  the 
vicinity,  fifty  thousand  strong,  blackening  the  plain 
for  half  a  league  about  the  town.  The  following  morn- 
ing, St  Michael's  day,  they  entered  Guadalajara,  set 
fire  to  the  abandoned  houses,  destroyed  the  church, 
desecrated  the  images,  and  desperately  assaulted  the 
fortified  buildings.  The  protected  position  of  the 
Spaniards  and  the  skilful  use  of  a  few  pieces  of  artil- 
lery alone  enabled  them  to  withstand  the  shock.  The 
entrances  to  the  plaza  were  bravely  defended ;  only 
one  Indian  entered,  and  he  was  killed  by  Beatriz 
Hernandez,  wife  of  Captain  Olea,  who  distinguished 
herself  throughout  the  war  by  comforting  the  women 
and  children  and  aiding  the  soldiers. 

At  one  time  the  enemy  were  on  the  point  of  suc- 
cess. The  powder  had  become  wet  and  the  cannon 
useless,  and  an  explosion  occurred  during  an  attempt 
at  drying.  Meanwhile  the  adobe  wall  was  under- 
mined and  fell ;  but  the  guns  were  brought  to  bear 
in  time  and  the  foe  fell  by  hundreds.  The  Indians 
ceased  their  assaults,  resolved  to  starve  the  besieged ; 
they  retired  behind  the  buildings,  where  they  were 
sheltered  from  the  guns,  and  poured  in  upon  the  gar- 
rison volley  after  volley  of  taunts  and  threats,  prom- 
ising to  kill  all  the  men  and  make  concubines  of 
the  women.  The  virago  Beatriz  Hernandez,  enraged 
by  these  insults,  would  have  sprung  from  a  window 
upon  the  savages  to  tear  their  tongues  out,  but  was 
prevented  by  the  men.^^    The  soldiers  in  time  became 

Whereupon  '  de  pura  rabia  volvid  la  trasera  y  alzd  las  falJas,  diciendo: 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


discouraged,  and  it  was  only  by  great  coolness  and 
presence  of  mind  that  Onate  was  able  to  prevent  their 
spirits  from  sinking;  he  threatened  finally  to  open 
the  gates  and  allow  all  of  them  to  be  butchered  in 
cold  blood  if  they  continued  to  display  such  pusilla- 
nimity. 

A  series  of  sorties  was  now  resolved  on,  and  proved 
successful.  During  a  conflict  of  several  hours  in  which 
only  one  Spaniard  fell,  the  hosts  of  the  enemy  were 
routed,  leaving  fifteen  thousand  dead  in  and  about  the 
town.  The  Spaniards  themselves  were  astonished  at 
their  victory  over  such  vast  numbers;  but  the  secret 
of  their  success  was  soon  revealed.  Many  of  the 
idolatrous  Indians  were  found  hidden  in  the  town, 
blinded  and  maimed,  but  not  by  hand  of  man.  San- 
tiago on  his  white  horse  had  issued  from  the  burning 
church,  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  angels,  and  had 
fought  for  the  Christians  throughout  the  battle.  Due 
honors  were  paid  to  this  saint  for  his  timely  inter- 
position ;  also  to  St  Michael,  on  whose  day  the  battle 
was  fought.  Many  captives  were  put  to  death,  and 
others  enslaved;  those  blinded  by  the  hand  of  God 
were  set  at  liberty;  and  many  more  were  sent  to 
rejoin  their  tribes  after  being  deprived  of  their  sight, 
or  otherwise  mutilated,  and  having  their  wounds 
bathed  in  boiling  oil.  It  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that 
when  the  heavenly  powers  set  such  an  example,  their 
earthly  followers  should  be  slow  to  imitate.  This 
battle  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  hotly  contested 
in  the  annals  of  the  conquest,  and  a  chapter  might  be 
filled  with  incidents  of  individual  prowess. 

In  October,  in  consequence  of  this  siege,  and  the 
Spaniards  fearing  another  attack,  it  was  determined  to 
transfer  the  city  to  its  modern  site  south  of  the  Kio 
Grande. 

Perros,  besadme  aqul,  que  no  os  verbis  en  ese  espejo,  sino  en  este  y  cuando 
lo  estaba  diciendo  se  arrojaron  una  flechaque  le  elav6  las  faldas  con  el  tejado, 
en  las  vigas  del  techo,  por  estar  baja.'  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  406. 

15  Here  again  Beatriz  Hernandez  displayed  her  strength  of  mifid.  It  was 
through  her  resolute  and  determined  decision  that  the  new  site  of  the  city 
was  agreed  upon.  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  415-16. 


THE  COUNTRY  IN  DANGER. 


505 


The  viceroy  and  other  authorities  in  Mexico  had 
now  become  thoroughly  aroused.  The  situation  was 
critical.  The  rebels  were  sending  messengers  in  all 
directions,  and  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the  extermi- 
nation of  the  foreigners  throughout  America.  Their 
superstitious  fear  of  the  Spaniards,  of  their  powder 
and  of  their  horses,  which  had  rendered  conquest 
possible,  had  to  a  great  extent  disappeared.  It  was 
now  well  understood  by  the  native  leaders  that  they 
had  to  deal  with  men,  not  gods;  united  action  might 
throw  off  the  yoke.  This  unity  of  action  it  seemed 
well-nigh  impossible  to  attain.  In  the  region  about 
Mexico  a  successful  rebellion  could  not  be  set  on  foot ; 
the  only  hope  for  the  natives  and  danger  to  the  Span- 
iards lay  in  the  frontier  provinces.  Let  two  or  three 
of  these  expel  the  intruders,  regain  their  independence, 
establish  fortified  camps  in  naturally  strong  positions, 
offer  an  asylum  and  rallying-point  to  the  disaffected 
everywhere,  divide  the  forces  of  the  Spaniards  and 
thus  gain  time  to  arouse  the  native  patriotism,  and 
perfect  a  general  plan  of  action  :  the  result  would  be 
a  desperate  struggle  from  which  the  Spaniards  had 
everything  to  fear.  The  Indian  chiefs  of  New  Galicia 
had  hit  upon  the  only  plan  which  offered  any  chance 
of  success;  the  hated  invaders  must  be  crushed  wholly 
and  immediately. 

Mendoza  raised  a  force  of  about  four  hundred  and 
fifty  Spaniards,  and  some  thirty  thousand  Tlascaltec 
and  Aztec  warriors,  whose  fidelity  was  assured  by 
promises  of  honors  and  wealth  to  their  leaders.  And 
not  without  misgivings  and  opposition  they  were  in- 
trusted by  the  viceroy  with  horses  and  fire-arms,  being 
authorized  for  the  first  time  to  manufacture  a.nd  to 
carry  Spanish  weapons.  The  army  set  out  from 
Mexico  on  the  day  of  the  battle  at  Guadalajara,  and 
marched  through  Michoacan  by  nearly  the  same  route 
as  that  followed  by  Nufio  de  Guzman  in  1529.^^ 


^^Tliere  was  some  evidence  of  a  plot  for  revolt  between  the  natives  of 
Michoacan  and  the  Tlascaltecs,  as  explained  by  Lopez  in  a  letter  to  the  em- 


506 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


While  Mendoza  was  marching  to  the  valley  of 
Cuind,,  Onate  was  preparing  for  the  removal  of  Gua- 
dalajara, and  had  for  that  purpose  sent  Juan  del 
Camino  with  twenty  horsemen  toward  Tlacotlan, 
Contla,  and  Mesticacan,  to  reconnoitre.  The  Span- 
iards were  surprised  to  find  as  many  Indians  here  as 
formerly,  who  had  all  been  frightened  into  submission. 
These  natives  advised  Camino,  however,  to  proceed 
no  farther,  as  the  fierce  Cascanes  were  preparing  for 
another  attack  on  Guadalajara.  He  thereupon  re- 
turned, bringing  with  him  to  the  city  a  troop  of  natives 
with  a  large  quantity  of  provisions. 

Meanwhile  Mendoza  arrived  at  the  penol  of  Cuina, 
the  first  stronghold  of  the  Indians  attacked.  It  was 
defended  by  ten  thousand  warriors,  who  scornfully 
refused  offers  of  peace,  withstood  a  siege  of  ten  or  fif- 
teen days,  and  were  finally  conquered  by  stratagem. 
A  party  of  Mexicans  disguised  themselves  as  Cuind, 
warriors  bearing  water-jars,  and  gained  access  to  the 
fortress,  after  a  sham  fight  in  which  other  auxiliaries  of 
Mendoza  pretended  to  prevent  the  succor.  The  army 
followed;  and  in  the  hand-to-hand  struggle  which  en- 
sued, a  large  part  of  the  defenders  of  the  penol,  with 
their  wives  and  children,  were  slaughtered.  In  their 
fright  and  confusion  many  threw  themselves  down 
the  precipice.  Over  two  thousand  are  said  to  have, 
been  captured  and  enslaved. 

peror.  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  141-7.  He  gives  this  plot  as  a  reason  for  the 
opposition  to  arming  the  Indians,  while  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xii.,and 
others  regard  it  as  one  of  the  incentives  to  Mendoza's  campaign.  Lopez  says 
Mendoza's  army  included  one  half  the  citizens  of  Mexico  and  from  40,000  to 
50,000  natives;  Herrera,  450  Spaniards  and  same  number  of  Indians,  dec. 
vii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  v.;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  387-8;  Tello,  10,000 Indians, 
Hist.  N.  Gal.,  396-8,  417-19;  Mendoza,  Visita,  180  horsemen  and  a  number 
of  Indian  volunteers, in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  110-12.  The  date  of  departure 
was  Sept.  22d,  according  to  Lopez,  and  Sept.  29th,  according  to  Acazitli,  Rel., 
in  Id.,  307.  Tello  says  Mendoza  left  Mexico  'd  los  principios  de  Enero  1542,* 
having  prepared  the  expedition  'd  los  fines  de  1541.' 

^^Navarrete,  Hist.  Jal.,  75-7,  mentions  four  other  places  in  this  region, 
one  of  them  on  the  author's  own  estate,  where  bones  and  blood-stained  stones 
showed  battles  to  have  taken  place.  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  142,  implies 
that  there  was  no  assault  until  after  the  stratagem.  According  to  Beaumont, 
Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  390-1,  4,000  Indians  killed  themselves  and  10,000  were 
slain.  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  v.,  tells  us  the  place  fell  easily  and  no 


FALL  OF  NOCHISTLAN. 


507 


Mendoza  then  pushed  forward  over  the  Cerro 
Gordo.  The  natives  of  Acatic  and  of  the  valley  of 
Zapotlan  having  surrendered  without  serious  resist- 
ance, the  forces  of  Onate  and  Mendoza  effected  a 
junction  and  marched  against  Nochistlan.  The  place 
was  defended  by  a  large  army  under  Tenamaxtli, 
whose  Christian  name  was  Don  Diego  Zacatecas.  In 
the  first  attack  two  of  the  seven  lines  of  defensive 
works  were  carried,  and  the  rest,  except  the  last  and 
strongest,  were  battered  down  by  the  artillery  after  a 
siege  of  several  days.  The  besieged  at  last  proposed 
a  suspension  of  hostilities  and  an  attack  on  Mixton, 
promising  to  surrender  when  that  fortress  should  fall. 
These  terms  were  of  course  refused,  and  by  a  final 
assault  the  last  defences  were  carried.  The  Spanish 
flag  was  planted  by  Captain  Muncibay  on  the  summit, 
and  those  of  the  defenders  who  had  not  escaped  with 
their  leader  to  Mixton,  yielded.  The  prisoners  were 
condemned  to  slavery  by  Mendoza;  but  Ibarra,  who 
was  the  encomendero  of  the  district,  fearing  its  depop- 
ulation and  the  ruin  of  his  property  interests,  allowed 
them  to  escape.^^ 

The  Spanish  forces  then  marched  to  Juchipila  and 
found  that  all  the  natives  had  taken  refuge  on  the 
Mixton,  which  was  the  strongest  of  all  the  rebel 

slaves  were  made.  In  Mendoza,  Visita,  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  112-14,  it 
appears  that  248  slaves  were  made  and  distributed  among  the  auxiliaries. 
Tello  affirms  that  4,000,  besides  women  and  children,  killed  themselves; 
2,000  were  killed  by  Spaniards,  and  2,000  slaves  taken.  Acazitli  calls  this 
the  battle  of  Tototlan,  and  represents  it  as  having  been  fought  Oct.  26, 
1541. 

The  Spaniards  were  15  days  bombarding  the  place  without  results.  The 
population  was  60,000;  2,000  were  killed  and  1,000  enslaved.  Mota  Pad'dla, 
Conq.  N.  Gal,  146-7;  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal,  i.  422-5.  They  fought  from 
eight  A.  M.  to  four  p.  m.,  when  the  place  was  taken  after  considerable  loss. 
The  battle  occurred  November  12th,  and  four  Spaniards  were  killed.  Acazitli, 
Rel,  312;  Mendoza,  Visita,  114.  Number  of  Spaniards  1,000;  auxiliaries 
60,000  to  70,000.  Navarrete,  Hist,  Jal,  80-2.  There  were  6,000  killed,  and 
10,000  enslaved,  but  subsequently  released  by  Ibarra.  Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich., 
iv.  398.  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve.,  154,  speaks  of  a  twenty  days' siege;  6,000  killed; 
1,000  slaves;  the  natives  surrendered  for  want  of  water  and  owing  to  the  defec- 
tion of  a  cacique.  The  Spanish  soldiers  were  exceedingly  loath  to  relinquish 
the  slaves,  but  Mendoza  seems  to  have  approved  of  Ibarra's  act.  Tello  and 
Mota  Padilla  say  the  people  of  Nochistlan  were  allowed  to  escape  before  the 
final  surrender  and  not  after  their  capture. 


508 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


fortresses.^^  There  were  still  assembled  under  Tena- 
maxtli  a  hundred  thousand  warriors.  So  strong  was 
the  position,  and  so  bravely  were  the  few  accessible 
passes  guarded,  that  after  a  siege  of  about  three 
weeks,  with  continuous  assaults,  little  progress  had 
been  made.  But  thousands  of  the  patriotic  defenders 
of  their  native  soil  had  perished,  swept  down  by 
Spanish  cannon,  and  great  suffering  began  to  be  ex- 
perienced. Many  of  the  christianized  natives,  and 
others  who  had  joined  in  the  rebellion  on  the  sor- 
cerer's assurances  of  an  easy  victory  and  abundant 
spoils,  were  tired  of  the  hardships  and  slaughter,  and 
leaving  the  penol  by  secret  passes  they  returned  to 
their  homes.  The  warriors  of  Teul  openly  declared 
they  had  come  to  the  Mixton  only  to  prove  that  they 
were  no  cowards,  and  proposed  a  sortie  by  the  whole 
force.  This  being  declined,  they  marched  out  alone 
against  the  Spaniards;  but,  traitors  as  they  were, 
they  shot  their  arrows  into  the  air  and  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  easily  captured.  They  were  pardoned  and 
accepted  as  auxiliaries  or  sent  home,  after  having 
revealed  a  secret  pass  by  which  the  viceroy's  forces 
might  reach  the  top  of  the  penol. 

The  disclosing  of  this  pass  was  attributed  by  some 
to  St  James,  who  appeared  to  Father  Segovia  and 
led  the  Christians  to  the  attack.  Accounts  of  the 
final  victory  are  conflicting;  but  it  seems  that  one  or 
two  assaults,  accompanied  by  great  slaughter  during 
which  thousands  cast  themselves  down  the  cliff,  were 
made  and  repulsed;  and  that  finally  such  survivors  as 
could  not  escape  or  had  not  the  courage  to  destroy 
themselves,  surrendered  to  an  embassy  of  friars  who 
went  unarmed  among  them.  These  friars  permitted 
many  of  the  Christian  Indians  to  retire  to  their 
towns  before  the  surrender,  on  promise  of  good  be- 
havior. The  captives  taken  numbered  over  ten  thou- 
sand.   A  large  proportion  of  the  force  at  Mixton  was 

"  Mixton,  'subida  de  gatos'  or  'cats'  ascent;'  thus  named  because  of  the 
difficult  access  to  the  summit. 


MENDOZA'S  SUCCESSES. 


609 


composed  of  Chichimec  tribes,  and  of  thes^  such  as 
escaped  slavery  fled  with  their  leader  toward  the  moun- 
tains of  Zacatecas  and  Nayarit.^*' 

There  were  some  further  military  movements,  but 
apparently  no  serious  resistance  north  of  the  river 
Tololotlan.  From  Juchipila  the  Spaniards  marched 
down  the  river  of  that  name  to  San  Cristobal,  at  the 
junction  with  the  former.  Thirty  thousand  native 
warriors  had  fortified  themselves  near  Tepeaca,  but  on 
the  approach  of  the  Spaniards  they  were  persuaded 
by  Romero,  the  encomendero  of  the  place,  to  scatter 
and  abandon  the  idea  of  further  resistance.  In  thus 
looking  out  for  his  own  interests,  he  had  but  followed 
the  example  of  Ibarra;  but  he  had  allowed  the  escape 
of  the  fierce  Cascanes,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  rebel- 
lion. He  was  condemned  to  death  by  Mendoza,  but 
afterward  pardoned  in  consideration  of  past  services. 
The  viceroy  next  marched  toward  the  penol  of  Ahua- 
catlan,  where  all  the  natives  of  the  province  of  Com- 
postela  were  understood  to  be  fortified.  Passing  with 
his  army  south  of  the  Rio  Grande,  probably  in  Jan- 
uary 1542,^^  visiting  many  of  the  disaffected  towns  in 
that  region,  he  extended  his  operations  to  Etzatlan 
and  Tequila,  where  two  friars  had  been  murdered 
during  the  year.^^ 

The  inhabitants  now  seemed  ready  to  submit  with- 
out further  resistance.  After  several  days  at  Etzatlan, 
and  when  about  to  march  on  Ahuacatlan,  the  viceroy 
learned  that  Juan  de  Villalba  had  taken  that  penol 

2°  Just  before  the  attack  on  Mixton  there  was  a  day's  discussion  between 
the  leaders  and  the  friars  about  the  justice  of  the  war.  Mota  Padilla,  Conq. 
N.  Gal.,  149.  According  to  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib,  v.  cap.  ii.,  Mixton  surren- 
dered without  a  straggle.  The  statements  in  regard  to  the  number  of  killed 
and  captured  vary  greatly. 

After  the  fall  of  Mixton,  during  Christmas  festivities,  they  were  near 
Jalpa.  At  Ahuacatlan,  February  2d.  Acazitli,  Bel.,  318-27.  At  Tequila 
January  23d.  Hernandez  y  Ddvalos,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  6p.  ii. 
481-2. 

^'^  According  tc  Torquemada,  iii.  607-9,  the  friar  Calero  was  killed  June 
10,  1541,  and  was  the  first  martyr  of  Nueva  Galicia;  Father  Cuellar  perished 
at  the  hands  of  the  savages  in  the  following  August.  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles., 
158,  mentions  another,  Fray  Juan  Padilla,  as  having  been  killed  here  about 
that  time. 


610 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


and  dispersed  the  natives,  and  in  the  regions  of  Puri- 
ficacion  quiet  was  also  restored.  Here  the  viceroy  was 
apprised  of  Coronado's  return  from  Cibola,  where  he 
had  found  nothing  worthy  of  note.  Though  Mendoza 
wished  to  proceed  north  to  meet  Coronado,  he  was 
prevailed  upon  by  Onate  to  return  to  Mexico.  From 
every  part  of  New  Galicia  the  news  came  that  the 
bloody  arbitrament  at  Nochistlan  and  Mixton  was 
accepted  as  final,  save  in  the  mountains  of  Nayarit, 
where  the  fierce  inhabitants  had  never  been  conquered, 
and  were  not  to  be  so  for  nearly  two  hundred  years ; 
and  in  the  Culiacan  region,  where  it  was  left  to  the 
army  of  Coronado  to  suppress  such  remnants  of  revolt 
as  might  there  be  found.  The  total  number  of  slaves 
made  during  this  campaign  is  estimated  at  over  five 
thousand.  Some  say  that  Mendoza  made  no  slaves. 
But  even  had  his  heart  prompted  so  humane  an  idea, 
the  army  would  not  have  consented.  For  what  but 
the  spoils  do  men  endure  the  pangs  of  war?^^  Alva- 
rado's  forces  were  subsequently  relieved  of  their  gar- 
rison duty  and  allowed  to  depart  at  their  pleasure, 
and  Mendoza  returned  to  the  city  of  Mexico. 

I  have  thus  given  in  brief  the  events  connected 
with  the  great  revolt  in  New  Galicia,  known  as  the 
Mixton  war.  The  records  are  voluminous,  but  frag- 
mentary and  contradictory,  bearing  for  the  most  part 
on  petty  details  of  military  operations;  of  dealings 
between  encomenderos  and  their  subjects;  of  purely 
local  events  in  hundreds  of  villages  long  passed  out 
of  existence;  of  tribal  names  and  those  of  native 

22 See  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  154.  Says  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich., 
iv.  420:  'Llevando  en  trofeo  y  en  senal  de  triunfo  como  unos  cinco  mil  indios 
cautivos  '  See  also  Tello,  Hist.  JV.  GaL,  433-6.  This  campaign  cost  Mendoza 
over  30,000  pesos;  the  loss  and  suffering  among  the  auxiliaries  was  slight;  the 
slaves  were  branded  and  distributed  by  Onate  after  deducting  the  royal  fifth, 
but  they  were  so  few  that  the  soldiers  did  not  receive  one  fourth  of  what 
would  have  been  the  regular  pay.  Mendoza,  Vista,  115-18.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos, 
i.  136,  dates  this  campaign  in  1543,  and  says  no  slaves  or  spoils  were  taken. 
Cortes  charged  that  the  cost  and  losses  of  Mendoza's  campaign  were  greater 
than  those  of  the  conquest  of  New  Spain,  and  that  after  all  Nueva  Galicia 
was  not  subdued.  Icazbalcetay  Col.  Doc,  ii.  63-4.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad., 
236,  disposed  of  this  final  campaign,  by  stating  that  Maldonado  was  sent  out, 
and  subdued  the  rebels. 


RETURN  OF  CORONADO.  511 

chieftains,  and  of  Spanish  leaders  and  their  individual 
achievements.^* 

The  threatened  perils  of  a  general  uprising  of  the 
American  nations  having  thus  been  averted,  the 
viceroy  was  again  at  liberty  to  turn  his  attention 
northward.  Coronado  had  abandoned  the  conquest 
of  Cibola  and  Quivira,  and  was  returning  homeward 
with  the  remnants  of  his  army.  By  the  voyages  of 
Ulloa  and  Alarcon  the  gulf  coasts  had  been  explored, 
and  California  proved  to  be  a  peninsula.  Such  results 
had  evidently  done  much  to  cool  Mendoza's  ardor  for 
northern  enterprise.  Yet,  he  had  a  fleet  on  his  hands, 
and  one  route  for  exploration  still  remained  open — the 
continuation  of  that  followed  by  Ulloa,  up  the  outer 
coast  beyond  Cedros  Island.  Two  vessels  of  Alvara- 
do's  former  fleet,  the  San  Salvador  and  Victoria,  were 
made  ready  and  despatched  June  27,  1542,  under  the 

2*  For  most  of  the  events  of  this  rebellion  we  are  indebted  to  the  three  early 
chroniclers,  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal,  362-438;  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  111- 
54,  and  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  59-66,  235-9,  386-421;  MS.,  300-3,  422-5, 
550-80.  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  ii,  cap.  xii.,  lib.  v.  cap.  ii.,  also  speaks  of 
these  events  at  some  length.  From  these  authorities  Navarrete,  Hist.  Jal.^ 
64-85,  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  78-97,  and  Bustamante,  in  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. 
(ed.  1826),  ii.  supl.,  1-38,  have  prepared  somewhat  extended  sketches.  Origi- 
nal documents  on  the  subject  are  few.  The  Eelacion  de  la  Jornada  que  hizo 
Don  Francisco  de  Sandoval  Acazitli,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Hoc,  ii.  307-32,  was 
written  by  Gabriel  Castaneda  at  the  order  of  Acazitli,  a  native  chieftain  who 
with  his  subjects  accompanied  Mendoza.  It  is  a  diary  purporting  to  record 
the  events  of  the  march  from  day  to  day;  however,  it  throws  but  little  light 
on  the  subject,  even  in  respect  to  dates,  its  statements  being  contradictory 
among  themselves.  The  Mendoza,  Visita,  in  Id.,  102-18,  contains  what  may 
be  regarded  as  Mendoza's  statements  about  many  points,  especially  the  treat- 
ment of  Indian  captives  and  auxiliaries.  A  Peticion  Contra  Mendoza,  in  /(/., 
63-4,  gives  Cortes'  views  of  the  causes  which  led  to  the  revolt.  The  Carta 
de  Gerdnimo  L6pez  al  Emperador,  Oct.  20,  15 41,  in  Id.,  141-54,  speaks  of 
Mendoza's  start  and  of  the  evidence  of  intended  revolt  near  Mexico.  The 
Mequerimiento  made  to  the  rebels  by  the  friars  sent  out  by  the  viceroy,  is  given 
in  Facheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Hoc,  iii.  369-77.  Other  references  are,  Oviedo, 
iv.  26;  Torquemada,  iii.  604^9;  Benzoni,  Hist.  Mondo  Nvovo,  106-7;  Salazar 
y  Olarte,  Hist.  Conq.  Mex.,  455-7;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,236;  Ramirez, 
Proceso,  pp.  xix.-xxiii.,  278-82;  Cavo,  Tres  Siylos,  i.  132-3,  136;  Gil,  in  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii.  478;  Hernandez  y  Ddvalos,  in  Id.,  2da6p.  ii.  481-2, 
iii.  188;  Dice  Univ.,  i.  173-4;  x.  1039;  West- und  Ost-Indischer  Lustgart,  i. 
391-2;  Gottfriedt,  Newe  Welt,  285-6;  Burney's  Hist.  Discov.  South  Sea,  i.  220; 
Oarcllaso  de  la  Vega,  Comentarios  Reales,  ii.  80-1.  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp., 
MS.,  242-3.  Parra,  Conq.  Xalisco,  MS.,  433-47,  written  in  verse,  is  correct 
in  some  parts  as  to  dates  and  events;  but  as  for  the  poetry,  the  less  said  of  it 
the  better. 


512  THE  MIXTON  WAH. 

command  of  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo.  After  touch- 
ing at  several  points  along  the  coast  and  passing 
through  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel,  he  died,  and  his 
successor,  Ferelo,  advanced  in  March  1543  past  snow- 
capped mountains  to  what  he  called  latitude  44°,  but 
found  the  cold  so  excessive  that  he  turned  back.^^ 

During  Cabrillo's  absence  two  ships  and  three 
smaller  craft,  also  remnants  of  Alvarado's  fleet,  were 
despatched  by  order  of  Mendoza  from  the  western 
coast,  probably  from  Navidad.  These  vessels,  sailing 
in  November  1542^^  in  command  of  Ruy  Lopez  de 
Villalobos,  carried  three  hundred  and  seventy  men, 
including  several  Austin  friars  destined  for  the  islands 
of  the  Pacific.^^ 

The  original  object  of  the  expedition  seems  to  have 
been  to  found  a  colony  on  Zebu,  and  Villalobos  was 
particularly  enjoined  not  to  touch  at  the  islands 
whereof  the  Portuguese  held  possession.  This  com- 
mand, however,  was  disregarded,  either  from  necessity 
on  account  of  stress  of  weather,  or  by  miscalculations 
of  the  course,  after  many  other  islands  had  been 
sighted  or  touched.  The  expedition  is  but  a  contin- 
uous record  of  troubles  in  which  the  Spaniards  became 
involved,  largely  by  their  own  fault,  with  each  other, 
with  the  natives,  and  especially  with  the  Portuguese. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  the  Philippines  were  named,^ 
and  more  than  one  effort  was  made  to  send  a  vessel 

2^  For  full  particulars  of  this  expedition,  see  HisL  North  Mex.  States,  i. , 
and  Hist.  Cal.,  i.,  this  series. 

26  Juan  Fernandez  de  Ladrillero  declared  in  1574  that  he  and  a  company 
were  in  California  until  called  back  to  join  the  expedition  of  Villalobos. 
Sutil  y  Mex.,  Viage,  pp.  xlii.-iv.  This,  if  not  pure  invention,  may  allude 
vaguely  to  UUoa  or  Alarcon. 

2^  With  details  of  the  route  followed  and  the  discoveries  made  on  this 
expedition  I  have  little  to  do,  and  therefore  make  but  a  slight  mention  in  the 
text.  The  original  authorities  on  the  matter  are  vague  and  confusing.  The 
best  authorities  are  Grijalua,  Cron.  S.  August,  51-60;  Gaetan,  Relatione, 
in  Ramnsio,  i.  416  et  seq.;  Galvano's  Discov.,  231-9;  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib. 
V.  The  best  English  authority  is  Burneys  Hist.  Discov.  South  Sea,  i.  226-43. 
Two  original  reports  of  the  expedition,  more  or  less  full,  but  everywhere  con- 
flicting, are  Villalobos,  Viaje,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  v.  118  et 
seq.,  and  Santisteban,  Carta,  in  Id.,  xiv.  151-65.  Other  authorities  are  Tev' 
iiaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  torn.  x.  259-65;  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  135; 
Torquemada,  i.  608;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  135. 

^•^In  honor  of  the  prince  of  Asturias.  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  135. 


SOTO  IN  FLORIDA. 


513 


back  to  New  Spain,  but  contrary  winds  always  pre- 
vented it.  Most  of  the  survivors  of  the  expedition 
returned  by  way  of  Cape  Good  Hope  to  Europe  in 
1547  and  the  following  years;  but  the  leader  died  on 
the  way,  and  Spain  had  as  yet  no  foothold  in  that 
quarter.  Mendoza  was  prevented  from  entering  upon 
further  expeditions  of  discovery  by  a  new  law  which 
forbade  viceroys  and  governors  henceforth  to  engage 
in  any  such  enterprise. 

Into  this  period  also  falls  the  memorable  and  disas- 
trous expedition  of  Fernando  de  Soto  to  Florida  and 
the  Mississippi  Valley.  Though  not  belonging  to  my 
13rovince,  a  slight  allusion  to  the  subject  may  not  be 
out  of  place,  as  the  remnant  of  Soto's  force  landed  on 
the  shores  of  Panuco  soon  after  Mendoza's  return  to 
the  city  of  Mexico. 

After  departing  from  Cuba  in  1539  with  a  formida- 
ble force  and  well-appointed  fleet,  four  years  were 
spent  in  endless  marches  and  countermarches  through 
the  regions  east  and  west  of  the  Mississippi,  where 
the  cruel  barbarities  which  characterized  the  earlier 
conquests  were  repeated.  Gold  was  the  watchword 
of  Soto's  band,  and  where  it  was  not  obtained  blood 
must  flow.  Even  the  poor  and  destitute  savages  they 
plundered  of  their  little  property,  and  then  tortured 
them  because  there  was  no  more.  The  natives,  at 
first  friendly  and  hospitable,  were  finally  compelled  by 
exactions  and  cruelty  to  make  common  cause  against 
the  invaders.  Driven  down  the  Mississippi  after 
Soto's  death,  the  remnant  of  the  unfortunate  band 
arrived  at  the  town  of  Pdnuco,  after  a  most  dangerous 
voyage  of  fifty-two  days  from  the  mouth  of  the  river. 
The  magnificent  company  of  three  hundred  and  fifty 
horse  and  nine  hundred  foot  had  in  a  measure  met 

^  Mendoza  complained  that  after  spending  all  his  patrimony  and  running 
in  debt  to  carry  out  his  projects  of  discovery  and  conquest  for  his  sovereign, 
he  found  himself  estopped  by  the  new  law  and  by  the  acts  of  a  visitador, 
which  had  alienated  from  him  the  credit  and  reputation  he  had  formerly  en- 
joyed for  the  execution  of  those  plans.  Mendoza,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Car- 
denas.  Col  Doc,  iii.  510-11. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  n.  33 


514 


THE  MIXTON  WAR. 


their  deserts,  being  now  reduced  to  some  three  hun- 


Spanish  settlers  and  natives,  and  the  viceroy  invited 
them  to  Mexico,  where  they  were  properly  cared  for.^° 

Full  particulars  of  the  expedition  may  be  found  in  Gardlaso  de  la  Vega, 
La  Florida,  255  et  seq.;  Rohertsoris  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  1005;  Monettes  Hist.  Discov. 
Miss.,  i.  63-4;  Biedma,  Narr.,  in  Frendis  Hist.  Louisiana,  97-220. 

Not  only  this  episode,  but  the  early  history  of  New  Galicia,  depends 
chiefly  on  Fray  Antonio  Tello,  Fragmentos  de  la  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia, 
in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii,  343-438.  The  author  was  a  learned  Franciscan 
and  a  native  of  Guadalajara,  who  occupied  positions  of  honor  and  trust  in  his 
order  during  his  long  life  and  service  in  Mexico,  being  also  one  of  the  religious 
who  accompanied  Sebastian  Vizcaino  in  his  expedition  for  the  discovery  of 
the  'Island  of  Calif ornia '  in  1596.  He  wrote  or  at  least  revised  his  work 
between  1650  and  1652,  when  he  must  have  been  about  86  years  of  age. 
Mota  Padilla,  and  Beaumont,  author  of  the  Cr6nica  de  Michoacan,  made 
frequent  use  of  Tello's  manuscript.  The  former  speaks  of  it  as  the  Cronicon 
del  Padre  Tello,  and  it  seems  then  to  have  been  complete^.  Beaumont,  who 
wrote  about  1780,  said  that  he  had  seen  the  manuscript  long  before,  and  that 
it  had  been  lost,  which  implies  that  the  loss  occurred  between  the  date  of  his 
seeing  it  and  that  of  his  writing.  Beristain,  Biblioteca,  refers  to  him  as  the 
author  of  the  Historia  de  Xalisco  y  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  MS.,  adding  that  an 
extract  existed  in  the  archives  of  the  province  of  the  Santo  Evangelio  of 
Mexico.  Icazbalceta  was  not  allowed  access  to  those  archives  while  the 
Santo  Evangelio  existed,  and  after  the  closing  of  the  convents  he  could  not 
find  the  manuscript.  The  title  of  the  book  has  reached  us,  thanks  to  Icaz- 
balceta's  efforts:  Libro  Segundo  de  la  Crdnica  Misceldnea  en  que  se  trata  de  la 
Conquista  esjpiritual  y  temporal  de  la  Santa  Provincia  de  Santiago  de  Jalisco 
y  Nueva  Vizcaya,  y  descubrimiento  del  Nuevo  Mexico.  The  two  fragments 
being  a  copy  in  the  possession  of  Hilariano  Romero  Gil,  of  Guadalajara,  were 
presented  to  and  published  by  Icazbalceta,  with  the  valuable  literary  assist- 
ance of  Romero  Gil  himself,  as  the  editor  informs  us,  and  were  preceded  by 
remarks  on  what  he  had  ascertained  about  Tello's  manuscript,  particularly 
chapters  viii.  to  xiii.,  the  last  apparently  incomplete,  and  chapters  xxvi.  to 
xxxix.,  probably  of  the  second  book,  which  chapters  give  a  portion  of  the 
expeditions  of  Nuno  de  Guzman,  the  conquest  of  territories  and  founding  of 
towns,  an  extensive  account  of  the  great  uprising  of  the  Indians  in  Nueva 
Galicia,  and  the  campaign  for  their  subjugation,  to  the  capture  of  the  Mixton 
in  1542  by  Viceroy  Mendoza.  The  style  is  pure  and  even  elegant  as  com- 
pared with  contemporary  writings,  clear  and  to  the  point,  and  the  writer 
evidently  availed  himself  judiciously  of  the  labor  of  others  to  obtain  infor- 
mation. 

A  later  and  complete  book  on  the  same  region  is  that  by  Mota  Padilla, 
Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Provincia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia,  Mex.,  1870, 


skins  of  animals. 


TELLO  AND  MOTA  PADILLA. 


515 


folio,  523  pages,  and  index.  It  contains  a  detailed  historical  and  physical 
account  of  northern  Mexico,  New  Mexico,  and  Texas,  from  the  conquest  till 
1742.  The  author,  born  in  Guadalajara  October  6,  1688,  was  the  second  son 
of  Matias  Lopez,  an  hidalgo  from  Estremadura,  and  Ana  de  la  Mota,  a  lineal 
descendant  of  the  conquerors,  and  of  illustrious  family,  who  for  all  that  at 
her  marriage  could  not,  it  is  said,  sign  the  papers  because  she  did  not  know 
how  to  write.  From  1713  tc  1746,  and  even  later,  he  filled  several  municipal 
and  judicial  offices,  namely,  those  of  district  judge,  attorney-general,  and 
associate  justice  of  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara.  His  character  as  a  man, 
lawyer,  and  public  officer  stands  high. 

Matias  de  la  Mota  Padilla,  as  he  preferred  to  call  himself,  having  become 
a  widower,  was  ordained  a  priest.  The  audiencia  asked  the  crown  to  grant 
him  a  benefice,  but  it  was  deaf  to  all  solicitations  in  his  favor.  Icazbalceta, 
to  whose  investigations  we  owe  what  is  known  of  that  writer,  declares  Beris- 
tain  mistaken  in  saying  that  he  was  a  prebendary.  Mota  Padilla  left  no 
property  at  his  death,  which  occurred  in  July  1766,  at  the  age  of  68.  All 
his  services  might  perhaps  not  have  saved  his  name  from  oblivion,  but  his 
history  preserved  it  with  its  honorable  record.  For  writing  this  work  he 
had  a  double  object  in  view,  namely,  obedience  to  the  king's  command,  and 
saving  from  oblivion  the  deeds  of  the  conquerors  of  the  country,  among  whom 
had  been  his  own  maternal  ancestors.  In  the  preparation  of  his  work  he  was 
painstaking;  he  searched  the  public  archives,  examined  private  papers,  con- 
sulted many  persons,  and  used  the  writings  of  the  Franciscan  friar  Antonio 
Tello.  The  history  was  finished  in  1742.  It  was  sent  by  the  author  to  the 
king  through  the  governor  of  Nueva  Galicia  in  August  of  that  year.  The 
copy  did  not  for  some  reason  reach  the  court,  and  the  king  on  hearing  of  the 
existence  of  such  a  work  in  1747  directed  that  two  copies  should  be  sent  him, 
the  expense  to  be  paid  out  of  the  judiciary  fund;  but  there  being  no  available 
sum  in  that  fund,  the  author  had  them  prepared  at  his  own  expense.  The 
original  writing  had  cost  him  over  1,000  pesos,  paper  being  worth  then,  in 
1741-2,  from  one  to  two  reales  per  sheet,  and  50  pesos  a  ream.  Toward  the 
end  of  1753  he  transmitted  the  work  again;  and  the  receipt  not  having  been 
acknowledged,  the  author  asked  a  friend  who  was  going  to  Spain  to  solicit 
for  him  from  the  king  a  copyright  that  he  might  print  and  publish  it,  and 
thus  be  possibly  enabled  to  recover  the  cost.  All  his  efforts  and  expenditures 
were  in  vain.  It  seems  that  the  copies  forwarded  the  second  time  did  not 
reach  the  court,  for  the  king  on  the  21st  of  February,  1790,  asked  for  a  copy. 
Still  another  was  made  and  forwarded.  Of  the  history  there  are  several 
manuscript  copies,  of  which  I  know  four:  that  of  the  archivo  general, 
Hamirez',  and  Andrade's,  now  my  own.  The  division  of  the  work  varies  in  the 
several  copies;  mine  has  two  parts,  each  of  48  chapters.  It  was  published 
in  the  f euilleton  of  the  newspaper  El  Pais,  full  of  gross  errors,  and  should  be 
left  unnoticed.  The  better  edition  mentioned  at  the  head  was  published 
under  the  auspices  of  the  '  Sociedad  Mexicana  de  Geograf  ia  y  Estadistica. '  I 
also  possess  a  manuscript  copy,  1  vol.  folio,  832  pages,  with  an  index  in  17 
pages,  taken  from  volumes  v.  and  vi.  of  the  collection  of  Memorias  HistdricaSy 
Which  exist  in  32  volumes,  except  vol.  i.  in  the  general  archives  of  Mexico. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 
1543-1546. 

Causes  for  Enactment  of  New  Laws — Success  of  Las  Casas — Provisions 
OF  THE  New  Code — They  Cause  Excitement  among  the  Colonists — 
Effort  to  Introduce  Them  in  New  Spain — Visitador  Francisco 
Tello  de  Sandoval — He  Publishes  the  New  Laws  in  Mexico — 
Indignation  of  the  Encomenderos — They  Send  Procuradors  to 
Spain — Who  Obtain  the  Revocation  of  a  Portion  of  the  New 
Laws — The  Emperor's  Views  on  the  Subject — Ravages  of  Pesti- 
lence— Eruptions  of  Volcanoes — Reduction  of  Tribute — Small 
Coins — Interestedness  of  the  Clergy — Land  Grants — Ambiguous 
Attitude  of  Mendoza — Convention  of  Bishops — Arrival  of  Las 
Casas — Mendoza  Prohibits  Discussion  on  Indian  Affairs — Decision 
of  Ecclesiastics  Declaring  Slavery  Unlawful — Return  of  the 
Visitador  to  Spain. 

While  Mendoza  and  Onate  were  engaged  in  the 
wars  of  New  Galicia,  matters  of  equal  import  concern- 
ing Indian  affairs  were  undergoing  animated  discus- 
sion in  Spain.  A  new  code  of  laws  was  to  be  framed, 
designed  to  check  the  gross  abuses  which  openly  and 
in  secret  were  committed  in  the  New  World.  A 
long  controversy  between  the  most  brilliant  legal  and 
ecclesiastical  lights  resulted  in  the  passage  of  those 
celebrated  ordinances  of  1542  and  1543,  known  in  the 
early  history  of  America  as  the  New  Laws.  The 
spirit  pervading  them  was  indeed  most  favorable  to 
the  aborigines;  but  as  they  were  in  antagonism  with 
old  abuses  which  had  in  time  assumed  the  character 
of  rights  and  privileges  inconsiderately  conceded  from 
the  beginning,  they  were  destined  to  meet  the  fate,  in 
a  greater  or  less  degree,  of  all  other  measures  hereto- 


THE  HEPARTIMIENTO  SYSTEM. 


517 


fore  devised  for  the  benefit  of  the  natives.  The  con- 
queror of  that  period  was  of  different  material  from 
the  soldier  of  the  present  day.  He  was  not  a  mere 
machine ;  he  was  a  great  dealer  in  destiny.  He  would 
willingly  adventure  his  life.  If  he  lost,  it  was  well; 
if  he  won,  it  was  better.  A  hundred  did  lose  where 
one  gained,  and  this  each  might  have  known  to  be  the 
risk  had  he  taken  the  trouble  to  make  a  computation. 
His  life  was  but  one  continuous  game  of  hazard;  but, 
if  successful,  he  expected  wealth  and  glory  as  a  just 
reward. 

The  king  would  seldom  lend  a  helping  hand  in 
making  discoveries  and  conquests,  still,  the  pacified 
territory  would  belong  to  him.  The  successful  con- 
queror having  surmounted  incredible  difficulties,  hav- 
ing braved  dangers  and  vanquished  hostile  armies,  was 
nevertheless  debarred  from  claiming  actual  possession 
of  his  conquest;  and  it  was  natural  he  should  strive  for 
recompense  by  some  means.  Gold  was  the  first  prize ; 
but  that  was  soon  exhausted;  then  there  were  lands  and 
laborers.  Slavery  was  not  only  unchristian  and  bar- 
barous, but  insufficient;  the  war  or  conquest  over, 
there  was  no  further  opportunity  to  make  slaves. 
It  was  then  that  the  system  of  repartimientos  was 
resorted  to,  which,  if  not  slavery  in  name,  was  such 
in  fact.^ 

Though  harmless  enough  in  theory,  the  system 
soon  degenerated  into  one  of  shameful  oppression,  the 
defenceless  condition  of  the  natives  inciting  the  adven- 
turers to  increased  exactions  and  brutality.  Few  of 
the  royal  cedulas  issued  since  the  discovery  of  the 
New  World  failed  to  contain  some  clause  providing 
for  the  better  treatment  of  the  Indians.  Their  in- 
efficiency was  proved  by  the  contempt  with  which  the 
colonists  regarded  them,  and  more  stringent  measures 
must  be  taken. 

In  vain  the  settlers  were  offered  vast  tracts  of  terri- 

*  For  explanation  of  repartimientos  or  the  encomienda  system,  see  this  vol., 
145-52,  and  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  262-4,  this  series. 


518 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 


tory  on  condition  that  they  should  release  their  slaves. 
Of  what  use  to  them,  they  replied,  is  an  entire  prov- 
ince, if  there  are  none  to  build  the  towns,  to  till  the 
ground,  or  work  the  mines?  And  of  what  benefit  to 
his  Majesty  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  a  hemi- 
sphere without  labor  to  develop  its  resources? 

Las  Casas  was  ever  the  great  advocate  of  a  radical 
change  in  the  Indian  policy,  and  on  his  return  to 
Spain  in  1539  he  laid  before  the  emperor  and  council 
the  result  of  his  life-long  labors  on  behalf  of  the 
natives,  and  urged  the  adoption  of  measures  for  their 
relief.  No  matter  of  graver  import  had  for  years 
engaged  the  attention  of  the  court,  and  so  impressive 
were  the  apostle's  words  that  when  about  to  set  forth 
again  for  Guatemala,  in  1541,  he  was  ordered  to  re- 
main at  court^  until  the  new  measures  should  be  fully 
discussed  and  determined.  And  his  efforts  were  sup- 
ported by  the  eloquent  and  passionate  arguments  of 
his  friend,  Cardinal  Loaisa,  then  at  the  head  of  Indian 
affairs.^ 

A  royal  junta  composed  of  eminent  jurists  and 
ecclesiastics  was  held  during  the  same  year,  for  the 
purpose  of  framing  ordinances  for  the  better  govern- 
ment of  the  Indies.  Hoping  at  last  to  see  his  life- 
labor  crowned  with  success.  Las  Casas  pleaded  his 
favorite  cause  with  all  the  fire  of  younger  days.  A 
remarkable  circumstance  indeed,  that  in  those  dark 
ages  when  the  inquisition,  founded  by  the  Domini- 
cans, was  the  bane  of  Christendom,  a  leading  genius 
of  that  order  should  with  such  pertinacity  and  heroism 
defend  the  natural  rights  and  liberties  of  millions  of 
human  beings,  and  those  idolatrous  heathen. 

Las  Casas  advocated  the  immediate  and  uncon- 

^By  Cardinal  Loaisa,  president  of  the  council  of  the  Indies,  *por  ser  nece- 
si^irias  sus  luces  y  su  asistencia  en  el  despacho  de  ciertos  negocios  graves  que 
pendian  entonces  en  el  consejo.'  'Las  Casas,'  in  Quintana,  Vidas,  179-80. 

^  During  the  interval  Las  Casas  had  perfected,  and  in  1542  he  presented  to 
ti^e  court  his  well  known  work  Breuissima  relacion  de  la  destruycion  de  las 
indias.'  This  book  was  not  printed  till  1552,  at  Seville.  Before  the  end  of 
the  century  it  was  translated  into  and  printed  in  several  of  the  languages  of 
Europe. 


INDIAN  SLAVERY  ABOLISHED. 


519 


iitional  liberation  of  the  natives,  for  whatever  cause 
enslaved.  And  great  must  have  been  his  exertions 
to  obtain  the  final  passage  of  the  ordinances,  for  we 
find  that  many  powerful  holders  of  slaves  and  reparti- 
mientos  opposed;  and  indeed  Cortes,  then  in  Spain, 
did  not  support  him.  On  the  contrary,  he  presented 
a  memorial  to  the  emperor  in  which  the  encomienda 
system,  with  some  modifications,  was  recommended 
as  of  transcendent  importance  to  New  Spain.* 

The  deliberations  of  the  junta  finally  resulted  in  a 
code  of  laws,  which  received  the  emperor's  sanction  in 
Barcelona,  November  20,  1542.  After  mature  con- 
sideration, however,  it  was  found  that  some  of  the 
provisions  were  deficient,  and  on  June  4,  1543,  the 
code  was  accordingly  amplified;  on  the  26th  of  the 
same  month  its  immediate  publication  and  enforce- 
ment in  New  Spain  were  decreed.  The  new  code  re- 
ferred in  a  great  measure  to  the  treatment  of  the  Ind- 
ians, particularly  in  regard  to  their  enslavement.  The 
remedies  were  by  no  means  so  radical  as  Las  Casas 
had  desired.  The  granting  of  his  principal  request, 
that  the  enslaved  Indians  should  be  set  free,  was  ren- 
dered of  little  avail  by  permitting  owners  who  could 
establish  a  legal  title  to  their  possession  to  retain 
them.  No  natives  were  henceforth  to  be  enslaved 
under  any  pretext,  not  even  that  of  rebellion.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  before  the  enactment  of  these 
laws,  Indians  captured  in  war,  or  guilty  of  certain 
crimes,  could  be  legally  enslaved;  and  it  never  had 
been  difficult  for  holders  to  prove  that  one  offence  or 
another  had  been  committed. 

Those  to  whom  the  repartimientos  had  given  too 
many  serfs,  must  surrender  a  portion  of  them;  and  on 

*  Cortia,  Escritos  Sueltos,  270-8.  To  make  the  natives  obey  the  laws,  more 
Spaniards  should  reside  in  the  country  and  means  be  provided  for  their  sup- 
port ;  not  in  money,  but  by  granting  mines ;  above  all,  the  indignation  must 
be  avoided  which  would  be  caused  by  liberating  the  Indians.  Not  possessing 
them,  the  Spaniards  would  not  remain  in  the  country,  as  had  been  proved  on 
the  Islands  when  the  Indians  disappeared.  And  in  this  same  strain  Cort(?s 
goes  on,  recommending  the  judicious  apportionment  of  Indians  among  the 
conquerors  and  Spanish  settlers. 


520 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 


the  death  of  the  present  encomenderos,  their  Indians 
were  to  revert  to  the  crown,  the  heirs  to  be  provided 
for  from  the  royal  treasury.  New  encomiendas  were 
not  to  be  granted  under  any  circumstances,  and  those 
who  maltreated  their  vassals  should  be  deprived  of 
them  forthwith.  All  ecclesiastics,  religious  societies, 
and  all  officers  under  the  crown  must  deliver  up  their 
serfs  at  once,  and  never  after  hold  any,  even  though 
they  should  resign  their  office ;  and  inspectors  were  to 
be  appointed  to  watch  over  the  interests  of  the  natives, 
to  be  paid  for  their  services  out  of  the  fines  levied  on 
transgressors.  It  was  further  ordered  that  no  rela- 
tive or  servant  of  any  member  of  the  council  of  the 
Indies  should  henceforth  act  as  solicitor  or  procurador 
in  any  matter  touching  the  Indies;  the  residencias  of 
oidores  or  governors  were  to  be  sent  to  Spain;  all 
others  were  to  be  determined  in  the  Indies,  and  the 
audiencia  was  empowered  to  take  a  residencia  at  any 
time ;  persons  henceforth  asking  for  royal  favors  must 
be  recommended  by  that  body  to  show  that  they  are 
worthy. 

Except  by  special  permission  from  the  crown  further 
discoveries  were  restricted,  so  that  Spaniards  should 
have  no  further  control  over  the  Indians,  their  per- 
sonal services  or  tributes.  And  finally  the  natives 
were  to  be  converted  to  the  Catholic  faith,  and  be 
otherwise  treated  as  "free  vassals  of  the  king,  for 
such  they  are."^  In  addition  to  this  the  priests  were 
requested  to  instruct  their  new  charge,  and  tell  them 
how  the  heart  of  his  Majesty  the  emperor,  and  of  his 

^  The  additional  articles  of  June  4,  1543,  relate  mainly  to  the  first  con- 
querors or  their  descendants,  living  in  New  Spain  without  sufficient  means  of 
support.  They  were  to  be  preferred  in  public  positions,  or  otherwise  pro- 
vided for;  and  again  reiterating  the  diminution  of  tributes,  and  a  general 
protective  policy  in  favor  of  the  natives  so  as  to  preclude  all  chances  or 
attempts  at  oppression  or  extortion.  Slaves  should  not  be  employed  in  the 
pearl-fisheries  against  their  will,  under  penalty  of  death  to  the  party  so  using 
them;  nor  when  used  as  carriers  was  such  a  load  to  be  laid  on  their  backs  as 
might  endanger  their  lives.  Questions  concerning  the  possession  or  owner- 
ship of  Indians  must  be  transmitted  for  decision  direct  to  the  crown.  The 
full  text,  reprinted  from  an  original  manuscript,  may  be  found  in  Leyes  y 
Ordenanzas,  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  204-27.  Remesal,  Herrera,  Torque- 
mada,  and  others  give  more  or  less  extensive  extracts. 


ABOLITION  OF  GOVERNORS. 


521 


holiness  the  pope,  yearned  for  their  welfare,  and  de- 
sired but  to  make  them  acquainted  with  the  easy  yoke 
and  light  burden  of  their  divine  master. 

But  there  were  other  clauses  in  the  new  laws 
hardly  less  distasteful  to  the  Spanish  settlers  than 
those  relating  to  the  treatment  of  the  natives.  Among 
these  were  the  provisions  that  the  audiencia  at  Pan- 
amd,  was  abolished  and  two  new  tribunals  were  to  be 
established,  one  in  Peru,  and  the  other,  termed  the 
Audiencia  de  los  Confines,  at  Comayagua  in  Hon- 
duras.^ In  connection  therewith  the  law  provided 
that  henceforth  the  provinces  should  not  be  ruled  by 
governors,  but  in  their  stead  should  be  the  audiencias, 
with  authority  to  use  the  royal  seal.  In  order  to 
insure  a  greater  obedience  of  the  law,  and  that  the 
natives  might  be  fully  apprised  of  their  newly  con- 
ceded rights,  it  was  decreed  that  the  new  code  should 
be  translated  into  the  principal  native  tongues,  and 
published  throughout  the  Indies. 

Later,  in  the  year  1550,  a  royal  order  was  issued 
to  the  effect  that  neither  viceroy  nor  members  of  the 
audiencia  should  transact  any  other  than  their  official 
business;  they  must  not  own  any  estate  in  city,  town, 
or  country,  nor  cattle,  nor  any  interest  in  mines.  If 
they  considered  their  salaries  insufficient  they  might 
resign,  as  the  monarch  wanted  nobody  to  serve  against 
his  will."^  But  this  decree  was  no  more  heeded  than 
the  many  others  which  from  time  to  time  had  appeared, 
demonstrating  the  laudable  intention  of  the  crown  to 
improve  the  government  of  the  colonies. 

^  This  audiencia  was,  however,  first  established  at  Gracias  &  Dios.  See 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  this  series. 

^  The  oidores  were  to  reside  in  the  audiencia  building  and  do  no  trading 
whatever ;  nor  to  engage  in  any  agricultural  pursuits,  not  even  for  their  own 
use;  and  the  same  prohibition  extended  to  their  unmarried  sons  and  daughters. 
Cloth,  silk,  wine,  and  other  needful  articles  were  to  be  imported  for  them 
from  Spain.  The  holding  of  property  in  other  people's  names  was  also  strictly 
forbidden  under  penalty  of  loss  of  oflBce  and  a  fine  of  1,000  ducats.  Other 
persons  who  dealt  with  them  were  to  lose  their  property.  The  order  was 
reiterated  by  the  king,  June  18,  1564.  Memorial,  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xviii.  42-7.  The  pay  of  royal  treasury  oflScials  was  increased  Jan.  24, 
1545,  but  they  had  difficulty  in  obtaining  it.  Puga,  Cedulario,  171-2. 


522 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 


The  important  task  of  introducing  the  new  regime 
in  New  Spain  was  confided  by  the  crown  to  Licen- 
ciado  Francisco  Tello  de  Sandoval,  of  the  council  of 
the  Indies.  It  Avas  feared  at  first  that  the  great 
authority  with  which  he  must  necessarily  be  vested 
might  create  unpleasant  feelings  or  jealousy  with 
Viceroy  Mendoza.  After  mature  consideration,  how- 
ever, it  was  decided  to  trust  in  the  loyalty  and  recog- 
nized discretion  of  both  these  high  functionaries.  But 
this  was  expecting  too  much  of  human  nature,  at 
least  of  Spanish  nature ;  for  not  only  was  the  visita- 
dor  instructed  to  take  the  residencia  of  all  the  royal 
officials,  including  the  members  of  the  audiencia,  but 
also  that  of  the  viceroy.  He  was  further  authorized 
to  exercise  the  functions  of  an  oidor,  entitled  to  a  seat 
and  vote  in  the  tribunal.^ 

Was  it  surprising  that  a  cry  of  alarm  was  heard 
when  those  portentous  tidings  reached  the  colonists? 
There  was  a  storm  of  excitement  and  indignation, 
and  of  resentment  against  the  crown,  such  as  subjects 
of  Spain  seldom  dared  to  breathe  before;  execrations 
were  hurled  against  the  India  Council,  and,  above  all, 
against  the  unflinching  Las  Casas.  It  was  known 
that  no  less  a  personage  than  a  member  of  the  India 
Council  would  be  sent  to  publish  and  enforce  the 
odious  laws.  In  a  single  day  the  fruits  of  incessant 
toil  and  dangers,  the  result  of  all  their  labor,  were  to 
be  taken  from  them;  life  after  all  was  to  end  in  pov- 
erty and  want. 

While  the  encomenderos,  who  had  been  notified  by 
their  friends  in  Spain  of  what  they  might  expect  at 
the  hands  of  Tello,  were  devising  means  to  impede  if 

^  Besides  the  general  instructions  concerning  the  new  laws,  Tello  de  San- 
doval was  authorized  to  exercise  the  functions  of  inquisitor,  which  office  he 
held  in  Spain;  and  by  a  papal  bull  to  extend  or  restrict  bishoprics;  to  call  a 
meeting  of  the  bishops  of  New  Spain  for  the  purpose  of  determining  what 
measures  should  be  convenient  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  inhabitants; 
to  improve  colleges,  hospitals,  and  churches,  and  encourage  the  erection  of 
new  ones;  and,  in  fine,  to  attend  to  all  matters  of  import  to  the  colonies  and 
the  crown.  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  vii.;  CavOy  Tres  Siglos,  i.  138-9; 
Pu(ja,  Cedulario,  94-8. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  FRIARS. 


523 


possible  the  execution  of  the  new  ordinances,  and  re- 
tain their  encomiendas,  the  visitador  landed  at  Vera 
Cruz  and  reached  the  city  of  Mexico  March  8^  1544.^ 
On  the  morning  of  the  third  day  a  number  of  repre- 
sentative encomenderos,  and  a  notary,  presented  them- 
selves with  a  petition  praying  for  the  non-publication 
of  the  new  code ;  but  they  met  with  a  severe  repri- 
mand for  their  temerity  in  taking  such  a  step  before 
the  visitador  had  delivered  his  credentials  to  the  audi- 
encia.  That  same  day  Tello  gave  them  a  hearing,  how- 
ever, and  fearing  evil  consequences  from  sudden  and 
decisive  action,  quieted  them  with  ambiguous  promises. 

Nevertheless,  on  the  1 3th,  Tello  presented  the  ordi- 
nances to  the  viceroy  and  the  audiencia,  and  not- 
withstanding all  the  remonstrances  on  the  part  of 
interested  colonists,  the  new  laws  were  published  in 
the  city  of  Mexico,  March  24,  1544.-^^  This  unex- 
pected proceeding  on  the  part  of  the  authorities 
caused  much  indignation  among  the  encomenderos, 
and  a  tumultuous  demonstration,  headed  by  the  chief 
proctor,^^  Antonio  Carbajal,  was  about  to  be  made ; 
but  the  people  were  diverted  from  their  purpose  by  a 
call  to  a  meeting  at  the  cathedral  for  the  following 
day  by  Bishop  Zumdrraga.  There,  in  a  lengthy  dis- 
course, the  prelate  led  the  Spanish  settlers  to  hope 
that  the  new  laws  would  not  be  enforced  where  found 
to  be  detrimental  to  their  interests.  This  partially 
quieted  them.  On  questioning  the  religious  orders  as 
to  their  opinions  regarding  the  expediency  of  contin- 
uing the  system  of  encomiendas,  Tello  was  surprised 
to  find  that  they  all  sided  with  the  encomenderos.^^ 

*The  encomenderos  intended  to  receive  him  clad  in  mourning,  to  show 
their  disapproval  of  the  new  laws,  but  were  prevented  by  the  viceroy.  Cavo, 
Trea  Siglos,  i.  139^0.  ^ 

I*'  They  were  read  in  the  plaza  by  the  public  crier  in  the  presence  of  the 
viceroy,  the  visitador,  the  oidores,  the  notary  Antonio  de  Turcios,  and  the 
other  royal  officials.  Leyes  y  Ordenanzas,  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  226-7, 
reprint  from  the  original  certificate  of  the  notary.  Torquemada,  i.  615,  and 
others  give  the  publication  on  the  28th. 

^^Procurador  mayor. 

^2  On  May  4,  1544,  the  Dominicans,  and  on  the  15th  the  Franciscans  decided 
and  reported  to  Tello  in  favor  of  repartimientos.  Betanzos,  Parecer,  in  Pa- 
checo  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vii.  526-41. 


m 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 


The  reason  is  readily  understood.  There  were 
many  advantages  to  the  church  connected  with  the 
encomienda  system;  besides,  Bishop  Zumarraga  was 
the  owner  of  the  important  town  and  encomienda  of 
Ocuituco,  and  the  Austin  friars  controlled  Tezcuco,  at 
the  time  the  largest  encomienda  in  New  Spain. 

So  the  religious  orders  at  this  time  were  solidly 
opposed  to  the  liberation  of  the  natives.^*  The  plea 
set  up  by  them,  and  taken  for  truth  by  the  older  and 
more  particularly  by  the  religious  chroniclers,  was 
that  by  such  means  alone  they  were  enabled  success- 
fully to  prosecute  conversion  and  give  instruction  in 
the  Christian  faith.  And  yet  it  would  seem  that  had 
the  natives  all  been  gathered  in  corregimientos,  in  the, 
name  of  the  crown,  and  free,  subject  only  to  the  pay-( 
ment  of  the  tribute,  the  task  of  the  friars  so  far  as 
instruction  and  the  cure  of  souls  were  concerned  could 
scarcely  have  been  more  arduous ;  for  there  the  Indian 
was  comparatively  master  of  his  time,  and  not  subject 
to  continuous  labor  and  the  caprice  of  a  taskmaster. 
In  that  case,  however,  the  income  of  the  church  as 
well  as  that  of  manv  of  its  ministers,  would  have  been 
materially  diminished. 

Further  than  this,  according  to  the  new  code,  the 
church  and  convents  were  among  the  first  to  be  de- 
prived of  their  native  vassals.  Under  the  circum- 
stances it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  friars  as  a  rule 
would  unite  with  the  encomenderos  to  defeat  the 
new  laws.  The  Dominicans  did  not  hesitate  to  declare 
that  the  Indians  in  charge  of  the  Spaniards  were 
treated  with  great  kindness,  more  like  children  than 
servants;  while  on  the  other  hand  those  under  the 

^^Grijalva,  Crdn,  S.  August,  66,  assumes  'que  el  senor  Obispo  Zumarraga 
perdio  por  aquella  ley  al  pueblo  de  Occuituco,  que  lo  tenia  en  encomienda,  y 
nosotros' — the  Austin  friars — '  al  pueblo  de  Tezcuco,  q  era  la  mayor  encomienda 
que  aula  entonces. '    There  is  no  evidence,  however,  that  such  was  the  case. 

Mendoza  himself,  in  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  affirms  that  *  the  clergy- 
men who  come  to  these  countries  "  son  mines  y  todos  se  fundan  sobre  interes  . . 
their  salaries  must  be  fixed,  and  an  account  taken  of  what  the  Indians  give 
them ...  their 'dealings  with  them  must  be  looked  into.'  Mendoza,  Bel,  iu 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  485-6. 


ZARATE  AND  MARAVER. 


525 


crown  in  corregimientos  suffered  greatly  from  the 
harshness  of  the  corregidores/^ 

Bishop  Zdrate  of  Oajaca  took  the  same  ground  and 
maintained  that  one  small  town,  having  a  variety  of 
occupations  for  the  Indians,  would  support  a  Spanish 
family ;  but  it  took  four  of  them  to  pay  the  salary  of 
a  corregidor.  Even  so;  the  inhabitants  of  that  one 
town  were  rarely  at  liberty  to  work  for  themselves, 
nearly  all  their  time  and  labor  being  claimed  by  their 
master.  This  was  not  the  case  in  corregimientos, 
where  nothing  was  required  but  the  payment  of  the 
royal  tribute.  The  worthy  bishop,  in  his  zeal  to 
convince  the  visitador  that  new  laws  were  needless, 
went  so  far  as  to  accuse  the  Indians  of  ill  treating 
their  masters,  and  that  sometimes  native  alguaciles 
would  arrest  Spaniards  and  bring  them  bound  to  the 
audiencia.^^ 

Bishop  Maraver  of  New  Galicia  called  his  native 
flock  "  a  beastly,  ungrateful,  lying  set,  audacious  and 
insolent ; "  but  reflecting  on  the  causes  of  the  Mixton 
war,  he  approved  of  the  laws  prohibiting  the  enslav- 
ing of  Indians,  and  of  reducing  them  to  captivity  or 
servitude,  unless  for  rebellion ;  otherwise  they  might 
be  emboldened  to  revolt.  He  further  recommended 
that,  except  the  cities  and  some  principal  towns,  all 
the  rest  of  the  land  should  be  divided  among  Spanish 
conquerors  and  settlers,^^  a  measure  no  less  impolitic 
than  unjust. 

Indeed,  there  were  many  among  the  clergy  opposed 

Where  the  encomenderos  were  said  to  be  lenient  in  the  collection  of  the 
tribute,  the  corregidores  were  charged  with  imprisoning  the  natives  in  default 
of  prompt  payment.  The  Dominicans  also  decided  that  Indians  were  unfit 
for  the  Catholic  priesthood.  Betanzos,  Parecer,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  vii.  535^2. 

This  could  certainly  have  happened  only  in  case  where  such  alguaciles 
were  ordered  by  some  corregidor  to  arrest  a  vagabond  or  criminal.  The 
bishop  further  states  that  the  Indians  would  not  serve  unless  well  paid,  and 
then  only  with  reluctance.  Zdrate,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
vii.  550-1. 

The  Vnshop  claimed  that  thus  the  Spaniards  would  feel  inclined  to  take 
the  best  care  of  the  Indians  placed  under  their  charge,  protecting  them  from 
the  extortions  and  villanies  of  their  own  chiefs.  Maraver,  Carta,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  viii.  208-9. 


526 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 


to  enconiiendas,  and  in  favor  of  the  new  laws,  promi- 
nent among  whom,  it  is  claimed,  was  the  provincial 
Francisco  de  Soto/^  Among  the  many  representa- 
tions to  the  crown  concerning  the  Indian  policy  there 
was  one  which  came  neither  from  the  religious  orders 
nor  from  any  government  official. It  was  proposed 
to  abolish  the  system  of  personal  taxation,  and  let 
public  tributary  lands  be  granted  to  Indians  and  Span- 
iards alike,  subject  to  the  payment  of  a  tax  assessed 
according  to  the  value  of  the  land;  these  assessments 
to  be  made  by  competent  Indian  commissioners  not 
residing  in  the  towns  or  near  vicinity  of  such  grants. 
To  successfully  carry  out  this  plan  the  titles  to  all 
lands  hitherto  sold  by  Indians  to  Spaniards,  including 
friars,  should  be  carefully  examined,  and  annulled  if 
found  to  be  defective.  This  latter  request  was  made 
because  it  was  known  that  great  frauds  had  been  com- 
mitted in  obtaining  possession  of  large  tracts  of  the 
best  lands. These  suggestions  were,  of  course,  too 
radical  to  be  acted  upon  by  the  government,  as  the 
majority  of  the  colonists,  and  particularly  the  religious 
orders,  would  oppose  a  project  to  despoil  them  of  their 
possessions. 

In  the  mean  time  Mendoza  and  Tello  reflected  se- 
riously over  the  inconveniences  which  might  attend 


Several  conquistadores,  under  some  pretence,  induced  him  to  sign  a 
paper.  After  the  act  Soto  recognized  it  to  contain  an  affirmative  opinion  on 
the  advisability  of  making  Indians  slaves.  He  snatched  the  paper  and  swal- 
lowed it.  The  Spaniards  afterward  refused  to  support  his  friars,  remarking, 
they  should  eat  paper  like  their  superior.  Vetancvrt,  Menologia,  92.  This  may 
be  doubted,  however,  as  Soto  was  one  of  the  procuradors  who  asked  for  the 
repeal  of  the  new  laws. 

Relacion,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdi'denas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  169-72.  This  evidently 
came  from  some  well-meaning  Spanish  settlers  who  dared  not  publish  their 
names  for  fear  of  offending  either  the  clergy  or  the  official  authorities. 

2"  The  friars  were  opposed  to  any  land  grants  to  Indians  by  which  the 
latter  would  be  relieved  from  personal  tribute.  The  project,  therefore,  should 
be  kept  secret  from  them  until  put  into  practice,  otherwise  they  would  pre- 
vent it.  The  decree  forbidding  the  friars  to  own  lands  obtained  from  Indians 
should  be  strictly  enforced,  for  if  not  they  would  soon  possess  themselves  of 
all  the  best  lands  in  the  country.  Nor  was  there  any  necessity  for  their  own- 
ing any,  as  the  crown  supported  them,  and  the  Indians  provided  all  their 
wants.  Relacion,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  170,  172-3. 


MENDOZA  AND  TELLO. 


527 


precipitous  action.  They  were  aware  that  many  fami- 
lies would  be  impoYerished  should  the  law  be  vigor- 
ously applied,  and  they  decided  to  be  lenient.  To  gain 
time,  the  municipality  was  requested,  to  send  procura- 
dores  to  present  the  grievances  of  the  colonists  to 
the  king,  and  to  ask  the  revocation  of  that  portion  of 
the  new  code  which  particularly  affected  the  interests 
of  the  encomenderos.  Alonso  Villanuevo,  Geronimo 
Lopez,  and  Peralmindez  Cliirinos,  of  the  city  council, 
and  the  provincials  of  the  Dominican,  Franciscan,  and 
Austin  orders  were  thus  appointed,  and  set  out  for 
Spain,  accompanied  by  other  influential  Spaniards. 
They  were  successful  even  beyond  expectation,  and 
by  royal  decree  of  October  20,  1545,  the  obnoxious 
provisions  in  the  code  were  revoked,^^  notwithstand- 
ing the  earnest  protestations  of  Las  Casas.  The 
encomenderos  and  Spanish  settlers  celebrated  their 
success  with  feasts  and  rejoicing,  while  the  poor  na- 
tives, in  whose  heart  had  arisen  the  hope  of  deliv- 
erance, crept  wearily  to  the  task  which  death  alone 
would  terminate. 

According  to  some  writers,  during  the  absence  of 
the  procuradores,  Telle  and  Mendoza  endeavored  to 
enforce  some  of  the  less  offensive  portions  of  the  new 
code;  but,  as  we  have  seen,  the  most  important  part 
was  abrogated.  And  in  all  the  other  provinces  these 
much  feared  new  laws  were  for  the  most  part  also 
disregarded,  though  they  caused  vexation  and  trouble 
to  the  governors  and  the  governed.  In  Nicaragua  they 
were  the  direct  cause  of  the  bloody  Contreras  revolt, 

21  Francisco  de  la  Cruz,  Francisco  de  Soto,  and  Francisco  de  San  Roman. 
Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  502. 

'  Auemos  acordado  a  reuocar  la  dicha  ley  y  dar  sobre  ello  esta  nra  carta, 
e  la  dicha  razo:  por  la  qual  reuocamos  y  damos  por  ninguna  y  de  ningun  valor 
y  efeto  el  dicho  capitulo  y  ley.'  Royal  Cedula,  in  Puga,  Cedulario,  100-1. 
To  give  due  force  to  and  prevent  any  misinterpretation  of  this  decree,  it  was 
republished  by  order  of  the  king,  and  embodied  in  a  new  decree  of  Jan.  16, 
1546.  Id.  The  procuradores  not  having  found  the  emperor  in  Spain,  followed 
him  to  Ratisbon,  where  according  to  Torquemada,  i.  615,  he  granted  them  all 
they  asked.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  141-2,  has  it  that  when  Tello  first  heard  of 
the  revocation  he  made  haste  at  least  to  deprive  the  royal  officials  of  their 
repartimientos.  This  was  done  in  pursuance  of  the  royal  cedula  of  Dec.  1, 
1544.  Puga,  Cedulario,  173. 


528 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 


and  in  Peru,  where  Viceroy  Vasco  Nunez  Vela  would 
not  recede,  they  produced  the  great  rebelHon  result- 
ing in  that  official's  death,  and  which  might  have 
caused  the  loss  to  the  Spanish  crown  of  the  country, 
but  for  the  prudence  and  energy  of  Pedro  de  la  Gasca.^^ 

But  how  stood  the  Spanish  government  at  the 
time  in  relation  to  the  colonies,  if  impotent  to  enforce 
laws  dictated  by  an  impulse  humane  and  Christian? 
The  representations  of  Las  Casas  and  others  had  con- 
vinced the  monarch  of  the  necessity  of  taking  steps 
for  the  relief  of  the  natives;  for  soon  after  having 
sanctioned  the  new  laws,  he  confessed^*  that  ''the 
character  of  the  Indians  is  now  well  known;  they  are 
children;  they  are  so  intimidated  and  dependent  that 
it  Would  be  vain  to  tarry  until  they  arouse  themselves, 
for  they  cannot  speak  though  they  be  slaughtered 
like  so  many  sheep."  At  the  same  time  he  knew  his 
Spanish  subjects  well,  and  acknowledged  that  "the 
coveteousness  of  our  Spaniards  is  manifest  to  the 
whole  world ;  they  want  all ;  however  much  they  may 
obtain,  it  will  not  satisfy  them."  Then  fearful  of  the 
result  to  himself  the  perplexed  emperor  cried  out: 
*'If  the  poor  Indians  should  suffer  by  reason  of  any 
negligence  of  mine,  it  will  be  at  the  risk  of  my  soul." 

We  have  seen  before  this  that  a  decline  in  the 
revenues  might  be  expected  should  the  system  of 
encomiendas  be  abolished;  this  economic  reason  was 
of  weight,  and  it  was  by  no  means  difficult  for  the 
avarice  of  Charles  to  overrule  his  religious  scruples. 
The  safety  of  the  colonies  he  had  at  heart;  could  he 
risk  an  uprising  among  his  Spanish  colonists  by  de- 
priving them  of  their  conquered  spoil?  Being  so  far 
from  the  Indies,  he  might  easily  see  and  hear  only 
that  which  was  to  his  interest. "A  good  governor 

2^  For  particulars  of  these  events,  see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.,  this  series.  . 

2*  In  a  letter  to  Friar  Antonio  de  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  whom  he  requested  to 
see  that  the  laws  were  complied  with,  and  to  report  any  contravention.  Tor- 
quemada,  iii.  258. 

2^  •  Yo  estoi  tan  lexos,  que  no  puedo  ver,  ni  entender,  sine  solo  lo  que  me 
dixeren.'  Torquemada,  iii.  259. 


MORE  EPIDEMICS. 


529 


I  have  in  Mendoza,"  he  used  to  say,  "  a  good  Chris- 
tian, a  prudent  person,  and  of  excellent  qualities;  but 
after  all  he  is  human,  and  a  man  of  the  century; 
wealth  he  covets,  and  has  need  of  it,  for  many  are 
the  relatives,  friends,  and  servants  for  whom  he  must 
provide." 

The  great  calamity  which  had  thus  befallen  the 
natives  of  New  Spain,  the  restitution  of  a  measure 
which  had  wrought  them  such  injustice  was  not  their 
sole  affliction  at  this  juncture.  The  epidemics  which 
had  now  and  then  appeared  in  various  parts  of  the 
country  broke  out  again  in  1545  and  spread  with 
rapidity.  The  disease,  hitherto  unknown,  was  called 
by  the  natives  matlazahuatl.  Six  months  this  terrible 
scourge  lasted,  during  which  time,  it  is  alleged,  some 
eight  hundred  thousand  natives  perished. 

Mendoza,  the  royal  officials,  and  the  friars  of  the 
diiierent  orders  did  their  utmost  to  alleviate  suffer- 
ing. It  was  said  that  the  pestilence  was  caused  by 
supernatural  phenomena;  and  according  to  Cavo  it 
was  allayed  by  the  prayers  and  religious  exercises  of 
Bishop  Zumd,rraga.^^ 

Father  Domingo  de  Betanzos  had  predicted  the 
total  destruction  of  the  native  races  of  New  Spain, 
within  a  comparatively  short  period,  notwithstanding 
the  wholesome  laws  enacted  by  the  crown.  Indeed, 
it  was  at  no  time  difficult  to  predict  that  what  disease 
failed  to  do,  forced  labor  in  the  mines,  on  farms,  and 

^^The  daily  mortality  in  Tlascala  was  from  1,000  upward;  in  Cholula 
sometimes  900,  ordinarily  from  400  to  700;  in  Guaxocingo  and  other  places 
the  same  in  proportion.  Betanzos,  Carta,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  198-201. 

2' Grijalva,  Cr6n.  S.  August.,  67-8,  says  five  sixths  of  the  native  popula- 
tion of  New  Spain  perished.  The  disease,  which  was  not  known  before,  was 
caused  by  a  comet,  eruption  of  volcanoes,  and  other  supernatural  phenomena. 
Others  are  not  less  credulous.  In  1540  Lake  Chapala  overflowed  its  banks 
and  the  waters  became  green.  A  sword-shaped  comet  preceded  the  pesti- 
lence of  1542,  which  was  a  blesding  from  the  nose.  An  eruption  of  Popo- 
catepetl occurred  in  1540,  when  much  damage  was  done;  the  ashes  reached 
Cholula  and  burned  part  of  the  town.  The  Orizaba  emitted  lava  in  1545. 
Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  55-6,  220;  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  156-7; 
Orjilh/sAm.,  266-7;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  142-3;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ucles.,  515; 
Duvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex.,  117-18. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  34 


530 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 


other  unaccustomed  tasks,  accompanied  by  continu- 
ous and  persistent  bad  treatment,  might  easily  accom- 
phsh.^^  Before  the  great  epidemic,  that  is  to  say  on 
the  8th  of  August  1544,  a  royal  decree  was  issued  on 
the  recommendation  of  the  viceroy  and  the  ecclesias- 
tical cabildo,  which  commanded  the  natives  to  pay 
tithes  of  cattle,  grain,  and  silk.  It  becoming  now 
impossible  to  collect  these  tithes,  and  even  the  ordi- 
nary tribute,  it  was  ordered  April  10,  1546,  that  a 
reduction  be  allowed.  But  the  amount  was  not  fixed, 
the  royal  officials  being  requested  to  use  their  judg- 
ment, and  not  demand  more  than  the  natives  could 

As  time  passed  by  the  business  and  social  relations 
of  the  viceroy  and  visitador  were  becoming  somewhat 
unpleasant.  It  was  generally  conceded  that  Mendoza 
represented  his  Majesty  well — though  we  might  cata- 
loQ-ue  a  few  crimes  ao^ainst  him  without  searchins^ 
far — and  to  have  present  a  superior  to  interfere  in 
his  affairs,  even  though  temporarily  and  for  form's 
sake,  was  not  desirable. 

On  the  whole  Mendoza  was  well  enough  fitted  for 
the  office  he  held  and  was  deserving  of  credit  in  the 
conscientious  discharge  of  his  duties,  though  often  at 
the  cost  of  the  natives.  The  course  taken  in  connec- 
tion with  Visitador  Tello  and  the  new  laws  had  the 
effect  of  preserving  peace.  But  the  ends  of  justice 
were  not  served,  and  the  proceedings  were  not  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  wishes  of  the  crown.  Many  a  law 
in  its  first  application  is  like  the  surgeons  knife, 
wounding  deeply  to  make  the  cure  more  complete; 
and  though  these  new  laws  were  humane  and  just, 
their  ultimate  good  effect  was  lost  sight  of  in  the  pres- 
ent inconveniences  which  an  immediate  enforcement 
would  have  caused.  But  though  a  just  man  and  a 
good  officer,  it  was  not  possible  for  the  viceroy  to  avoid 

28por  causes  of  decrease  in  the  native  population  see  Humboldt,  Essai 
Pol.,  i.  66  et  seq. ;  Arlegui,  Chrdn.  Zacatecas,  342;  Pimentel,  Mem.  Sobre  la 
Raza  Indigena^  97-188. 


REVIEW  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


531 


hating  another  just  man  and  good  officer.  While  it 
was  Mendoza's  poHcy  to  outwardly  remain  on  a  good 
footing  with  the  visitador,  aware  of  the  great  authority 
with  which  that  official  was  clothed,  he  hurled  bitter 
epithets  against  him  in  his  letters  to  the  court.  And 
being  aware  that  the  interests  of  the  clergy,  were 
identical  with  his  own,  he  took  care  to  insure  their 
support,  knowing  that  against  the  two  Telle  could 
accomplish  little.  A  representation  to  Prince  Philip 
made  in  1545  by  Bishop  Zumarraga  and  Father 
Domingo  de  Betanzos,  then  prior  of  the  Dominican 
convent,  in  favor  of  the  viceroy,  certainly  has  all  the 
appearance  of  having  been  dictated  by  Mendoza  him- 
self There  may  have  been  fears  of  removal,  as  they 
took  occasion  to  say  that  it  would  be  a  serious  loss  to 
the  country.  His  services  "to  which  are  due  the 
peace,  security,  and  advancement,  both  spiritual  and 
temporal,  of  the  country,"  were  not  what  they  might 
have  been  had  not  his  powers  been  curtailed.^^ 

During  the  nine  years  of  his  government  before  the 
arrival  of  Telle,  Mendoza  had  doubled  the  royal  rev- 
enue, established  justice  and  a  stable  government, 
and  the  progress  of  the  country  on  every  hand  was 
marked.  His  appreciation  of  himself,  however,  seemed 
to  have  kept  pace  with  progress.^^  While  the  procu- 
radores  of  the  encomenderos  sojourned  in  Spain,  the 
members  of  the  audiencia  and  other  royal  officials 

Mendoza  manifested  his  jealousy  by  complaining  that  Tello  would  vir- 
tually be  governor  of  New  Spain  during  the  time  he  should  take  the  residen- 
dencia  of  himself  and  the  oidores.  He  was  also  embittered  because  of  the 
disrespect  shown  him  by  the  visitador  after  his  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz.  Tello 
there  made  known  that  he  had  superior  authority  over  the  whole  country, 
and  being  asked,  'What  of  the  viceroy?'  he  answered:  'Ship  him  to  Spain 
when  I  deem  it  proper.'  Arriving  in  Mexico  he  published  the  viceroy's  resi- 
dencia  twice  throughout  the  land,  as  if  he  were  the  lowest  corregidor  or 
alcalde  in  the  country.  Mendoza,  Carta,  in  Col.  Doc.  In6d.,  xxvi.  326,  and  /d, 
in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  iii.  509. 

3°  The  natives  looked  upon  him  as  a  father,  and  all  the  people  had  felt 
painful  anxiety  during  the  serious  illness  from  which  he  had  lately  recovered. 
Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  534-6.  The  Indians  men- 
tioned were  certainly  not  of  New  Galicia ! 

31  His  letter  of  June  20,  1544,  in  Col.  Doc  Inkl.,  xxvi.  325-7.  He  also 
reminds  the  emperor  not  to  believe  any  reports  against  him,  by  his  enemies, 
as  he  had  been  promised  before  coming  out  to  New  Spain. 


532 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 


were  called  to  account,  and  their  residencias  and  that 
of  the  viceroy  were  published  with  great  ostentation 
in  1545.  The  earlier  writers  make  light  of  this  affair, 
assuming  it  to  have  been  a  mere  matter  of  form  to 
call  to  account  a  man  of  Mendoza's  character,  who, 
it  was  universally  acknowledged,  had  discharged  his 
duties  faithfully.  It  appears,  indeed,  that  no  charges 
were  sustained  against  him,  and  he  continued  in  the 
undisturbed  possession  of  his  office.  There  may  have 
been  some  truth  in  the  remarks  of  Cortes,  that  he 
kept  the  Spaniards  in  such  subjection  and  fear  that 
they  dared  not  report  the  abuses  he  committed. 

Nevertheless,  the  fact  of  his  having  taken  and  caused 
to  be  branded  over  five  thousand  slaves  during  the 
Mixton  war,  and  his  allowing  the  most  cruel  punish- 
ments and  mutilations  to  be  inflicted,  does  not  speak 
much  in  favor  of  the  humane  feelings  with  which  he 
is  accredited  by  most  writers,  however  necessary  he  may 
have  thought  such  action  to  be  for  the  pacification  of 
the  country.^^ 

The  purifying  presence  in  New  Spain  of  the  visita- 
dor,  the  licenciado  Telle  de  Sandoval,  was  undoubtedly 

32  When  in  1543  Cortes,  then  in  Spain,  learned  that  Tello  de  Sandoval 
was  to  be  despatched  as  visitador,  he  presented  a  memorial  to  the  crown 
praying  that  the  residencia  of  Mendoza  be  taken,  against  whom  he  had 
many  causes  of  complaint.  The  charges  he  there  enumerates  dwell  on  the 
viceroy's  conduct  in  the  Mixton  war;  on  his  engaging  in  prohibited  expedi- 
tions; selling  of  Indian  towns;  permitting  venality  of  his  servants;  appropri- 
ating the  royal  funds  to  his  own  use;  engaging  in  illegal  traffic  with  the 
connivance  of  agents  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  many  more  abuses  of  a  similar 
nature.  Cortes  offered  in  proof  of  all  he  alleged  some  letters  from  New 
Spain,  which  he  would  only  confide  to  the  personal  inspection  of  the  emperor, 
for  should  Mendoza  know  their  authors  he  would  not  fail  to  take  revenge. 
CorUs,  Escritos  Sueltos,  325-41.  Allowance  must  be  made,  however,  for  the 
enmity  existing  between  these  two  eminent  rivals.  At  any  rate  the  residencia 
excited  very  little  attention  at  the  time. 

3^  I  will  give  one  instance.  When  in  the  vicinity  of  Jalpa,  he  despatched 
Maldonado,  captain  of  an  advance  guard,  to  ask  the  natives  to  surrender. 
That  officer  discharged  his  duty  by  cutting  off  the  hands  of  two  Chichimecs, 
and  the  breasts  of  two  women,  sending  them  in  this  pitiable  condition  to  their 
lord,  with  a  message  to  come  to  the  Spaniards.  Some  days  after  this  12  Chi- 
chimecs were  placed  before  a  cannon  and  torn  to  pieces;  23  were  hanged,  and 
17  killed  with  darts.  Acazitli,  JReL,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  316-17.  All 
this  happened  in  the  presence  of  the  viceroy,  and  it  appears  somewhat  like  a 
sarcasm  when  we  read  of  his  '  moderacion  y  humanidad  '  in  ZamacoiSy  Hist. 
Mej.,  V.  5. 


LAS  CASAS  m  xViEXICO. 


533 


beneficial.  It  was  a  comfort  to  his  master  Charles  to 
know  that  his  interests  in  that  quarter  were  watched, 
and  that  the  official  cruelties  and  robberies  were  not 
greater  than  usual.  Nevertheless,  he  had  not  accom- 
plished much,  and  yet  it  was  time  for  him  to  return 
to  Spain.  One  more  duty  devolved  upon  him,  how- 
ever, before  his  departure  from  the  country. 

In  1546  he  convened  all  the  bishops  of  New  Spain 
at  Mexico  for  the  purpose  of  deciding  what  was  best 
for  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  inhabitants.  Even 
here  arose  complications.  All  the  bishops  were  as- 
sembled except  Las  Casas,  now  bishop  of  Chiapas, 
who  was  known  to  be  on  his  way  to  the  capital.  A 
nervous  excitement  prevailed  upon  the  approach  of 
the  champion  of  Indian  rights  and  liberty.  Mendoza, 
fearing  disturbances  on  the  part  of  the  encomenderos 
should  Las  Casas  enter  Mexico  at  that  time,  ordered 
him  to  be  detained  at  a  certain  distance  from  the  city. 
Of  course  it  was  universally  known  that  he  had  been 
the  main-spring  in  the  efforts  to  deprive  the  colonists 
of  their  repartimientos.  After  some  time  the  pro- 
hibition to  continue  his  journey  was  removed,  and 
entering  Mexico  Las  Casas  took  up  his  abode  in  the 
Dominican  convent.  Mendoza  and  the  oidores,  not 
to  appear  lacking  in  the  respect  due  a  prelate,  sent 
him  a  greeting  of  welcome.  Imagine  their  surprise 
when  they  received  word  in  return,  ''Do  not  find  it 
strange,"  said  Las  Casas,  ''that  I  come  not  to  you  in 
person,  to  thank  you  for  the  favor  extended  to  me; 
I  have  excommunicated  the  viceroy  and  members  of 
the  audiencia  for  having  given  sentence  to  cut  off  the 
hands  of  a  clergyman  in  Oajaca!"^* 

After  the  discussion  of  general  ecclesiastical  matters, 
the  assembled  prelates  attempted  to  enter  upon  the 
important  topic  of,  Indians  and  encomenderos,  by  the 

>  2*  CavOt  Tres  Sighs,  i.  144;  Icazhalceta,  i.  pp.  xci.-ii.  According  to  Remesal, 
Hist.  Chyapa,  411-14,  Las  Casas  arrived  at  Mexico  before  the  other  bishops. 
In  attendance  were  those  of  Guatemala,  Oajaca,  Michoacan,  Chiapas,  and 
Mexico;  it  is  not  certain  that  the  bishop  of  Puebla  was  present. 


534 


THE  NEW  LAWS. 


earnest  solicitation  of  the  indefatigable  Las  Casas. 
Mendoza  peremptorily  forbade  them  to  discuss  the 
question,  as  it  was  a  matter  of  state  and  not  of  the 
church.  Subsequently,  however,  a  meeting  of  eccle- 
siastics, not  of  the  bishops,  was  held  in  the  Domini- 
can convent,  presided  over  by  Las  Casas,  in  which  it 
was  finally  decided  that  the  enslaving  of  Indians  was 
unlawful.  The  decision  was  translated  into  the  native 
languages  and  published  throughout  New  Spain.  But 
this  action  was  without  significance,  except  as  giving 
the  thrice  worthy  apostle,  for  himself  and  his  order, 
the  opportunity  of  publicly  washing  his  hands  of  the 
foul  sin  of  human  slavery. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


END   OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 
1547-1550. 

Ge.^fral  Improvements — Agriculture,  Industry,  and  Commerce — En- 
couragement OF  Marriages — Aid  to  Peru — Conspiracy  and  Revolt 
— Chichimecs  and  Otomis — Conquest  of  Queretaro — Removal  op 
Guadalajara — Coronado  Returns — His  Resignation — Audiencia  at 
Compostela — Removal  to  Guadalajara — Discovery  of  Mines— Set- 
tlement OF  Zacatecas— The  Archdiocese  of  Mexico — Death  of 
Bishop  ZumIrraga — His  Last  Will — Character  of  the  Prelate 
AND  the  Man — A  False  Visitador's  Audacity — Last  Acts  of  the 
Viceroy — He  is  Appointed  to  Peru  and  is  Superseded  by  Luis  db 
Velasco — Mendoza's  Departure  for  Peru — And  his  Death. 

When  the  unwelcome  visitador,  Francisco  Tello  de 
Sandoval,  had  left  the  shores  of  New  Spain,  the 
colonists  began  to  breathe  more  freely,  feeling  again 
somewhat  secure  concerning  their  encomiendas,  and 
affairs  fell  into  the  old  way.  Viceroy  Mendoza,  not- 
withstanding his  ambiguous  Indian  policy,  showed 
a  characteristic  energy  in  other  measures,  such  as  the 
improvement  of  the  capital,  particularly  in  the  way 
of  water  supply  and  macadamizing  streets.  Pursu- 
ant to  royal  orders,  surveys  were  made  along  the 
Atlantic  coast  with  the  view  of  discovering  a  better 
harbor,  but  none  being  found,  the  one  at  old  Vera 
Cruz  was  improved  to  some  extent;  a  light-house  on 
Pulpos  Island  was  determined  upon,  and  a  tower 
begun.  It  was  also  contemplated  for  purposes  of  de- 
fence against  the  frequent  uprising  of  the  natives  to 
erect  fortresses  in  all  the  Spanish  towns  and  settle- 
ments, but  nothing  seems  to  have  been  done  in  that 

(  535) 


536 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


direction  at  the  time,  except  here  and  there  to  estab- 
lish a  frontier  garrison.^ 

The  want  of  some  of  the  necessaries  of  life  had  been 
felt  for  some  time,  and  there  were  abuses  to  be  cor- 
rected.^ The  epidemic  had  wrought  sad  havoc  among 
the  natives.  With  praiseworthy  zeal  the  viceroy 
sought  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  people.  He 
gave  attention  to  the  production  and  quality  of  wool, 
and  aided  in  the  importation  of  a  better  breed  of 
sheep ;  he  promoted  manufactures,  believing  that  the 
lasting  prosperity  of  a  country  was  to  be  found  in  its 
agriculture,  and  in  the  developments  of  arts  and  com- 
merce.^ The  learning  of  trades  by  the  natives  was 
encouraged,  and  when  able  to  work  as  journeymen,  or 
to  keep  shop,  they  were  granted  certificates  to  that 
effect. 

To  improve  the  moral  condition  of  the  natives,  it 
was  thought  expedient  to  strictly  enforce  a  decree 
prohibiting  the  adulteration  of  pulque,^  and  to  restrict 
the  number  of  places  where  it  was  sold.  It  had  been 
the  custom  for  some  time  to  add  to  the  pure  juice  of 
the  maguey  obnoxious  ingredients,  ostensibly  for  the 
purpose  of  better  preservation.  This  gave  the  liquor 
stronger  intoxicating  properties,  and  the  natives  be- 
came more  addicted  to  its  use.  When  under  its 
influence  they  would  commit  heinous  offences.  As 
there  were  many  marriageable  girls  belonging  to  hon- 

^  Fray  Domingo  de  Betanzos  urged  that  to  promote  peace  and  contentment 
among  the  natives  the  Spaniards  should  live  in  the  cities  and  keep  no  garrisons 
in  the  country.  He  suggestively  added  that  the  settlers  would  thus  have  less 
opportunity  to  rob  and  destroy  at  their  pleasure.  Parecer,  in  Pacheco  and 
CdrdenaSy  Col.  Doc,  vii.  538. 

For  years  past  forests  had  been  wantonly  cut  down,  and  wood  for  fuel 
became  scarce.  The  strict  execution  of  the  viceregal  ordinances  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  trees,  and  of  the  roads  over  which  the  natives  had  to  travel  with 
wood  and  charcoal,  were  recommended.  There  was  a  great  want  of  food  for 
horses  and  cattle;  to  supply  this  demand  Mendoza  caused  a  large  portion  of 
the  dry  lake-bottom  to  be  successfully  sown  in  gi-ass.  Mendoza,  Relacion,  in 
Pacheco  and  Gdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  487,  493-4;  Florida,  Col.  Doc,  137. 

^  The  manufacture  of  woollen  goods  was  introduced  as  early  as  1543.  Beau- 
mont, Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  488. 

*  Royal  c6dula  of  Jan.  24,  1545,  of  similar  import  as  that  of  August  24, 
1529.  Recop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  197-8.  It  was  also  prohibited  to  sell  to  the  natives, 
negroes,  Indian  slaves,  and  Spanish  miners.  C^dula  of  same  date  in  Pwya, 
Cedulario,  169. 


DIVERS  MEASURES. 


537 


orable  families  without  sufficient  means  to  endow 
them/  the  monarch  enjoined  that  every  encourage- 
ment and  facihty  should  be  offered  by  the  govern- 
ment toward  their  marriage.  In  some  instances 
corregimientos  and  other  means  of  support  were 
given  to  men  willing  to  enter  wedded  life.  Such  a 
policy  was  deemed  necessary  in  order  to  increase 
the  Spanish  population,  and  so  promote  the  better 
security  of  the  country.  With  this  patronage  and 
the  stimulus  of  such  an  example,  the  people  began  to 
prosper,  and  to  add  to  the  wealth  of  the  community, 
rich  mines  with  which  the  aborigines  appear  to  have 
been  familiar  were  rediscovered  in  different  localities. 

About  this  time  a  call  by  Pedro  de  la  Gasca  came 
from  Peru  for  patriotic  men/  and  a  force  of  six  hun- 
dred were  soon  under  arms  and  ready  to  march  under 
the  viceroy's  son,  Francisco,  with  Cristobal  de  Onate 
as  maestro  de  campo.  But  when  equipped  and  on  the 
eve  of  departure  word  arrived  that  they  would  not  be 
needed.  The  city  of  Mexico  was  rewarded  by  the 
crown  with  new  honors  and  titles  for  this  zeal,  and  the 
municipality  was  vested  with  power  to  make  ordi- 
nances for  the  city,  which,  if  approved  by  the  viceroVj 
became  law. 

The  peaceful  course  of  events,  however,  was  again 
marred  by  revolt  and  conspiracy,  not  alone  among  the 
subjugated  tribes  and  negro  slaves,  but  in  the  ranks 
of  discontented  Spaniards.  When  the  virulence  of 
the  epidemic  of  1546  had  subsided,  a  conspiracy 
among  the  negroes  distributed  about  Tenocha  and 
Tlatelulco  came  to  light,  through  the  weakness  or 
cupidity  of  one  of  their  number,  and  the  instigators 
were  summarily  dealt  with.    But  for  this  a  massacre 

^  This  was  notably  the  case  with  the  oidor  Ceynos  who  was  in  delicate 
health  and  had  eight  daughters  whom  he  was  unable  to  marry  for  want  of 
endowments.  Zumdrraga,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiiL 
534-7. 

^  See  details  of  his  successful  expedition  to  Peru,  in  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii., 
this  series. 


538 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


of  the  Spaniards  would  probably  have  occurred.  A 
more  alarming  conspiracy  was  one  planned  against  the 
magistrates  during  the  same  year.  It  was  betrayed, 
however,  and  the  instigators  were  executed;  some  of 
the  accomplices  who  had  fled  toward  Peru  were  over- 
taken and  punished.^ 

During  the  year  1548  there  was  an  uprising  in 
Oajaca  among  the  Tequipans,  who  felt  secure  by 
reason  of  the  mountainous  nature  of  their  retreats; 
buiD  the  ever-watchful  Mendoza  sent  against  them  a 
force  under  Tristan  de  Arellano,  who  quelled  the 
revolt  before  it  had  made  much  progress.^  In  1550 
the  province  of  Zapotecas  rebelled  against  the  Span- 
ish yoke  under  circumstances  which  gave  the  revolt 
a  more  than  passing  interest.  The  traditional  Qnet- 
zalcaotl  was  said  to  have  reappeared.  The  old  men 
of  the  tribe  excited  the  young  to  take  up  arms.  One 
of  the  caciques  assumed  the  role  of  the  ancient  chief- 
tain, but  unfortunately  for  the  natives,  with  none  of 
his  expected  power.  The  success  of  this  general  up- 
rising was  but  momentary ;  it  was  but  another  fiasco, 
and  collapsed  before  a  few  vigorous  blows  of  the  vice- 
roy." 

These  occurrences  were  but  an  indication  of  the 
unrest  and  dissatisfaction  that  pervaded  the  colonists. 
The  victors  of  the  Mixton  war  clamored  for  their 
reward,  and  it  must  come  largely  from  the  enforced 
labor  of  the  natives.  War,  pestilence,  and  conscrip- 
tion had  wrought  havoc,  and  perplexed  the  labor 
question  until  its  solution  became  the  paramount  diffi- 
culty of  the  day.  All  the  labor  of  mining,  of  tillage, 
of  stock-raising,  and  of  household  drudgery  was  per- 
formed by  the  natives.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
any  Spaniard  during  that  or  the  following  century 

'  Sebastian  Lazo  de  la  Vega  and  Caspar  Tapia  revealed  the  secret.  The 
chief  of  the  conspirators  was  an  Italian.  CavOy  Tres  Siglos,  i.  152. 

^According  to  Remesal,  Hist.  Chya-pa,  454-5,  the  friars  of  the  convent  at 
Oajaca  quieted  the  natives  without  the  assistance  of  troops.  This  convent 
was  a  vicarage  until  1549,  when  it  was  made  a  priory.  /cZ.,  i.  714. 

*  The  harsh  treatment  of  the  corregidores  caused  the  revolt.  Cavo,  Tres 
Siglos,  i.  155-6.    See  also  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  IlisU  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  824-n5.^ 


FUETHSR  REVOLTS. 


539 


made  a  nearer  approach  to  manual  labor  than  super- 
intending from  his  saddle  the  movements  of  native 
workmen.  The  slaves  taken  in  New  Galicia  were 
no  longer  enough  to  supply  the  demand,  as  most  of 
them  had  perished  during  war  and  epidemic.  Unable 
to  resist  the  power  of  the  intruders,  or  too  wise  to 
risk  their  liberties  on  the  issue  of  a  doubtful  con- 
test, multitudes  withdrew  into  out-of-the-way  places. 
Those  who  clung  to  their  homes  in  the  different  prov- 
inces were  subjected  to  increased  exactions,  till  roused 
by  repeated  injuries  they  broke  into  open  revolt.  In- 
deed submission  profited  little.  Notwithstanding  the 
prohibition  to  engage  in  new  discoveries  and  the  con- 
sequent new  enslavement  of  the  natives,  the  Span- 
iards asked  license,  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of 
pacification,  to  enter  the  mountain  regions  and  cap- 
ture the  inhabitants. 

Before  accounting  for  the  subjugation  of  the  wild 
tribes  in  the  mountains  near  Queretaro,  it  will  be 
well  to  notice  some  facts  touching  this  region  prior  to 
the  conquest  by  Cortes. 

The  whole  country  lying  to  the  north  of  Mexico 
was  at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards 
almost  unknown  to  the  Mexicans.  The  northern 
confines  of  the  Aztec  empire  extended  but  little 
hey  ond  the  valley,  and  there  Aztec  civilization  termi- 
nate d.  The  mountainous  regions  beyond  were  inhab- 
it '^A  by  various  tribes  of  wild  savages,  known  by  the 
(general  name  of  Chichimecs.^^  Dependent  on  the 
(.base  for  their  subsistence,  these  people  had  no  set- 
tled dwelling-place,  but  roamed  over  a  vast  unknown 
territory,  from  time  to  time  making  inroads  into  the 
rich  d.'stricts  of  the  south.  It  does  not  appear  that 
the  empire  ever  seriously  attempted  their  conquest; 
it  was  content  to  protect  the  frontier  against  them. 
Shortly  after  the  conquest,  however,  expeditions 

1"  The  term  Chichimec  being  general,  was  applied  to  all  wild  tribes,  and, 
accoraing  to  A.legre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jt^us,  ii.  163,  the  district  now  known  as 
Quer6  taro,  an  d  where  the  battle  of  pacification  was  fought,  was  principally 
inhabited  by  Otomis. 


540 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE). 


began  to  be  undertaken  by  the  Spaniards  into  regions 
west  and  north  of  the  valley  of  Mexico  never  pene- 
trated by  the  Aztec  armies,  and  the  Chichimecs,  now 
reenforced  by  many  Otomis  who  had  refused  to  accept 
the  conqueror  s  rule,  were  in  course  of  time  compelled 
to  submit. 

The  first  expedition  against  them  was  not  under- 
taken by  the  Spaniards  themselves,  but  by  their 
Mexican  and  Otomi  allies,  and  the  pacification  of  the 
hostile  tribes  extended  over  a  period  of  more  than 
thirty  years.  The  christianized  Otomi  cacique,  Ni- 
coMs  de  San  Luis  de  Montanez,^^  has  given  us  a  sketch 
of  their  subjection  and  his  own  share  in  accomplishing 
it.  From  his  account  we  learn  that  as  early  as  1522, 
with  permission  of  the  Spaniards,  he  made  an  incur- 
sion into  the  Chichimec  country,  and  was  engaged  for 
thirty  years  and  more  in  making  war  on  those  tribes. 

San  Luis  with  the  cacique  Fernando  de  Tapia^^  and 
many  relatives  and  friendly  nobles  in  1522  raised  a 
large  force  and  marched  against  the  Chichimecs.  It 
was  during  this  incursion  that  a  singular  battle  was 
fought  on  the  25th  of  July.  The  Chichimecs  to  the 
number  of  twenty-five  thousand  were  posted  on  a 
hill,  which  later  received  the  name  of  Sangremal. 
Conspicuous  among  their  chiefs  were  Lobo,  or  the 
Wolf,  and  Coyote,  as  cunning  as  he  was  strong.  The 
allied  Otomi  and  Mexican  forces  entirely  surrounded 
the  hill.  The  Chichimecs  possessed  the  advantage  in 
regard  to  position;  the  Mexicans  and  Otomis  in  re- 

According  to  Father  Vega  in  his  Memorias  de  la  Nacion  Indiana,  San 
Luis  was  a  native  of  Tula,  lineally  descended  from  one  of  the  Toltec  kings, 
and  a  near  relative  of  Montezuma.  He  became  an  early  ally  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  assisted  them  against  the  Mexicans,  being  also  christianized  among  the  . 
first.  Charles  V.  made  him  cacique  of  Tula,  a  knight  of  Santiago,  and 
captain  general.  Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex.,  510.  The  narrative  is  exceedingly  con- 
fused with  respect  to  events,  and  contains  errors  as  to  dates  and  persons, 
besides  useless  repetitions.  San  Luis,  Rel.y  in  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv. 
651-63. 

One  of  the  highest  chiefs  among  the  Otomis.  Upon  receiving  baptism 
he  took  Cortes'  Christian  name,  and  the  patronymic  of  two  celebrated  con- 
querors who  went  with  the  former  to  Mexico.  The  chief  was  a  supporter  of 
the  Spaniards.  San  Luis  gives  the  names  of  the  captains  who  served  under 
him  in  the  Chichimec  campaign. 


BATTLE  WITHOUT  WEAPONS. 


541 


gard  to  weapons.  ''0  you  brave  men,  perched  upon 
a  hill,"  cried" San  Luis;  ''come  down  and  fight  if  you 
are  not  afraid!"  ''Very  fair,  no  doubt,  you  renegades, 
and  dogs  of  the  Spaniards,"  returned  Coyote;  "lay 
aside  your  borrowed  weapons  and  we  will  come  down." 
"Wild,  and  uncouth,  and  beastly  as  you  are,"  said 
San  Luis,  "we  are  a  match  for  you  with  no  weapons 


Chichimec  War. 


at  all.  See!  we  will  lay  them  all  aside,  and  you  can 
heap  yours  beside  them  and  place  a  guard  over  both. 
Come  on ! "  And  so  it  was  agreed.  Civilization  calls 
it  progress  as  more  effective  death-dealing  implements 
are  invented;  may  it  not  as  truthfully  be  called 


642 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


progress  when  all  weapons  for  the  butchery  of  human 
beings  are  laid  aside  ? 

At  it  they  went  with  hands,  feet,  and  teeth,  only 
with  the  understanding  that  the  conquered  should 
remain  subject  to  the  victors. The  struggle  which 
followed  was  as  savage  and  sanguinary  as  the  nature 
of  it  was  exceptional,  and  lasted  from  early  dawn 
till  sunset.  As  exhausted  combatants  sank  to  the 
ground,  others  pressed  fiercely  forward.  Among  the 
mutilated  forms  and  blood-covered  faces  it  was  often 
impossible  to  distinguish  friend  from  foe.  Among 
these  ferocious  fighters  the  two  leaders  of  the  Chichi- 
mecs,  Lobo  and  Coyote,  were  conspicuous  for  their 
strength;  and  wdien  late  in  the  day  victory  was  with 
-the  invaders,  they  alone  escaped,  shouting  their  defi- 
ance with  threats  to  return  in  half  a  moon  with  a 
fresh  force. The  chief  of  the  Chichimecs  and  many 
of  his  people  were  baptized  by  Padre  Juan  Bautista, 
who  had  accompanied  the  army.^^  Such  is  the  ac- 
count of  the  Indian  chronicler,  San  Luis,  who  states 
furthermore  that  the  city  of  Queretaro  was  founded 
at  that  time.  But  the  narrative  is  full  of  obvious 
errors ;  the  author's  confusion  of  thought  is  evidenced 
by  his  confusion  of  words;  so  that  after  all  we  cannot 
learn  much  from  him,  save  that  from  1522  to  1531  he 
made  various  incursions  into  the  Chichimec  regions, 
acd  that  during  the  latter  part  of  the  war  he  and  his 
principal  ofificers  were  provided  with  arquebuses  and 
horses. 

An  account  given  by  Espinosa  is  as  follows :  When 
Fuenleal  was  president  of  the  audiencia  he  sought  to 
extend  conquest  and  promote  conversion.   The  cacique 

'  Mi^ntras  se  hizo  la  guerra  d  punetes  y  patadas  y  i  mordidas  como 
gallos.'  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  559. 

^^Alegre,  on  the  authority  of  Father  Vega's  MS.  existing  then  in  the 
Franciscan  convent  at  Mexico,  places  this  event  in  1531,  when,  as  he  states, 
the  site  of  the  city  of  Queretaro  was  conquered  by  Fernando  de  Tapia  with  a 
force  of  Mexicans.    Espinosa's  account  is  similar.  Chrdn.  AposL,  i.  1. 

The  Chichimec  chief  received  the  name  of  the  Priest,  who  is  mentioned 
by  San  Luis  as  the  bachiller  Don  Juan  Bautista. 

Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  560.  'Dispararon  los  Caziques  Christianos 
armas  de  fuego.'  Espinosa^  Chron.  Ajpost.y  i.  3. 


CONQUEST  0^^  QUERETARO. 


543 


Tapia  offered  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  Queretaro. 
Collecting  a  large  force  in  Jilotepec  and  Tula,  in  con- 
junction with  other  caciques,  and  provided  with  a  num- 
ber of  arquebuses,  they  marched  to  the  town  now 
called  San  Juan  del  Rio,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
they  induced  to  accept  Christianity  without  blood- 
shed. Proceeding  thence  toward  Queretaro,  when 
within  three  leagues  of  the  town,  they  arrived  at  a 
hill  called,  in  the  time  of  Espinosa,  Cerrito  Colorado. 
Here  w^as  made  the  agreement  to  fight  without  weap- 
ons, owing  to  the  fear  of  the  Chichimecs  of  fire-arms. 
The  conflict  was  similar  to  that  described  by  San 
Luis,  and  the  date  assigned  to  it  is  the  25th  of  July, 
1531.  In  the  account  given  by  San  Luis  it  is  stated 
that  the  sun  stood  still,  and  that  the  Apostle  Saint 
James,  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  Saint  Francis  appeared. 
Espinosa's  version  is  that,  through  the  dense  cloud 
of  smoke  caused  by  firing  the  arquebuses,  a  bright 
light  broke,  in  which  was  seen  a  brilliant  cross  of 
wdiite  and  red,  and  by  its  side  the  figure  of  Saint 
JameSo  This  miraculous  interposition  put  a  termina- 
tion to  the  contest.^'^  On  the  spot  above  which  the 
figure  of  Saint  James  was  seen,  a  cross  was  erected, 
which  became  celebrated  for  its  miracles.  San  Luis 
had  ordered  it  to  be  made  of  wood,  but  the  Chichi- 
mecs objected,  saying  they  wanted  ^^una  cruz  en  forma 
para  siempre  jamds,"  or  be  it  an  indestructible  cross 
to  serve  as  a  boundary  monument.  They  likewise 
objected  to  a  common  stone  cross,  insisting  upon  one 
like  that  seen  in  the  clouds.  In  this  dilemma  the 
architect  and  stone-cutter,  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  was  de- 
spatched with  fifty  caciques  for  material  to  build  a 
cross  which  would  satisfy  the  new  converts. 

After  journeying  half  a  league,  praying  to  God  to 

^^With  regard  to  the  respective  claims  of  San  Luis  and  Tapia  for  the 
leadership,  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt  chat  the  former  had  the  chief  command, 
though  the  latter  also  bore  the  title  of  captain-general,  which  may  have  been 
conferred  on  him  years  later.  San  Luis  positively  asserts  that  he  was  the 
leader  and  directed  the  operations  in  the  region  of  Queretaro,  both  before 
and  after  its  conquest.  Tapia  is  mentioned  by  him  as  one  of  his  captains  in 
the  campaign. 


544 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


enlighten  them,  Cruz  and  his  companions  reached  a 
spot  where  were  stones  of  three  colors,  white,  red, 
and  violet,  quarried  stone  of  vitreous  appearance. 
With  them  Cruz  shaped  a  cross  three  varas  in  height, 
and  had  it  ready  before  the  expiration  of  twenty- 
four  hours. Then  he  laid  it  under  a  rose-bush,  and 
made  his  report.  At  the  sound  of  drums  and  clarions 
the  captain-general  with  his  army  and  the  friendly 
Chichimecs  marched  away  to  bring  the  cross.  On 
arriving  at  the  spot  where  it  lay  under  the  rose-bush 
all  knelt  and  offered  thanksgiving  to  God  and  the 
blessed  virgin  for  giving  them  such  a  beautiful  cross. 
And  thereupon  followed  miracles. The  cross  was 
carried  in  procession  and  raised  with  much  ceremony 
and  rejoicing  upon  the  mount.  The  Chichimecs  and 
their  wise  men,  after  examining  it  and  witnessing  its 
miracles,  declared  themselves  satisfied,  and  celebrated 
the  occasion  with  their  usual  dances;  their  captain, 
Juan  Bautista  Criado,  and  his  wife  kissed  it,  and  their 
example  was  followed  by  their  subjects.  A  whole 
week  was  thus  occupied.  The  captain-general  then 
had  the  ground  measured  around  the  cross  for  a 
chapel,  after  which  he  began  to  make  land  grants. 

Little  came  of  this  conquest,  for  no  settlement 
seems  to  have  been  founded  till  about  1550,  or  later. 
The  viceroy  gave  lands  to  the  two  caciques,  San  Luis, 
and  others,  and  grants  were  made  to  the  settlers  of 
the  town  of  Queretaro  for  lots  and  orchards  in  1551 

1^  One  acconnt  has  it,  *  se  f ormo  de  cinco  piedras  blancas,  y  roxas  mila- 
grosamente  halladas.'  Gaz  de  Mex.,  1730,  in  Arevalo,  Compend.,  237. 

'  Parece  que  estabamos  en  la  gloria,  se  aparecid  alii  una  nube  blanea,  tan 
hermosa,  sombreando  a  la  santa  cruz  y  teni^ndola  cuatro  angeles;  luego  el 
olor  que  olia  tan  hermoso,  que  todos  lo  vimos  que  luego  hizo  milagro  la  santa 
cruz.'  San  Luis,  Reladon,  in  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  150. 

This  cross  from  the  beginning  was  a  celebrated  wonder.  On  several 
occasions  it  moved  of  itself,  and  so  as  to  cause  admiration  and  awe;  it  visibly 
grew  one  full  vara  in  size.  In  1639  'tenia  tres  varas,  y  al  presente  tiene 
cuatro  cabales.'  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  154;  Gaz.  deMex.,  in  Ardvalo,  Com- 
•pend. ,  237.  The  first  Franciscans  in  Queretaro  lived  in  the  small  straw  con- 
vent where  the  holy  cross  was  subsequently  kept;  afterward  they  moved  to 
the  principal  convent,  which  about  15G6  was  placert  by  the  Santo  Evangelic 
under  the  province  of  Michoacan.  Dice.  Univ.,  ix.  351;  Igksias  y  Conventos, 
153-4. 


CONQUEST  OF  ZACATECAS. 


645 


and  1552.  The  date  and  particulars  of  the  founding 
are  alike  puzzling  to  the  chroniclers;  but  from  docu- 
mentary evidence  cited  by  Espinosa  and  Beaumont  it 
would  appear  conclusive  that  the  cacique  Fernando  de 
Tapia  was  its  founder.^^ 

Captain-general  San  Luis  in  1552  continued  the 
campaign  against  the  hostile  Chichimecs  of  Zacatecas. 
In  1552  he  marched  with  the  small  army  he  had  raised 
and  organized  in  Tula  against  a  famous  captain  named 
Maxorro,^^  routed  him  in  every  encounter,  and  finally 
took  him  prisoner.  The  end  of  this  campaign  was 
that  Maxorro  and  his  principal  chiefs  embraced  Chris- 
tianity, being  baptized  by  Fray  Juan  de  la  Quemada, 
chaplain  of  the  army.  For  the  protection  of  travellers 
San  Felipe  Iztlahuaca,  and  San  Miguel  el  Grande, 
later  named  AUende,  were  founded,  and  garrisons  sta- 
tioned in  both  places. 

San  Luis  held  his  command  till  1559,  when  he  re- 
signed, and  was  succeeded  by  the  famous  chief  of 
Jilotepec,  Don  Juan  Bautista  Valerio  de  la  Cruz, 
whose  appointment  was  made  on  May  12,  1559, 
with  powers  to  wage  war  upon  and  punish  all  that 
should  disregard  his  authority.  It  was  approved 
later  by  Prince  Philip  in  a  letter  highly  commend- 
atory of  Valerio's  services.    The  old  chief  continued 

"Reference  is  made  to  the  government  books,  i.,  ii.,  and  iii.,  for  Viceroy 
Velasco's  period.  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  154-5.  The  parish  books  of 
Quer6taro  city  were  opened  later.  Bustamante,  in  8oc.  Mix.  Geog.,  Bole.tin, 
vii.  535.  Espinosa  states  that  the  origin  of  the  city  of  Quer^taro  was  a  forti- 
fication which  Montezuma.  I.  established  on  the  northern  frontier  of  his  empire 
as  a  protection  against  the  inroads  of  the  Chichimecs.  When  the  Spaniards 
came,  some  of  the  Otomis  took  refuge  in  Quer^taro  and  entered  into  a  defen- 
sive alliance  with  the  Chichimecs.  In  an  official  document  of  the  first  viceroy 
it  is  called  Taxco,  which  corrupted  into  Tlacho,  in  Mexican,  means  a  game 
at  ball,  or  the  place  where  the  game  is  played.  The  Tarascan  word  Quer6taro 
has  the  same  signification.  Chrdn.  AposL,  i.  1,  2,  10. 

2^  A  chief  well  informed  on  military  tactics.  He  advised  his  followers 
not  to  attempt  coping  with  the  Spaniards  in  the  open  field;  to  concen- 
trate in  the  fastnesses  of  the  mountains  near  the  passes,  and  thence  harass 
the  Spanish  towns,  and  waylay  travellers  as  opportunity  ofi"ered.  His  ad- 
vice was  followed.  Herrera,  dec.  viii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxi. ;  Beaumont,  Crdn. 
Mich.,  V.  316;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  163-4;  Panes,  in  Monumentos  Domin. 
Esp.,  MS.,  82. 

He  died  in  Mexico  some  years  later,  and  was  interred  in  the  Dominican 
convent.  Zerecero,  Mem.  Hist.  Bev.,  511. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  35 


546 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


his  labors  till  his  death,  which  occurred  in  1572  in 
Mexico. 

The  memorable  history  of  old  Guadalajara  has  been 
already  told  in  connection  with  Francisco  Vazquez  de 
Coronado  and  the  Mixton  war.  In  pursuance  of  the 
resolution  during  the  siege  to  transfer  the  city  to 
another  place,  on  October  6,  1541,  all  the  Spaniards, 
soldiers  as  well  as  settlers,  accompanied  by  many 
friendly  Indians,  set  out  for  the  chosen  site  of  Analco 
in  the  Atemajac  Valley.^'^  The  movement  attracted 
settlers  who  had  been  formerly  scattered  at  or  near  to 
Tlacotlan,  Tonald,  Tlajomulco,  and  Tetlan.  The  mis- 
sionaries who  had  been  laboring  at  the  last-named 
place  also  removed  to  the  new  site,  and  on  February 
11,  1542,  municipal  officers  were  appointed.^^  The 
land  around  the  new  city  was  fertile  in  the  extreme, 
and  promised  abundant  supplies  for  a  large  population. 
It  was  in  fact  considered  one  of  the  most  favorable 
spots  in  New  Spain,  being  traversed  by  the  River 
Tololotlan,  which  communicates  with  Lake  Chapala, 

2*  His  funeral  by  the  viceroy's  order  was  a  magnificent  one,  and  the  remains 
were  interred  in  the  Saint  Francis  convent  of  Santiago  Tlaltelulco,  as  he  had 
made  many  generous  donations  to  the  Franciscan  missionaries.  To  him  Tula 
owed  its  famous  bridge,  which  he  caused  to  be  built,  employing  150  men.  In 
Oct.  1559  he  was  granted  a  coat  of  arms  as  a  descendant  of  the  kings  of  Tez- 
cuco,  and  created  a  knight  of  Santiago.  The  next  year  he  was  authorized  to 
use  another  coat  of  arms,  which  he  had  before  becoming  a  Christian,  and  v/hich 
is  described  by  Padre  Vega,  Memorias  piadosas  de  la  nacion  Indiana,  as  being 
in  two  parts;  in  one  was  a  fig-tree  with  a  crowned  eagle  standing  on  it;  in  the 
other  a  fortified  house  with  a  viper  upon  it;  the  king  added  in  the  centre  of 
the  coat  of  arms  the  insignia  of  the  order  of  Santiago  with  the  motto  '  Sodata 
regia  magna  operata  tua. '  The  old  captain  seemed  to  have  been  forgotten  till 
1699,  when  the  learned  Tezcucan  Indian,  Francisco  Isia,  wrote  a  fine  narrative 
in  Aztec  of  his  life,  conquests,  foundations,  and  feats  of  arms.  Zerecero,  Mem. 
HUt.  Rev.,  478-82;  Valerio,  Despacho,  in  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  356. 
Alonso  de  Sosa  is  also  mentioned  as  a  general  of  Chichimecs  who  greatly 
cooperated  to  the  pacification  of  the  country,  particularly  in  the  region  of 
Guanajuato.  He  was  bom  in  Yuririapundaro  and  died  in  1561.  He  gave 
large  sums  for  building  the  church,  and  endowed  the  convent  in  his  native 
town.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin.,  ix.  167. 

The  colony  consisted  of  58  Europeans.  They  tarried  some  time  at  Te- 
tlan, where  Fr^y  Antonio  Segovia  had  founded  a  small  convent  of  Franciscans, 
the  first  in  the  province  of  Nueva  Galicia.  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  263-4. 

'^^  The  first  alcaldes  were  Fernando  Flores  and  Pedro  Placencia;  regidores, 
Miguel  Ibarra,  Diego Orozco,  and  Juan  Zubla.  JaL,  Not.  Geog.,  in  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  vi.  277. 


GUADALAJARA. 


547 


and  possessing  a  fine,  temperate  climate.  Hence  Gua- 
dalajara became  from  the  first  a  place  of  importance, 
and  grew  in  size  and  influence  until  it  ranked  as  one 
of  the  great  centres  of  civilization  in  New  Spain. 

In  1543,  soon  after  his  return  to  Mexico,  Vazquez 
de  Coronado  so  far  recovered  his  health  as  to  resume 
the  duties  of  office.  He  was  the  last  military  gov- 
ernor of  Nueva  Galicia,  and  resigned  in  1545.  Bal- 
tasar  Gallegos  then  ruled  in  the  capacity  of  alcalde 
mayor  for  several  years,^^  until  indeed,  in  1548,  a 
new  form  of  government — an  audiencia  subordinate 
to  that  of  Mexico — was  installed  at  Compostela.^^  The 
powers  of  that  body  included  those  of  governor  and 
judiciary. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  audiencia  included  the  whole 
of  New  Galicia,  with  all  the  known  territory  toward 
the  north  and  north-east,  and  also  a  strip  of  coast 
southward,  embracing  Colima,  Zacatula,  and  the  towns 

^'^  See  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  6.  In  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq,  ii.  sup., 
38,  it  is  implied  that  Gallegos  succeeded  OSate  in  1542. 

2^  Pursuant  to  royal  decree  of  Feb,  13,  1548.  Eecop.  de  Ind.,  i.  326.  Calle, 
Mem.  y  Not.,  89,  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  94:-5,  Herrera,  dec.  viii.  lib.  iv. 
cap.  xii.,  and  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  148,  erroneously  give  the  year  1547,  and 
Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  1549.  In  the  Decades,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  viii.  80,  July  13,  1548,  is  mentioned.  This  is  probably  the  date  of  instal- 
ment at  Compostela,  as  Oviedo,  iii.  578,  names  the  three  oidores,  Quinones, 
Sepulveda,  and  Contreras,  who  were  sent  from  Spain  in  May  1548.  Sepiil- 
veda  died  on  the  voyage.  Under  date  of  November  2,  1548,  Quinones  makes 
recommendations  to  the  emperor  as  to  the  proper  course  to  pursue  in  the 
administration  of  justice  in  New  Galicia.  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  x. 
62-6.  The  decree  issued  at  Valladolid,  December  8,  1550,  by  the  queen,  de- 
fined the  jurisdiction,  especially  in  appeals.  Another  of  Dec,  19th,  of  the  same 
year,  gave  the  audiencia  of  Mexico  the  right  of  revising  the  decisions  of  that 
of  New  Galicia,  where  the  alcalde  mayor  and  the  oidores  of  the  latter  dis- 
agreed. Aug,  28,  1552,  it  was  further  defined  that  the  audiencia  of  Mexico, 
in  the  visit  to  that  of  New  Galicia,  was  not  to  meddle  in  the  affairs  of  the  lat- 
ter, except  when  the  judicial  decisions  were  appealed  from.  Puga,  Cedidario, 
161,  180,  183.  In  the  year  last  named,  May  8th,  the  king  had  been  advised 
that  the  oidores  Contreras  and  La  Marcha  were  misbehaving,  as  they  oppressed 
the  Indians,  and  hindered  their  colleagues.  The  Licenciado  Lebron  de 
Quinones  was  prominently  brought  bfefore  the  emperor  for  president  and  gov- 
ernor of  New  Galicia.  Valencia,  Fray  Angel,  Carta  al  Emp.,  in  Cartas  de  Ind., 
110-11.  Mendieta  mentions  Lebron  as  an  upright,  God-fearing  man.  Hist. 
Ecles.,  480.  He  proved  to  be  otherwise.  The  powers  of  this  audiencia  were 
continued  with  few  subsequent  restrictions  till  March  19,  1555;  the  king  in 
council  then  ruled  that  the  audiencia  of  New  Spain,  the  viceregal  chair  being 
vacant,  should  govern  the  country  and  exercise  authority  over  that  of  New 
Galicia.  In  army  and  treasury  afi'airs  the  latter  was  at  all  times  under  tha 
viceroy's  authority.  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  43. 


548 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


of  Avalos.2^  The  jDrovince  during  the  period  now 
under  consideration  included  ten  or  twelve  corregi- 
mientos  or  districts,  each  with  its  head  town,  or  caJbe- 
cera,  and  its  partidos,  each  under  an  alcalde.  This 
officer,  part  of  whose  duty  was  the  collection  of  trib- 
utes, was  directly  responsible  to  the  audiencia.  The 
head  towns  for  the  different  districts  were  for  the 
most  part  mining-camps,  and  the  partidos  were  Indian 
towns  under  native  alcaldes,  regidores,  and  alguaciles, 
who  were  under  the  direction  of  the  encomenderos,  or 
of  the  friars  in  a  few  of  the  new  and  poorer  places 
which  had  not  excited  the  avarice  of  any  Spanish 
offi^cer. 

The  Spanish  population  of  this  vast  district  was  as 
yet  comparatively  small.  It  is  probable  that  there 
were  not  over  five  hundred  settlers  in  New  Galicia, 
at  any  time  during  the  century,  if  we  except  the  sol- 
diers engaged  in  the  conquest  and  in  the  suppression 
of  the  Mixton  revolt,  and  the  miners  in  Zacatecas  and 
the  districts  south  and  north  of  it.^^ 

It  soon  became  apparent  that  Compostela  was  not 
so  well  situated  for  a  capital  of  the  growing  prov- 
ince as  Guadalajara.  The  latter  place  enjoyed  an 
abundance  of  fish,  game,  cattle,  and  fresh  water,  of 
which  the  old  capital  could  not  boast.  The  audiencia 
was  therefore  transferred  by  royal  order  to  Guadala- 
jara as  the  provincial  capital. 

The  oidores  do  not  appear  to  have  been  of  a  very 
select  character,  for  in  1557  Doctor  Morones  came 

2^  'Partiendo  t^rminos:  por  el  Levante  con  la  Audiencia  de  la  Nueva  Espana: 
por  el  Mediodia  con  la  Mar  del  Sur;  y  por  el  Poniente  y  Septentrion  con 
Provincias  no  descubiertas,  ni  pacificas. '  liecop.  de  Intl. ,  i.  326-7. 

^°In  1569,  according  to  the  Ivforme  del  Cablldo,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.y 
ii,  492,  there  were  at  the  Jocotlan  and  Guajacatlan  mines  30  Spaniards;  at 
Guachinango,  6;  Espiritu  Santo,  40;  Purificacion,  10;  Compostela,  13;  Lagos, 
35;  Guadalajara,  50.  Among  other  settlements  subject  at  this  time  and  later 
to  the  audiencia,  were  Nombre  de  Dios,  Durango,  Chametla,  Sinaloa,  settled 
by  Ibarra,  Culiacan,  a  prominent  alcaldia  centre,  and  Purificacion.  The  towns 
in  Durango  and  Sinaloa  fell  in  due  time  politically  under  Nueva  Vizcaya,  while 
the  audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia  maintained  the  judicial  control,  and  its  bishop 
the  ecclesiastical.  See  3Iiranda,  liel. ,  in  Pacheco and  Cardenas,  Col. Doc,  xvi. 
5G.3-73;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  89;  Villa  Seuor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  ii.  257,  etc.; 
Ilerrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xiii.;  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  199,  204-5, 
243-6;  Gil,  in  Soc.  Hex.  Geog.,  Eoletin,  viii.  477-80. 


SINALOA  AND  DURANGO. 


549 


to  take  their  residencia,  and  gained  the  gratitude  of 
the  people  by  suspending  three  of  them,  Lebron  de 
Quinones,  Contreras,  and  Oseguera.  The  latter  man- 
aged to  be  reinstated,  however,  and  retrieved  himself 
so  well  that  he  was  promoted  to  a  similar  office  in 
Mexico.®^  The  bishopric  of  New  Galicia  was  erected 
at  Compostela  in  1544,  including  within  its  ecclesi- 
astical purview  all  the  explored  regions  north  of  the 
Michoacan  boundary.  The  first  incumbent  was  Pedro 
Gomez  Maraver,  and  the  seat  was  transferred  to  the 
new  capital  at  or  about  the  same  time  the  secular 
government  was  transferred.^^ 

The  audiencia  of  New  Galicia,  aware  of  the  great 
wealth  of  the  mines  in  Sinaloa,  Durango,  and  else- 
where, with  the  view  of  adding  area  to  its  rule,  and 
of  controlling  those  rich  deposits,  resolved  in  1552  to 
undertake  the  conquest  of  the  whole  region,  begin- 
ning with  the  rich  sierras  of  Guaynamota,  Guazamota, 
and  Jocotlan,  situated  some  fifteen  leagues  from  Com- 
postela. On  the  other  hand,  Spaniards,  both  civilians 
and  soldiers,  were  already  making  settlements  in  a  con- 
siderable part  of  the  country,  and  Chametla,  a  province 
lying  between  Compostela  and  the  villa  de  Culiacan, 
would  soon  be  under  Viceroy  Velasco's  control. 

For  the  chief  command  of  the  expedition  was 
selected  Gines  Vazquez  de  Mercado,  said  to  have  been 
a  brave  officer  and  a  worthy  cavalier.    He  was  given 

He  incurred  the  hostility  of  the  ecclesiastics  for  his  looseness  of  tongue, 
the  bishop  among  others  being  termed  a  donkey,  and  in  Cabildo,  Ucdes. ,  In- 
forme,  in  Icazbaiceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  484-508,  a  free-spoken  report  to  the  king 
on  men  and  affairs  in  New  Galicia  in  1570,  he  among  others  is  treated  with- 
out mercy  as  a  vain  man,  ruled  by  his  wife.  In  1563  already  he  ranked  as 
president  of  the  audiencia,  with  Morones  and  Alarcon  among  his  associates. 
Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  552-7;  Parra,  Conq.  XaL,  MS.,  31.  Alarcon 's 
name  became  a  byword  for  petty  peculation.  Morones  was  succeeded  by 
Mendiola,  afterwards  bishop,  and  he  by  Orozco,  brother  of  the  oidor  at  Mex- 
ico. Quinones  had  been  reinstated,  and  came  back  fuming  with  wrath 
against  his  accusers,  but  he  died  on  the  way. 

^2  There  is  much  disagreement  respecting  the  date;  indeed,  there  is  hardly 
a  year  between  1550  and  15G9  to  which  the  change  is  not  by  some  author 
assigned.  A  royal  letter  to  the  viceroy,  of  July  16,  1550,  requested  him  to 
report  on  the  expediency  of  removing  the  '  chest  of  three  keys  '  from  Com- 
postela to  Guadalajara.  Puga,  C'edulario,  179. 


560 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


the  rank  of  captain-general,  with  ample  powers/^  and 
raised  a  large  force,  with  which  he  was  first  to  subdue 
the  district  of  Jocotlan.  From  here  he  advanced  fur- 
ther into  the  interior,  and  had  several  encounters  with 
the  natives. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  follow  the  steps  of  this  ill- 
conducted  expedition.  Suffice  it  to  saj  that  they 
visited  several  of  the  districts  that  afterward  became 
famous  for  their  mining  wealth;  but  for  one  reason  or 
another  no  mines  were  opened.  They  finally  reached 
the  cienega  de  Sombrerete,  where  again  they  paid  no 
attention  to  its  precious  deposits.  One  night,  while 
encamped  here  without  precautions,  some  Zain  Indians 
fell  upon  them,  slew  some  of  the  soldiers,  and  wounded 
others.  Mercado  himself  was  severely  injured,  having 
been  saved  from  death  by  his  servant,  a  Portuguese 
negro.  This  necessitated  a  delay  till  the  wounded 
could  be  moved.  Meanwhile  the  soldiers  revolted^ 
and,  though  convinced  that  with  their  support  he 
could  have  subjugated  the  country,  he  was  obliged  to 
return  to  Jocotlan,  where  rich  mines  were  expected 
to  be  found;  but  this  hope  proved  disappointing. 
Thence  Mercado  marched  to  the  Teul,  or  Tuich,  a 
town  belonging  to  J uan  Delgado.^* 

The  audiencia  now  abandoned  the  idea  of  conquest 
for  the  present,  more  particularly  as  the  king  at  this 
time  forbade  all  such  expeditions  without  his  special 
license.^^  Notwithstanding  this,  the  audiencia  of  Nev/ 

He  was  a  nephew  of  Bernardino  Vazquez  de  Tapia,  the  noted  captain 
at  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  His  wealth  was  great,  for  he  was  married  to  his 
cousin  Dona  Ana  Vazquez  de  Tapia,  who  owned  rich  silver-miaes  in  Tepic. 
Beaumont,  Gr6n.  Mich.,  v.  229. 

Mercado  died  in  1558,  after  the  founding  of  Zacatecas;  and  his  family 
was  left  unprotected  and  ruined;  his  remains  were  interred  in  the  Franciscan 
convent  at  Juchipila.  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  233;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve, 
212-15. 

The  Franciscan  custodio  and  definidores,  in  recommending,  May  8, 1552, 
measures  on  behalf  of  the  Indians  of  Michoacan  and  Nueva  Galicia,  complain 
of  the  cruelties  inflicted  by  military  captains,  adding  that  it  would  be  better 
to  abandon  all  further  attempts  at  conversion  than  to  allow  such  tyranny  to 
continue.  The  entire  work  of  conversion  should  be  left  to  the  missionaries, 
they  plead,  and  the  military  must  confine  themselves  to  afi"ording  protection. 
The  oidores  of  the  andiencias  should  attend  to  their  duties  and  be  held  ac- 
countable for  misconduct.  Valencia  et  al.,  Carta  al  Emp.,  in  Cartas  de  Indiasi, 
103-18. 


MINES  OF  NEW  GALICIA. 


551 


Galicia  winked  at  more  than  one  raiding  excursion, 
destined  to  reenter  J ocotlan  and  gain  possession  ot  its 
mines.  Some  sixteen  soldiers,  deserters  of  Mercado's 
expedition,  with  the  connivance  of  the  authorities, 
started  for  that  region,  and  on  reaching  Cacatlotlan, 
near  Jocotlan,  found  there  the  Franciscans  Francisco 
de  San  Lorenzo,  and  another  named  Juan,  who  were 
rejoiced  at  seeing  them.  But  that  night,  while  asleep, 
most  of  the  soldiers  and  the  two  friars  were  slain  by 
Indians. 

The  story  of  the  discovery  of  the  first  mine  in 
New  Galicia  is  told  as  follows:  When  Captain  Pedro 
Ruiz  de  Haro  died  in  1542  he  left  a  poor  widow  and 
three  daughters.  The  widow,  Leonor  de  Arias,  re- 
tired to  the  interior,  where  she  owned  a  little  place 
called  Miravalles.  Being  an  Indian  woman  she  could 
here  the  better  support  herself,  surrounded  by  kins- 
folk and  acquaintance.  While  standing  at  her  door 
one  day,  there  came  a  poor  Indian  who  begged  some- 
thing to  eat.  Boused  to  pity  she  cheerfully  gave  of 
the  little  she  had.  After  three  days  the  Indian  returned 
and  expressing  thanks  for  her  kindness  handed  her  a 
stone  the  greater  part  of  which  was  native  silver, 
saying:  "To  you  and  yours  I  give  the  mine  in  the 
Tololotlan  Mountains,  whence  this  argent  ore  was 
taken;  for  it  I  have  no  use;  haste  you  thither,  take 
with  you  laborers,  and  may  you  and  yours  be  happy 
and  rich!"  Thereupon  the  Indian  disappeared.  The 
mine  thus  revealed  was  named  Espiritu  Santo,  as 
though  a  pure  benefaction  from  above,  and  for  cen- 
turies it  made  opulent  the  benevolent  widow  and  her 
descendants.^^  However  all  this  may  have  been,  it  is 
certain  that  rich  mines  were  discovered  and  worked  in 

'^It  is  presumed  this  occurred  in  the  latter  part  of  1560.  The  two  Fran- 
ciscans had  been  many  years  successfully  at  work  in  New  Galicia,  and  every- 
where won  the  good-will  and  friendship  of  the  natives.  Beaumont,  Cr6n. 
Mich.,  V.  317-27;  Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  5,  6. 

37  prejes,  Hist.  Breve,  177-8.  It  is  added  that  the  eldest  daughter  of  the 
widow  Arias  received  the  title  of  marchioness  of  Miravalles,  and  from  her 
have  sprung  the  distinguished  family  of  that  title. 


552 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


New  Galicia  as  early  as  1543,  beginning  with  those  of 
Espiritu  Santo.  Mines  not  only  of  gold  and  silver 
but  of  tin,  copper,  mercury,  iron,  and  other  metals 
were  brought  to  light  and  drew  many  Spaniards  to 
the  province  from  Mexico  and  Spain.  Before  the  end 
of  the  century  some  of  them,  under  the  wasteful  sys- 
tem then  in  vogue,  showed  signs  of  exhaustion,  but 
many  good  mines,  abandoned  during  the  northern  ex- 
citement, were  afterward  profitably  worked.^ 

There  is  little  to  note  in  the  events  of  New  Galicia, 
during  the  last  half  of  the  century,  save  fluctuations 
created  by  mining  excitements  and  the  vague  allusions 
to  minor  revolts  and  their  suppression.^^  The  revolts 
were  to  a  great  extent  owing  to  abuses  by  encomen- 
deros,  who  tore  the  natives  from  their  homes  to  work 
in  mines  and  on  plantations,  and  assisted  in  reducing 
the  already  depleted  province.  The  outrages  of  Guz- 
man and  the  Mixton  war  are  said  to  have  destroyed 
half  the  population.  Following  these  came  a  series 
of  epidemics  which  ravaged  the  country  on  different 
occasions  between  1541  and  1590,  especially  in  1545 
and  the  two  following  years,  and  left  but  one  tenth 

Tbfj  others  definitely  mentioned  are  Jaltepec,  Guachinango,  Purificacion, 
Jocotlan,  Etzatlan,  Guajacatlan  { Ahuacatlan),  and  Istlan.  Mota  Fadilla,  Conq. 
N.  Gal,  179-80. 

The  following  items  serve  also  as  additional  information  :  The  Jocotlan 
and  Ahuacatlan  mines,  with  30  miners,  yielded  well,  but  failed  somewhat  in 
1569.  Informe  del  Cabildo,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  494.  Two  hundred 
houses  were  occupied  by  miners  at  Guachinango  in  1550;  214  veins  of  metals 
w^ereopen.  Marcha,  in  Ternaux-Compa7is,  Becueil,  198.  The  mines  of  Espiritu 
Santo  first  failed  to  pay  in  1562.  There  had  been  14  reduction  works.  Beau- 
mont, Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  483.  It  was  on  account  of  the  Espiritu  Santo  mines 
that  a  royal  treasury  was  established  at  Compostela.  The  mines  of  J ocotlan, 
Guachinango,  Ahuacatlan,  and  Istlan  discovered  by  Juan  Fernandez  de 
Hijar  yielded  to  the  king  for  his  royalties  in  30  years  200,000  pesos.  Mota 
Padilla,  Conq.N.  Gal.,  i.  179-81. 

Ibarra  and  Camino  led  several  small  parties  into  the  Nochistlan  region  to 
tranquillize  it  by  arms  and  reforms  in  the  encomendero  management.  Beau- 
mont also  refers  to  the  revolt  of  5,000  Texoquines  of  Ostotipac,  who  were 
defeated  by  Diego  de  Colis.  Cr6n.  Mich.,  MS.,  615-16,  636-7,  911,  920-1, 
1088,  1542-3.  In  1550  and  1558  the  natives  of  Tepic  and  Compostela  had  to 
be  suppressed.  Somewhat  later  the  Yocotequanes  killed  two  friars,  but 
Oidor  Contreras  marched  against  them  with  100  Spaniards  and  4,000  allies, 
and  inflicted  a  loss  of  600  men.  Torquemada,  iii.  622.  Visitador  de  la 
Marcha  recommended  in  1550  the  enslavement  of  the  Indians  to  check  revolt 
and  vice.  Eapport,  in  Ternaux-Conupans,  Becueil,  171-200. 


FURTnEE  DISCOVERY  OF  MINES. 


553 


of  the  original  population,  if  we  may  believe  the 
chroniclers.  Comets  and  earthquakes  added  their  ter- 
rors, imaginary  or  real.*^  Nevertheless  the  province 
prospered,  thanks  to  its  fertility  and  manifold  re- 
sources, and  the  abundance  of  mines,  which  afforded 
a  ready  market  for  produce  and  live-stock.^^ 

While  not  choosing  to  engage  in  the  severer  occu- 
pation of  farming,  the  Spaniards  could  always  raise 
cattle  and  sheep,  and  their  broad  grants  were  rapidly 
stocked  with  animals,  which  offered  material  for  man- 
ufacture.*^ 

Information  is  meagre  concerning  the  early  history 
of  that  singularly  ill-peopled  province  of  Zacatecas, 
as  it  is  denominated  by  Humboldt,  and  yet  its  cap- 
ital is  even  to-day,  next  to  Guanajuato,  the  most  cele- 
brated mining-place  in  that  country.  From  the  visit 
of  Captain  Chirinos  in  1530  to  the  year  1546  we 
have  no  definite  record  that  any  Spaniard  penetrated 
farther  north  than  Nochistlan  and  Juchipila.  The 
Cascanes,  Zacatecs,  and  other  Chichimecs  of  the  north 
had,  as  we  have  seen,  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the 
Mixton  rebellion  of  1541, and  since  its  suppression  they 
had  continued  to  some  extent  their  hostile  raids  on 
the  frontier.  In  1543  the  emperor  and  viceroy  were 
petitioned  by  the  municipal  authorities  of  the  New 
Galicia  towns  to  authorize  war  on  these  marauders, 
and  their  extermination  or  enslavement.   The  coveted 

The  pest  of  1545-8  carried  off  five  sixths  of  the  popTilation,  according  to 
Beaumont,  and  caused  the  establishment  of  hospitals.  The  malady  of  1551 
was  an  inflammation  of  the  throat.  That  of  15G2  resembled  the  ravages  of 
1541.  Comets  appeared  in  1567-8,  and  an  earthquake  which  threw  down 
many  churches,  and  caused  the  death  of  two  friars  at  Cocula.  In  1577 
some  of  the  hospitals  had  400  patients.  A  shower  of  ashes  preceded  the 
pest  of  1590.  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  156-7,  237,  244;  Beaumont,  Crdn. 
Mich.,  MS.,  430,  623-4,  791-2,  913;  Gil,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii. 
495-6;  Torquemada,  iii.  506-7.  The  thousands  of  Indians  in  Banderas 
Valley  had  within  20  years  dwindled  to  300  men.  Toral,  Carta,  1559,  in 
Cartas  de  Indias,  138-9.  The  Indians  tributary  to  Guadalajara  in  1569 
were  estimated  at  24,300.  Informe  del  Cahildo,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii. 
492-504. 

*2Yet  prices  were  low,  a  sheep  costing  2  reals ;  8  hens,  1  real;  maize,  1  half 
real  per  fanega.  Mota  Padilla,  Conq,  X.  Gal.,  180. 

Stock-raising  early  assumed  such  proportions  that  semi-annual  councils 
were  held  to  regulate  it.  Herm  a,  dec.  vii.  lib.  v.  cap.  ii. 


554 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


license  was  refused,  but  the  subjugation  of  the  north- 
ern savages  by  peaceful  means  was  ordered. 

Onate  and  other  officers  seem  to  have  made  several 
attempts  in  that  direction,  but  the  first  one  definitely 
recorded  was  that  of  Juan  de  Tolosa,  twenty-six 
years  after  the  fall  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  On  the 
8th  of  September  1546,  Tolosa  came  to  the  sierra 
of  Zacatecas  with  a  few  Spaniards,  four  Franciscan 
friars,^*  and  a  band  of  Juchipila  Indians,  and  pitched 
his  tent  at  the  foot  of  the  Bufa  mountain.  By  kind 
treatment  the  natives  were  gradually  conciliated,  and 
for  over  a  year  Tolosa  and  his  companions  labored 
earnestly  and  successfully  to  pacify  and  convert  them. 
In  return  the  Spaniards  were  told  of  the  existence  of 
rich  silver  lodes  in  that  vicinity  and  they  determined 
to  investigate.  In  January  1548  Tolosa  was  joined 
by  his  friends  Cristobal  de  Onate,  Diego  de  Ibarra, 
and  Baltasar  Trevino  de  Banuelos,  all  Spanish  officers 
of  rank;  and  on  March  21st  the  quaternion  started  on 
an  exploring  expedition.^^  No  particulars  are  known 
of  these  adventures;  but  it  seems  that  during  the  year 
the  Spaniards  were  rewarded  by  the  discovery  of  the 
rich  mines  of  San  Bernabe,  Alvarado  de  San  Benito 
on  the  Veta  Grande,  and  Tajos  de  Panuco;  discoveries 
so  brilliant  as  to  make  these  four  enterprising  men  at 
the  time  the  wealthiest  in  America,  as  the  chroniclers 
assure  us.  The  town  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Zaca- 
tecas^^ was  founded  during  this  first  flush  of  pros- 

Fray  Gerdnimo  de  Mendoza,  a  nephew  of  the  viceroy,  was  one  of  them; 
the  names  of  the  rest  are  unknown.  Morji,  vaDoc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s^rie  iii.  tom. 
iv.  329-30.  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  77,  says  the  names  are  lost  through 
the  destruction  of  the  Zacatecas  convent  by  fire.  See,  also,  Arlegui,  Crdn. 
Zac,  12. 

*^  Juan  de  Tolosa  was  married  to  Leonor  Cortes  de  Montezuma,  daughter  of 
tlie  conqueror  and  granddaughter  of  the  Aztec  monarch.  On  the  lives  of 
these  pioneers  of  Zacatecas  see  Arlegui,  Crdn.  Zac,  58,  134-5;  Bernarde^y 
Zac.,  28-32;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  178-9. 

The  name  of  Zacatecas  comes  from  the  Aztec  zacate,  meaning  grass.  A 
writer  in  the  Museo  Mex.,  iv.  115,  derives  the  name  from  a  Spanish  general 
who  preceded  Chirinos  in  the  country !  The  town  was  first  founded  between 
the  mines  and  the  present  site.  Arlegui,  Cron.  Zac,  16.  For  historical  and 
descriptive  account  of  the  city,  and  a  plan,  see  Bei-nardez,  Descrip.  Zac,  1-90. 
Brief  notices  on  various  towns  and  mining  districts  appear  mSoc  Mex.  Geog.^ 
Boletin,  viii.  21-4;  x.  ill-  .17. 


FOUXDING  OF  ZACATECAS. 


555 


Mexico. 


550 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


perity,  and  it  flourished  from  the  beginning.  The 
fame  of  the  mines  spread  rapidly  over  the  country, 
and  other  parts  of  New  Galicia  were  almost  depopu- 
lated for  a  season,  the  Zacatecan  reales,  in  their  turn, 
sufiering  from  the  superior  attractions  of  Guanajuato, 
Catorce,  and  the  regions  to  the  north. 

The  diocese  of  Mexico  was  raised  to  an  archdio- 
cese by  papal  bull  of  July  8,  1547,  with  jurisdiction 
over  the  suffragan  bishoprics  of  Tlascala,  Michoacim, 
Oajaca,  Nueva  Galicia,  Yucatan,  Guatemala,  Chiapas, 
Honduras,  and  Nicaragua.  Bishop  Zumdrraga  was 
designated  first  archbishop ;  but  after  the  bull  and  the 
appointment  he  declined  the  position  on  account  of 
advancing  age.  Nine  days  after  the  arrival  of  these 
documents,  on  June  3,  1548,  he  died,  being  then  in 
his  eightieth  year.*^  His  death  was  said  to  have  been 
miraculously  made  known  all  over  New  Spain  on  the 
day  of  its  occurrence;  it  certainly  excited  universal 
interest  and  produced  wide-spread  sorrow.  A  per- 
vading sense  of  impending  loss  had  caused  profane 
dances,  which  hitherto  formed  an  important  feature 
in  the  Corpus  Christi  procession,  to  be  omitted  in 
the  one  immediately  preceding  his  demise.  The  odor 
of  sanctity  which  had  clung  to  him  in  life  embalmed 
his  memory. 

*^  Four  days  before  his  death,  on  May  30,  1548,  Zumdrraga  wrote  to  the 
emperor  that  the  letters  and  bulls  making  Mexico  an  archbishopric  had 
arrived  five  days  previous,  but  that  he  was  too  feeble  to  accept,  and  he  felt 
that  his  end  was  near  at  hand.  Carta,  in  Ramirez,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  387-9.  Here 
the  good  bishop  also  states  that  he  performed  an  ecclesiastical  feat  wMch, 
if  true,  would  certainly  make  his  last  days  eclipse  the  glory  of  his  former 
achievements.  *I  es  verdad  que  havra  quarenta  dias  que  con  ayuda  de 
Religiosos  comenze  a  confirmar  los  Yndios  desta  Cibdad  i  mui  examinados  que 
no  recibiesen  mas  de  una  vez  la  confirmacion;  pasaron  de  quatrocientas  mill 
animas  los  que  recibieron  el  olio.'  It  was  indeed  severe  work  closely  to 
examine  400,000  souls  during  40  days,  and  to  see  that  they  had  not  been 
previously  baptized.  Other  authorities  on  the  elevation  of  Mexico  to  an 
archsee,  and  the  appointment  and  death  of  Zumdrraga,  are :  Vetancvrt,  Ciud. 
de  Mex.,  22;  Giraua  Tarragonez,  in  Apiano,  Cosmog.,  76;  Dice.  Univ.,  x. 
1132-3;  Ddvila,  Continuacion,  MS.,  307;  Torquemada,  iii.  454;  Mendieta, 
Hist.  Ecles.,  635-6;  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  248-52;  v.  61-3;  Fernandez, 
Hist.  Ecles.,  60;  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  45-6;  Medina,  Chron.  S.  Diego,  236; 
Villa  Scnor,  Theatro,  i.  28.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  23,  assumes  that 
Zumdrraga  actually  was  archbishop. 

Among  the  miracles  attributed  to  him  was  that,  when  an  attempt  was 


DEATH  OF  ZUMARRAGA. 


557 


The  life  of  this  prelate  had  been  humble  in  the 
extreme,  not  differing  from  that  of  the  lowHest  mis- 
sionary. He  Avas  held  to  have  denied  himself  many 
of  the  necessaries  of  life;  to  have  worn  none  but  the 
coarsest  of  garments,  and  voluntarily  to  have  made 
his  long  and  frequent  episcopal  visits  on  foot,  attended 
by  but  few,  lest  he  should  be  a  burden  to  any;  and 
though  while  officiating  in  his  sacred  calling  he  would 
maintain  the  dignity  and  exhibit  the  splendor  of  his 
station,  at  all  other  times  he  was  the  servant  of  all. 
Oblivious  of  self,  he  w^as  profuse  in  providing  for  the 
convents  of  Mexico,  and  liberal  in  alms.  He  loved 
books,  though  he  hated  the  Aztec  manuscripts ;  it  was 
in  his  collection  of  devotional  works,  and  in  the  study 
of  them,  that  he  took  the  greatest  delight.  He  was 
a  man  preeminently  just,  according  to  the  light  that 
had  been  given  him;  austere,  to  the  full  mortification 
of  the  flesh;  chaste,  not  suffering  a  woman  to  enter 
his  house  on  any  pretence  whatever.  Gonzalez  Davila 
says  that  he  had  no  occasion  to  make  a  will,  being 
destitute  of  worldly  possessions.  But  this  I  find  was 
not  true.  There  was  a  will,  and  there  was  property.*^ 
There  were  the  houses  which  the  bishop  possessed  in 
Mexico  and  Vera  Cruz ;  the  encomienda  of  Ocuituco ; 
numerous  personal  male  and  female  slaves,  held  con- 
trary to  law;  horses  and  mules;  with  important  money 
donations  and  many  minor  matters,  directions  for  the 
distribution  of  which  were  fully  set  forth. 

made  to  introduce  those  unseemly  dances  in  the  Corpus  Christi  procession, 
he  moved  the  heavens  to  pour  down  incessant  rain,  which  made  them  impos- 
sible. Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  62. 

*^It  was  duly  executed  before  a  notary  and  witnesses  on  June  2, 1548,  one 
day  before  his  death.  An  attested  copy  of  the  whole  document  may  be  found 
in  Ramirez,  Doc,  MS.,  77-112. 

In  the  will  Zumdrraga  speaks  of  a  house  he  had  leased  to  his  major- 
domo,  Martin  de  Aranguren,  for  ten  years;  of  several  other  houses  he  owned 
in  Vera  Cruz;  of  female  slaves,  one  of  whom  he  had  given  to  Aranguren  per- 
sonally and  now  wishes  exchanged;  of  a  man  slave  who  is  to  work  six  years 
and  then  be  manumitted;  of  other  slaves  whose  services  had  been  hired  by 
Father  Torres;  of  his  own  attendant  slaves,  and  provision  is  made  for  their 
emancipation.  The  episcopal  building  is  set  apart  for  hospital  purposes,  to 
which  he  gives  for  the  use  of  the  sick  three  of  his  chairs,  but  is  careful  to 
mention  that  '  they  are  not  to  be  taken  from  the  sick  ones. '  To  Juan  Lopez 
he  donates  100  pesos  de  oro  de  minas,  for  having  married,  at  that  price,  a 


558 


EOT)  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


According  to  this  document  it  is  manifest  that 
Zumiirraga  was  a  prosperous  citizen  as  well  as  an 
honored  prelate;  that  he  conducted  a  regular  trade 
with  the  Indians  through  his  majordomo,  Martin  de 
Aranguren,  advancing  money  on  future  crops  at  good 
interest,  and  that  these  transactions  and  others  of  a 
similar  kind  had  been  systematically  carried  on  for  a 
number  of  years.  The  old  man  finds  himself  cum- 
bered with  many  things  when  he  comes  to  die,  and 
yet,  on  the  day  of  this  last  distribution  of  his  estate, 
he  indites  a  farewell  letter  to  his  king,  in  which  he 
reiterates  the  oft-made  statement  of  his  poverty/^  as 
though  to  the  last  he  would  preserve  this  painful  con- 
trast between  the  outward  life  of  the  prelate  and  the 
inward  and  real  life  of  the  man. 

But  all  else  we  could  readily  forgive  the  bishop, 
even  the  occasional  burning  of  a  few  old  witches,  but 
the  destruction  of  the  Aztec  libraries,  the  mountains 
of  native  historical  documents  and  monumental  works 
at  Tlatelulco,  must  ever  be  regarded  as  an  unpardon- 
able offence.  We  cannot  deplore  deeply  enough  this 
irreparable  loss,  the  hieroglyphic  history  of  nations 
unknown,  reaching  back  a  thousand  years  or  more. 
In  conclusion  we  may  say  that  the  business  ability  of 
the  bishop  assisted  somewhat  to  temper  his  zeal  in 
certain  directions,  and  to  guide  his  labors  as  adminis- 
trator and  head  of  the  church,  whose  interest  he  abyl 
promoted.^^ 

daughter  of  'Fray  Gutierrez,' undoubtedly  a  conqiieror  who  had  taken  the 
habit;  this  gift  was  made  with  reluctance,  but  the  bishop  had  promised  it. 
To  others  he  gives  his  horses  and  mules  with  appurtenances,  and  to  sonis,  for 
services  rendered,  various  sums  of  money;  to  the  nuns  he  gives  fifty  fanegas 
of  wheat.  To  the  majordomo  he  leaves  all  the  tithes  of  the  prebend,  and 
directs  him  to  pay  therewith  the  debts  he  may  deem  proper,  and  no  others, 
and  no  accounting  shall  be  required  of  him;  there  are  many  minor  provisions 
and  bequests  which  the  viceroy  is  asked  to  execute.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Zumarraga  had  given  a  building  for  hospital  purposes,  besides  the  episcopal 
dwelling,  but  it  is  also  shown  that  he  had  received  it  from  a  deceased  Span- 
iard for  that  very  purpose.  JtamireZy  Doc.y  MS.,  77-112,  134^200. 

Pie  also  begged  the  king  to  pay  any  debts  lie  might  leave,  and  Gonzalez 
Bdvila,  Teatro  Ecles.^  i.  28,  says  in  order  to  that  effect  was  subsequently 
issued. 

In  connection  with  Zumdrraga  may  be  mentioned  Andrds  de  Olmos,  a 
Franciscan,  who  was  selected  by  him  as  a  fellow-laborer  when  appointed 


AN  EISTOKICAL  IMPOSTOR. 


559 


After  the  death  of  Zumarraga  the  Mexican  see  was 
offered  to  several  of  the  old  and  distinguished  friars, 
such  as  Father  Gante,  who  declined  the  honor,  and  no 
appointment  was  made  for  a  time.^^ 

Some  months  after  Zumdrraga's  death,  which  had 
followed  so  closely  upon  that  of  his  friend  Cortes, 
Viceroy  Mendoza,  who  had  recently  been  engaged  in 
reapportioning  the  repartimientos  throughout  the 
country,  asked  permission  to  visit  Spain,  his  private 
affairs  needing  attention  after  an  absence  of  fourteen 
years.  The  following  year  several  petitions  were  made 
to  the  crown,  praying  that  Francisco,  the  viceroy's 
son,  be  appointed  to  succeed  his  father,  in  case  the  lat- 
ter should  resign  or  be  removed.  Indeed,  his  health 
began  to  fail  and  a  change  in  the  government  was 
therefore  soon  expected.  The  several  petitions  were 
disregarded  by  the  emperor,  and  during  the  same  year, 
1549,  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  was  appointed  to  super- 
sede Mendoza.  Before  this  took  effect  an  impostor 
created  quite  a  stir  in  the  country,  and  lorded  it  for 
a  short  time  over  all  the  royal  officials,  including 
Mendoza. 

A  month  before  the  arrival  of  Velasco,  there  landed 

bishop  of  Mexico.  For  43  years  Olmos  labored  in  New  Spain,  and  many 
miracles  are  ascribed  to  him.  Lighted  arrows  shot  by  savages  at  the  roof  of 
his  dwelling  would  fail  to  ignite  it,  and  when  directed  against  his  person 
they  would  return  as  if  shot  by  an  unseen  force  against  themselves.  He  died 
about  1571,  being  over  80  years  of  age;  and  when  this  event  occurred,  per- 
fumes and  celestial  music  were  observed  by  both  Spaniards  and  natives. 
Torquemada,  iii.  475;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  644-51;  Vazquez,  Chron. 
GvaL,  529. 

Padre  Pedro  Gante  was  offered  the  diocese,  but  did  not  accept.  Vetan- 
cvrty  Menolog.,  67-8.  He  nevertheless  remained  the  power  at  the  episcopal 
court,  owing  to  his  great  experience,  ability,  and  influence,  as  archbishop 
Montiifar  admits,  and  this  till  his  death  in  June  27,  1572.  He  was  interred 
in  the  chapel  of  St  Joseph,  one  of  the  many  temples  built  by  himself,  and 
there  round  his  grave  concentrated  all  ,  the  vast  love  he  had  won  from  Span- 
iards as  well  as  natives,  by  his  apostolic  zeal,  his  benevolence,  and  his  self- 
denying  life.  Ponce,  Eel.,  in  Col.  Doc.  InM.,  Ivii.  181;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
607-11;  Torquemada,  iii.  426-32;  Remesal,  Hist.  CJiya-ga,  10;  Cartas  de 
Indias,  762.  Padre  Francisco  de  Soto,  then  in  Spain,  was  elected  to  fill  the 
episcopal  vacancy,  but  he  also  declined.  In  1550  he  returned  to  Tlascala,  and 
died  in  1551.  Id.,  92.  Bishop  Francisco  Marroquin  of  Guatemala  was  then 
recommended  by  Licentiate  Cerrato,  but  the  petition  was  returned  with  the 
remark  *Sin  duda  esto  seria  solicitacion  del  opo.'  Carta,  in  Squiers  3ISS., 
Yxii.  79. 


560 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


at  Vera  Cruz  a  person  announcing  himself  as  Licen- 
ciado  Vena,  visitador  from  Spain.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  a  beautiful  and  accomplished  woman  from 
Seville  and  at  once  became  the  recipient  of  honors 
corresponding  to  one  who  might  have  many  favors  to 
bestow.  Mendoza,  who  was  notified  by  the  authorities 
felt  much  surprised  at  this,  not  having  received  any  in- 
formation of  such  procedure  on  the  part  of  the  crown. 
The  audiencia  trembled,  and  office  holders  and  seekers 
were  eagerly  expectant.  The  new  visitador,  making 
no  secret  of  his  intention  to  bestow  honors  and  emolu- 
ments as  he  listed,  quickly  reaped  a  rich  harvest  from 
his  audacity  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  pair  proceeded  to 
Mexico.  Knowing  that  his  time  was  short.  Vena 
fleeced  wherever  he  could,  assisted  therein  by  his 
fair  companion.  When  hints  were  offered  as  to  his 
credentials,  he  said  that  they  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  new  viceroy,  who  would  soon  arrive.  When  the 
new  viceroy  came  the  presumptuous  pair  departed 
from  Mexico,  ostensibly  to  meet  and  receive  that 
official;  but  meanwhile  suspicions  had  been  aroused. 
The  fraud  was  detected;  the  impostors  were  arrested 
and  stripped  of  all  that  had  been  given  them.  Vena 
was  sentenced  to  receive  four  hundred  lashes  and  ten 
years'  service  at  the  galleys;  the  beautiful  Sevillana 
was  shipped  to  Spain,  and  thus,  remarks  the  caustic 
Torquemada,  "the  impostor  was  left  poor  in  silver 
but  rich  in  stripes."  This  act  of  justice,  the  last  exe- 
cuted by  Mendoza  in  New  Spain,  received  the  warm 
applause  of  the  community. 

During  the  month  of  November  the  new  viceroy 
arrived,  and  Mendoza  proceeded  to  Cholula  to  re- 
ceive him,  a  custom  which  was  observed  by  subse- 
quent out-going  viceroys.  When  the  ceremonies  of 
transmission  were  over,  Mendoza  delivered  to  his  suc- 
cessor lengthy  vvTitten  instructions  concerning  vice- 
regal duties,  indicating  the  necessary  measures  to  be 
followed  in  the  government  of  the  country.  This 
information  was  of  great  value  to  the  new  viceroy, 


HE  GOES  TO  PERU. 


561 


coming  as  it  did  from  one  who  had  governed  so  long 
and  so  wisely 

Great,  indeed,  had  been  the  progress  of  New  Spain 
during  the  fifteen  years  of  Mendoza's  rule.  The  tu- 
multuous events  of  the  last  decade  had  given  place  to 
peace  and  order,  and  conspiracies,  revolts,  and  rebel- 
lion had  been  suppressed.  Even  the  storm  raised  by 
the  new  laws,  which  had  threatened  social  and  polit- 
ical disruption,  under  mild  management  had  wrought 
but  insignificant  evils.  The  conquest  of  provinces 
in  the  north  and  south  had  been  achieved;  mines 
had  been  discovered  and  developed;  numerous  towns 
and  churches,  covents,  hospitals,  and  schools,  had 
been  founded;  roads,  bridges,  and  other  public  works 
had  been  constructed,  and  agriculture,  industry,  and 
commerce  had  greatly  increased.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  dwell  upon  the  character  and  deeds  of  Mendoza. 
His  acts  are  before  the  reader.  He  was  not  wholly 
faultless ;  he  was  not  altogether  without  enemies ;  but 
in  the  main  he  was  a  just  man,  and  his  conduct  met 
the  approval  of  both  the  crown  and  the  colonists. 

The  king  could  not  well  afford  to  dispense  with  such  a 
servant.  The  commotion  in  Peru  had  become  chronic, 
and  Charles  desired  Mendoza  to  establish  there  a 
stable  government.  He  was  permitted,  however,  to 
retain  the  viceroyalty  of  Mexico  should  he  so  prefer, 
in  which  case  Yelasco  would  proceed  to  Peru;  but, 
desiring  a  change  of  climate,  in  the  hope  of  restoring 
his  failing  health,  he  concluded  to  make  the  transfer.^* 

Some  say  that  Mendoza  made  the  trip  from  Mexico  to  Panama  by  land. 
This,  however,  is  improbable.  There  was  no  highway  through  Central  America 
to  the  Isthmus,  and  the  viceroy  was  in  delicate  health;  furthermore,  the  trip 
would  have  been  hazardous  even  v/ith  a  large  escort.  Mendoza  took  charge 
of  the  government  of  Peru  in  Sept.  1551,  and  died  July  21,  1552. 

The  authorities  consulted  for  the  preceding  three  chapters  are:  Herrera, 
dec.  vii.'lib.  ii.  cap.  x.-xii.;  lib.  v.  cap.  v.;  lib.  vi.  cap.  vii.  xi.;  lib.  vii.  cap. 
xiv.;  dec.  viii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  xii.;  lib.  vi.  cap.  xi.;  Torquemada,  i.  608-616; 
iii,  106-8,  258,  340-7,  468-76,  589,  610-11,  623;  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  135j 
(hderm  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  712;  Squier's  MSS.,  xix.  39^2;  Puga,  Cedu- 
lurio,  100-91,  passim;  Remesal,  Hist.  Cluja'pa,  160-2,  203,  257-62,  404-58, 
525  -6,  714;  Orijalva,  Cr6n,,  51-77j  Becop,  de  Indias,  X,  212;  ii.  17,  108,  197j 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  36 


582 


END  OF  MENDOZA'S  RULE. 


Ogilhy's  Am.,  96,  266-7;  Cartas  de  Indias,  33-4,  83-91,  119-20,  776;  Oviedo, 
ii.  142;  iii.  539-44,  552-4,  578;  iv.  26;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col  Doc,  iii. 
118,  128,  369,  377;  vi.  170-3,  484-515;  vii.  209,  236-8,  538;  viii.  30,  199-208; 
xiv.  151-65;  xv.  447-8;  xviii.  328-30;  Benzoni,  Nvovo  Hondo,  38-9;  Burgoa, 
Geog.  Descrip.  Oajaca,  ii.  377;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  22-8,  76, 
86-9,  179;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  275-358,  471-7,  515;  Pr&vincia  Santo 
Evang.,  MS.,  No.  1,  21-58;  Mex.  Adas  Prov.,  MS.,  36;  Michoacan,  Prav.  S. 
Nicolas,  34-69;  Medina,  Chron.  S.  Diego,  236-57;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad., 
235-7;  Kingshorouglis  Mex.  Antiq.,  v.  156;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.  Mex., 
117-18,  159-75;  Concilios  Prov.  1556-65,  245-6,  351-67;  Ddvila,  Con.  de  la 
Cr6n.,  MS.,  312-13;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  105-504,  passim;  v.  6-109, 
134-40,  299-307,  483;  Id.,  MS.,  323-1089,  passim;  Arlegui,  Chron.  Prov. 
Zacatecas,  12-16,  143-5,  342;  Vazquez,  Chron.  Gnat.,  529;  Monumentos  Domin. 
Esp.,  MS.,  No.  5,  8,  50-1,  242-3;  Calle  Mem.  y  Not,  45-6,  62,  89-91; 
Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos,  333-5;  Cortes,  Diario  1812,  xii.  348;  Papeles  Francis- 
cams,  MS.,  serie  i..  No.  1;  Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  49-68,  126-92;  Vetancvrt, 
Trat.  Mex.,  23-7;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  iii.  347;  vi.  277-8;  viii.  21,  617-27; 
ix.  48;  X.  114;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  i.  131-2,  217,  318-19;  Fernandez,  Hist. 
Ecles.,  61-2,  131-4,  156-9;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  torn.  x.  259-66, 
289-306,  349-51;  Pap.  Var.,  cii.  pt.  vi,  7-12;  cxciv.  pt.  vi.  12;  Robertsons 
Hist.  Am.,  ii.  1005;  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  62-154,  198-230,  307-32;  Pe- 
ralta.  Not.  Hist.,  19-20,  31-2,  158-74;  Ramusio,  i.  414;  Pimentel,  Mem.,  151-88; 
Nouvelles  An.  des  Voy.,  xcix.  192;  Aktman,  Disert.,  ii.  183-5;  Id.,  Hist.  Mej.,  ii. 
38;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  93-4,  200-5,  227-9;  ii.  125-7;  Burney's 
Discov.  South  Sea,  i.  219-20;  Cabrera,  Escudo  Armas,  184-6;  Bernardez,  Zac, 
2;  Pimentel,  Econ.  Pol.,  13-25;  Id.,  Mem.  Lit.  Actual,  97-188;  Ramirez, 
Proceso,  xviii.  xxiii.;  Ramirez,  Doc,  MS.,  77-114,  134-200;  Prescott's  Mex., 
ii,  97;  Mex.  Hierogl.,  92;  Lacunza,  Discursos  Hist.,  479-561;  Masson,  Olla 
Podrida,  91;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  131-57;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.,  No.  5, 
262;  3Iuseo  Mex.,  i.  54-7,  537-40;  iv.  115-19;  Monette,  Hist.  Disc.  Miss.,  i. 
63-4;  Linschoten,  Voy.,  226-8;  La  Cruz,  ii.  613-15;  v.  686;  Chevalier,  Mex., 
293-310;  Galvanos  Discov.,  231-9;  Villa  Senor,  Theatro,  i.  28  et  seq.;  Sala- 
zar,  Mex.  en  1554,  59;  Fossey's  Mex.,  51-2;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  31-3,  100-1; 
Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  62^;  Id.,  Descrip.  Zac,  ii.  3,  4;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve, 
161-73,  206-9,  261-70;  Sanson,  VAmer.,  34-5;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  v. 
449-62;  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hac,  411-518;  Zamacois.  Hist.  M^j.,  i.  691-715; 
V.  6-28;  Dice  Jjniv.,  i.  173-4,  35;  vii.  39,  56,  150;  x.  788,  918-21;  Garcilaso 
de  la  Vega,  Com.,  ii.  80-1;  Id.,  La  Florida,  255-65;  Nueva  Espaiia,  Breve 
Res.,  MS.,  i.  225-45;  Parecer  de  Salamanca,  1541;  Jalisco,  Mem.  Hist.,  154- 
169,  178-190;  Id.,  Not.  Geog.  y  Est,  15;  El  Indicador,  iii.  37-52;  Greenhow's 
Mem. J  30-1;  Id..  Or,  and  Cat,  62;  Gonzalez,  Col.  N.  Leon,  xiii,-xvii. 


CHAPTES  XXVII. 


INDIAN  POLICY. 
1550-1560. 

Luis  de  Velasco,  Second  Viceroy — ^Eoyal  Instrttctions  and  Subsequent 
Regulations — Enforcement  op  the  New  Laws — Consternation 
Caused  by  their  Execution — Slaves  Set  Free — Diego  Ramirez' 
Commission — Caciques'  Abuses  Checked — The  Crown  Assumes  Full 
Jurisdiction — Encomienda  Entail — Opposition  of  the  Audiencia— 
Bad  Effects  of  the  New  Laws  on  Mining  and  Revenue— Popula- 
tion AND  Its  Character — Reform  Measures — Powers  of  the  Vice- 
roy Rkstricted — The  Audiencia  Made  his  Council — Philip  II. 
Proclaimed  King — He  Begs  for  Money. 

The  newly  appointed  viceroy,  Luis  de  Velasco,  was 
a  member  of  the  noble  house  of  the  constable  of  Cas- 
tile, and  a  knight  of  Santiago,  who  to  his  illustrious 
birth  and  high  merits  united  the  experience  gained 
by  nearly  thirty  years  of  military  service  and  as  a 
ruler  in  Navarre.  During  his  long  career  he  had  dis- 
played sterling  personal  worth  and  practical  states- 
manship. He  was  of  industrious  habits,  and  in  him 
patience  and  firmness  were  united  to  a  winning  affa- 
bility. He  seemed  fitted  in  every  particular  to  fill 
the  responsible  position  to  which  he  had  been  called 
by  his  sovereign.^  Indeed,  it  was  necessary  that  the 
government  so  judiciously  organized  by  Mendoza 
should  be  as  faithfully  administered  by  his  successor. 

1  Ilerrera,  dec.  viii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  xiv.;  Alaman,  Disert.y  iii.  app.  ii.  One 

religious  writer  erroneously  states  that  Velasco  had  served  in  the  campaign 
against  the  Chichimecs.  It  was  probably  his  son  that  was  referred  to,  who  at 
a  later  time  rendered  service  there.  Medina,  Chron.  S.  Diego,  253.  Velasco, 
in  a  letter  of  July  12,  1552,  to  the  emperor,  says  that  the  secretary  of  the 
royal  council,  Francisco  de  Eraso,  assured  him  at  the  time  of  his  appointment, 
that  if  Mendoza,  after  serving  three  years  in  Peru,  desired  to  be  a  second  time 
viceroy  of  Mexico,  he,  Velasco,  was  to  give  up  the  office  to  him,  and  go  to 

(  563  ) 


564 


INDIAN  POLICY. 


After  the  conference  at  Cholula,  Velasco  proceeded 
to  the  capital,  which  he  entered  the  25th  of  Novem- 
ber 1550.'^  His  reception  by  the  municipahty  and 
people  was  cordial,  every  one  expecting  the  best  results 
from  his  rule.^ 

There  were  the  usual  instructions,  under  date  of 
April  16,  1550,  from  the  king  to  the  viceroy,  contain- 
ing much  upon  the  already  hackneyed  subject  of  Indian 
policy  and  Indian  treatment.  It  made  little  diiference 
to  the  colonists  how  much  was  said  or  ordered  by 
Spain  and  Rome  regarding  freedom,  conversion,  and 
the  like ;  but  when  there  was  talk  about  enforcing  the 
so-called  new  laws  of  1542/  that  was  indeed  a  serious 
matter. 

Among  other  details  to  insure  the  further  relief  of 
the  natives  it  was  ordered  that  the  compensation  to 
collectors  of  tribute  should  be  paid,  not  by  the  Indians, 
but  out  of  the  proceeds  from  vacant  corregimientos. 

Peru  with  the  same  rank.  With  this  understanding  he  left  hi:^  fainily  and 
interests  at  home.  He  was  willing  to  continue  his  most  faithful  services  to 
the  crown,  but  if  required  to  go  to  Peru  the  king  should  allow  him  an  ade- 
quate salary,  say  30,000  ducats,  and  3,000  more  for  travelling  expenses;  as 
his  means  were  quite  limited  and  the  coming  to  Mexico  brought  him  12,000 
ducats  in  debt,  which  was  bein^  paid  out  of  his  small  income  in  Spain.  Carta 
al  Emp.,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  260-2,  and  fac.  sim.  5.  He  was  allowed  2,000 
pesos  a  year  more  than  Mendoza  had  received.  The  salary  of  the  oidores  was 
at  the  same  time  increased  to  150,000  maravedis  each.  This  increase  of  com- 
pensation was  coupled  with  the  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  favored  officials 
to  abstain  from  all  money-making,  and  to  devote  their  whole  energy  to  their 
official  duties.  Puga,  Cedulario,  144.  At  a  later  date  the  viceroy  bitterly  com- 
plains of  his  inadequate  salary,  which  compelled  his  wife  and  children  to  be 
separated  from  him,  in  despite  of  which  his  expenses  in  Mexico  necessarily 
exceeded  his  pay,  and  he  was  sinking  his  small  patrimony  with  increasing  and 
unavoidable  debt,  adding,  *  lo  que  pretendo  es  no  yrlas  d  pagar  d  la  otra  vida. ' 
He  wants  the  crown  either  to  allow  him  sufficient  compensation  or  send  him 
his  recall,  before  he  is  utterly  ruined,  reminding  the  king  that  he  deserves 
some  consideration  at  his  hands  after  liis  30  years  of  faithful  service,  the  peti- 
tioner being  an  old  man  2,000  leagues  away  from  his  home,  family,  and  rela- 
tives. Velasco  was  a  '  caballero  profeso '  in  the  order  of  Santiago.  When  he 
left  the  government  of  Navarre  he  was  granted  200,000  maravedis  a  year 
during  his  life,  or  until  an  equivalent  was  allowed  him.  Velasco^  Carta  al 
Emp. ,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  26(>-7. 

2  Lorenzana  gives  his  arrival  in  Mexico  city  Dec.  5th,  and  several  authors 
follow  him;  all  evidently  in  error,  for  the  government  record-book  shows  his 
first  order  to  have  been  dated  Nov^^  28th,  and  the  last  one  of  Mendoza  on  Oct. 
4th.  Ooh.  Pol.,  in  Cortds,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  14;  Torquemada,  i.  C17,  makes  him 
arrive  in  1551. 

^  'Para  dicha  y  felicidad  de  la  Nueva-Espafia,. '  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  8j 
*hombre  cabal  y  pio.'  Cavo,  TresSiglos,  i.  154. 
*  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xxiii.  520-47. 


VELASCO,  VICEROY. 


505 


The  royal  officials  were  not  to  be  called  to  other  duties 
than  strictly  those  of  their  respective  offices,  experi- 
ence having  shown  that  such  officers,  under  the  pre- 
text of  collecting  the  revenue,  often  inflicted  much 
injury.^  Churchmen  must  not  interfere  in  matters 
foreign  to  their  calling.^  Another  most  important 
injunction  by  the  monarch  was  the  advancement  of 
public  education,  and  the  establishment  of  a  university 
in  Mexico. 

As  in  duty  bound,  Velasco  set  himself  at  work 
energetically  to  carry  out  his  instructions  and  con- 
tinue to  the  best  of  his  ability  the  work  so  well  begun 
by  Mendoza.  His  straightforward  course  won  for  him 
the  respect  and  love  of  his  subjects,  and  confirmed 
the  confidence  of  the  sovereign.  One  of  his  first 
acts  was  the  enforcement,  in  1551,  of  the  new  laws 
which  it  had  been  deemed  expedient  by  Mendoza  and 
Tello  Sandoval  to  suspend  in  1544  at  the  importunate 
petitions  of  the  colonists.  The  king's  commands  were 
now  peremptory  to  make  effective  the  laws  for  the 
manumission  of  the  natives.  By  an  affirmatory  decree 
of  July  7,  1551,  the  crown  ordered  that  all  Indian 
women  taken  prisoners  in  war,  and  males  who  at  the 
time  of  being  captured  were  under  fourteen  years  of 
age,  whether  already  branded  or  not,  should  be  forth- 

^  The  crown  in  the  first  three  years  of  this  viceregal  term  issued  several 
decrees  to  govern  the  treasury  ofEcials  and  other  royal  officers,  notably:  Ex- 
amination of  accounts  now  proceeding  not  to  be  interfered  with  even  on  appeal. 
Treasurer,  contador,  factor,  and  veedor  to  furnish  each  an  additional  bond  of 
10,000  pesos  in  gold.  Escribanos  de  minas  to  have  their  fees  curtailed.  Duties 
on  smelting  and  marking  gold  and  silver,  hitherto  allowed  to  the  marquis  of 
Camarasa,  the  secretary  Cobos,  to  be  hereafter  accounted  for  to  the  king. 
Treasury  officials  to  sell  all  confiscated  goods  without  delay  at  public  vendue, 
an  oidor  to  be  always  present  at  sales  for  treasury  account.  Masons,  tailors, 
tinkers,  and  others  of  low  degree,  not  to  be  made  corregidores.  The  audiencia 
was  inhibited  from  making  appointments  to  offices  held  in  perpetuity,  and 
rendered  vacant  by  death  or  resignation  of  the  incumbent.  Puga,  Cedulario, 
126,  128,  134,  136,  139,  181,  183-5. 

®  There  being  in  New  Spain  many  friars  and  clergymen  who  had  come  there 
without  the  requisite  royal  permission,  some  of  the  latter  disguised  as  laymen, 
stringent  orders  were  issued  to  the  viceroy  and  audiencia  to  return  all  such 
to  Spain  forthwith.  The  first  order  of  1550  was  reiterated  May  31,  1552, 
Puga,  Cedulario,  133-4,  179.  In  the  same  year,  1552,  to  avert  'los  desmanes 
de  los  eclesiasticos  en  asunto  de  mugeres,'  the  king  forbade  the  taking  by 
churchmen  to  the  Indies  of  women,  even  though  the  latter  might  be  theii  own 
sisters.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  160. 


566 


INDIAN  POLICY. 


with  set  free.  This  decree  Hkewise  included  the  pris- 
oners taken  in  the  last  Jalisco  war,  as  there  was  no 
right  to  make  them  slaves.  Full-grown  men  taken 
prisoners  and  held  in  slavery,  if  the  possessors  could 
not  show  that  they  had  been  captured  in  a  just  war 
and  after  all  the  requirements  of  the  royal  ordinances 
on  the  subject  had  been  fulfilled,  were  to  be  at  once 
liberated,  the  burden  of  proof  being  laid  on  the  masters ; 
brands  or  bills  of  sale  or  other  titles  of  possession  were 
to  go  for  nothing  in  such  cases,  the  presumption  being 
that  those  Indians  were  free  vassals  of  the  king.^ 

The  colonists  came  forward  with  their  opposition 
stronger  than  before.  Old  arguments  were  revived ; 
they  begged  and  threatened  and  wailed.  The  king's 
officers  were  firm,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
male  slaves,  besides  great  numbers  of  women  and 
children,  were  set  at  liberty.  It  was  a  grand  consum- 
mation, a  most  righteous  act;  and  when  we  consider 
the  times,  the  loss  of  revenue  to  the  crown,  the  unpop- 
ularity, nay,  the  absolute  danger  of  the  movement  in 
regard  to  the  colonists,  and  also  that  it  was  volun- 
tarily done,  we  cannot  but  bless  the  religion  which 
manufactures  consciences  productive  of  such  results.^ 

Another  important  injunction  was  embodied  in  a 
cedula  of  September  21,  1551,  from  Prince  Philip, 
who  now  governed  Spain,  forbidding  the  viceroy  and 
audiencias  to  keep  Indians  in  their  service  unless  for 
fair  wages.  All  demands  of  personal  service  as  trib- 
ute were  to  be  discontinued;  the  king  and  council 
knew  that  the  natives  preferred  to  pay  their  tribute 
in  money,  and  not  in  labor,  and  this  preference  here- 
after was  to  be  respected.    The  viceroy,  oidores,  and 

'  If  any  such  natives  had  been  allotted  to  the  crown  for  its  fifths  and  sold, 
the  sale  money  was  to  be  returned  to  the  purchasers  out  of  the  royal  treasury 
and  the  natives  freed.  Other  natives  held  as  slaves,  not  as  the  result  of  war, 
and  claiming  their  freedom,  were  to  be  listened  to,  and  their  cases  adjudicated 
according  to  the  existing  laws.  The  decree  was  to  be  circulated  far  and  wide, 
that  it  mi^t  become  known  to  all  Indians;  the  Franciscan  friars  were  also 
directed  to  instruct  the  Indian  slaves  to  demand  their  liberty.  Puqa,  Cedul- 
rio,  124-8,  144-5,  154,  186,  209;  Ordenes  de  la  Coiwia,  MS.,  ii.  16,  with  auto- 
grajjhs  of  Prince  Maximilian  and  Queen  Juana. 

**  'Quedando  del  todo  sin  esclavitud,  y  molestia.'  Vetancvrt,  Trot.  Hex.,  8. 


REFORM  MEASURES. 


567 


archbishop  were  directed  to  assess  the  tribute  the 
crown  Indians  were  to  pay  in  future,  in  lieu  of  per- 
sonal service.^ 

Persons  having  slaves  in  the  capital  were  forbidden 
to  remove  them.  This  policy  was  earnestly  recom- 
mended to  Velasco  by  his  predecessor,  on  the  ground 
that  the  slaves  would  thereby  be  enabled  to  obtain 
their  freedom  with  greater  certainty. 

In  pursuance  of  the  royal  command  of  J une  1,  1549, 
the  viceroy  determined  to  check  the  practice  of  forc- 
ing the  natives  to  carry  heavy  loads,  and  gave  orders 
accordingly."  It  was  even  found  necessary  in  some 
cases  to  check  the  clergy  who  had  assumed  temporal 
as  well  as  spiritual  authority.  But  as  their  acts  could 
not  be  openly  corrected  without  bringing  disgrace 
upon  the  church,  the  viceroy  asked  for  the  privilege 
of  exercising  more  private  measures,  which  request 
the  crown  granted.  Likewise  the  crown  interposed 
its  authority  as  late  as  1558,  to  prevent  caciques  from 
abusing  their  subjects,  capital  punishment,  mutilation 
of  limbs,  and  other  inflictions  by  their  order  being 
forbidden.  The  supreme  jurisdiction  in  civil  as  well 
as  criminal  cases  was  formally  assumed  by  the  crown; 
and  July  8,  1557,  it  was  ordered,  to  prevent  the  ca- 
ciques from  robbing  the  wages  of  the  laborers  they 
employed,  which  had  become  a  common  practice,  that 
such  wages  should  be  paid  before  the  ministro  doc- 
trinero. 

The  thraldom  of  the  chiefs  over  the  macehuales,  or 

•  An  earlier  c^dula,  July  7th,  had  enjomed  the  fixing  of  Indian  tribute,  and 
did  away  with  the  necessity  of  its  being  paid  in  gold-dust  by  any  native. 
Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  4:71-4;  Torquemada,  iii.  254-5. 

*  Con  cargo  que  no  le  saque  de  la  ciudad,  porque  ddndoles  lugar  que  los 
lleven  fuera,  no  consiguen  tan  en  breve  la  libertad.'  Mendoza,  Rel.y  Apuniam, 
y  Avisos,  in  Paclieco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.^  vi.  509. 

Some  say  they  could  not  carry  for  money,  because  they  were  so  ill-paid. 
*Ni  que  fuese  de  gracia,  6  por  voluntad  de  los  propios  Indios,  ni  oprimidos,  y 
for9ados.'  Torquemada,  i.  618.  In  June  1552  the  king  commanded  that 
orders  of  the  viceroy  should  be  obeyed,  even  when  appealed  from  and  the 
appeal  allowed  by  the  audiencia.  Puga,  Cedulario,  132.  The  king  had  also 
contemplated  the  reappointment  of  a  protector  of  Indians  in  New  Spain,  but 
for  some  reason  failed  to  do  so  for  some  time.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  481; 
Beaumont,  Gr6n.  Mich.,  v.  143-5,  MS.,  860-1. 


INDIAN  POLICY. 


laborers,  was  a  heavy  one.  Many  held  the  position  of 
caciques  by  their  own  assumption,  without  being  the 
rightful  heirs  of  deceased  chiefs.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
many  of  the  old  lords  and  chiefs  had  died,  since  the 
Spanish  conquest,  leaving  no  succession.  Others  had 
become  rulers  by  the  favor  of  the  friars  or  corregi- 
dores,  who  had  made  them  governors,  alcaldes,  or 
sheriffs;  and  as  soon  as  an  Indian  began  to  hold  such 
an  office  he  called  himself  a  chief.  The  next  year 
another  set  would  be  created,  and  this  was  continued 
from  year  to  year  till  the  number  had  so  multipUed 
that  about  one  fourth  of  the  native  population  called 
themselves principales,  or  chiefs.  Cortds  brought  the 
subject  to  the  attention  of  the  crown  with  the  addi- 
tion that  these  self-constituted  caciques,  having  the 
rod  of  power  in  their  hands,  had  seized  a  large  portion 
of  the  taxable  lands,  claiming  them  as  patrimonial, 
and  settled  on  them  native  rent-payers,  from  whom 
they  exacted  high  rents  besides  the  royal  tribute  of 
one  dollar,  and  a  half  fanega  of  maize.^^ 

Had  the  yearly  tribute  been  no  more  than  this,  the 
burden  might  easily  have  been  borne;  but  as  a  matter 
of  fact  the  natives  had  many  burdens  laid  upon  them, 
such  as  personal  labor,  providing  firewood,  and  supply- 
ing fodder  for  animals.  The  king,  the  communes,  the 
friars,  and  the  head-men  who  ruled  the  towns,  all 
were  entitled  to  a  share.  The  exactions  other  than 
crown  receipts  were  called  '^sobras  de  tributes  y  bienea 
de  coinunidad,"  and  at  one  time  were  no  less  than 
300,000  pesos,  and  together  with  personal  service  were 
pure  imposition  on  the  macehuales.  They  had,  more- 
over, to  serve  for  nothing  whenever  the  authorities 

^2  The  marques  del  Valle  urged  the  discontinuance  of  the  system.  The  real 
old  chiefs  might,  however,  have  their  pillalli,  or  patrimonial  lands,  cultivated 
by  fairly  paid  native  laborers.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.y 
iv.  449-51.  In  time  many  macehuales  deserted  their  lords,  which  the  Span- 
ish court  discountenanced.  Oct.  20,  1568,  it  ordered  that  such  deserters 
should  be  restored  to  their  natural  caciques.  However,  in  1628  and  1654 
royal  orders  were  issued  to  investigate  false  titles  and  set  such  aside,  to  pro- 
tect the  rightful  caciques  in  their  privileges,  and  at  the  same  time  relieve  tha 
plebeians  from  unjust  burdens.  No  mestizo  could  become  a  cacique;  a  law 
of  1576  expressly  forbade  it.  Zamora^  Leg.  Ult.,  ii.  153. 


FRAUDS  OF  THE  OFFICIALS. 


569 


called  upon  them  to  build  town-houses  or  to  make 
other  improvements.  Under  such  a  system  towns 
could  get  along  without  funds,  and  the  surplus  spoken 
of  was  appropriated  by  the  unprincipled  collectors. 

A  common  trick  was  for  the  collectors  to  ask  every 
two  or  three  years  for  a  new  count,  on  the  ground  of 
a  decrease  in  the  population,  which  they  made  appar- 
ent by  hiding  a  number  of  the  natives.  Then  with 
less  to  account  for  they  would  collect  from  all  and 
keep  the  surplus.  The  remedy  suggested  by  Cortes 
to  check  these  frauds,  and  to  do  away  with  all  undue 
thraldom,  and  at  the  same  time  offer  an  inducement 
to  the  macehual  to  acquire  industrious  habits  and 
improve  his  fortunes,  was  to  give  each  man  or  head  of 
a  family  a  title  for  himself  and  his  legal  heirs,  to  a 
share  of  land,  conditioned  upon  his  faithful  payment 
every  year  of  a  certain  rent,  under  penalty  of  for- 
feiture of  the  leasehold.  By  this  arrangement  the 
tribute  would  be  laid  on  the  land,  and  not  on  the 
laborer.  The  surplus  shares  of  land  remaining  at  the 
first  grants  should  be  awarded  to  those  born  there- 
after in  the  district,  and  of  proper  age,  who  had  no 
land  to  cultivate  because  their  parents  had  not  a  suffi- 
cient quanity.^*  This  proposal  met  with  favor  on 
the  part  of  the  crown.  Early  in  1560  it  was  ordained 
that  all  scattered  natives  should  be  called  to  dwell  in 

i^An  abuse  injurious  to  both  the  payer  and  the  royal  treasury.  Cortes,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  441-2,  446-52,  456;  Valderrama,  in  Id.^ 
iv.  359;  Rel.  An6n.,  in  Id.,  vi.  166-7.  Cortes  seemed,  however,  to  have 
the  interests  of  the  crown  more  at  heart  than  those  of  the  victim.  He  wanted 
the  tributes  increased  in  more  favored  localities,  where  many  could  make  in 
two  or  three  days  the  amount  of  their  yearly  tax,  but  being  too  lazy  to  work 
and  benefit  themselves,  needed  to  be  forced  to  it.  In  fact,  they  chose  to  pay 
four  or  six  reales  rather  than  the  half  fanega  of  maize,  when  a  whole  fanega 
was  worth  only  four  or  five  reales.  The  grain  should  be  demanded,  he  urged, 
in  lieu  of  money;  otherwise  in  a  short  time  there  would  be  a  famine.  There 
was  another  imposition  the  natives  were  called  upon  to  sufi"er;  that  of  Span- 
ish travellers  billeting  themselves  with  their  servants  and  animals  upon  them. 
A  royal  order  in  1563  required  that  travelling  Spaniards  should  be  put  up  at 
inns,  if  there  were  any,  or  if  not,  to  pay  for  what  they  had.  Zamora,  Lea, 
UlL,  ii.  556. 

In  1575  the  royal  tribute  continued  at  the  old  rate.  A  number  of  natives 
had  become  the  owners  of  large  haciendas  and  other  property  paying  no  other 
tax.  Enriquez,  Carta  al  Bey  (Sept.  23,  1575),  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  307-8; 
H'lMuyt's  Voy.f  iii.  463. 


570 


INDIAN  POLICY. 


towns,  where  they  were  to  hold  lands,  and  to  pursue 
their  useful  mode  of  obtaining  a  livelihood.  This  was 
really  the  reiteration  of  an  order  of  October  1558. 
If  carried  out  in  a  proper  spirit  this  law  would  have 
proved  beneficial;  but  the  avariciousness  of  the  white 
men  charged  with  its  execution  defeated  its  object. 
They  gave  the  natives  only  the  more  barren  lands, 
reserving  the  best  for  themselves  and  their  friends.^® 
On  the  other  hand  it  was  true  that  the  natives  did 
not  like  to  work,  and  the  government  felt  obliged  at 
last  to  compel  them  to  raise  more  grain  than  they 
actually  required  for  their  own  use  and  for  tribute.^* 

The  viceroy  Velasco  attended  faithfully  to  the  car- 
rying-out of  these  orders.  Towns  within  five  leagues 
of  Mexico  city  were  to  be  visited  for  the  above  pur- 
poses by  the  oidores.  For  visiting  more  distant  towns, 
and  enforcing  the  measures  for  the  benefit  of  the 
natives,  the  crown  ordered  that  the  licentiate  Diego 
Ramirez,  an  upright  man,^^  should  be  specially  com- 
missioned. The  audiencia  was  made  to  render  him 
all  possible  aid,  and  to  countenance  no  appeals  from 
his  decisions.  Ramirez'  term,  originally  limited  to  six 
months,  was  afterward  extended  for  as  long  a  time  as 
he  might  need  to  complete  his  useful  tasks. 

It  was  enjoined  on  the  visitadores,  whether  Ra- 
mirez or  an  oidor,  to  prevent  among  other  abuses 
that  of  inflicting  corporal  punishment  on  the  natives 
by  friars  who  had  usurped  the  power  of  imprisoning, 
whipping,  and  clipping  the  hair  of  native  offenders. 
They  were  also  to  cause  the  removal  of  all  herds  of 
cattle  and  flocks  of  sheep  grazing  on  lands  to  the  in- 
jury of  the  natives;  and  to  see  that  the  latter  had  the 
requisite  spiritual  aid. 

This  injustice  caused  a  dispersion,  and  the  project  had  to  be  abandoned. 
Torquemada,  iii.  263. 

I  judge  that  was  the  object  in  view  when  the  viceroy  and  audiencia 
decreed  December  5,  1578,  in  obedience  to  a  royal  order  of  May  7,  1577,  that 
the  encomenderos  should  not  sell  to  or  exchange  with  their  own  Indians  the 
maize  received  in  tribute.  Montemaior,  Autos  Acord.,  33. 

From  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  his  rule  Velasco  was  careful  to  appoint 
none  to  office  but  the  moral  and  upright.  Torquemada,  i.  622;  Beaumont, 
Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  549,  MS.,  1133. 


TENURE  OF  ENCOMIENDAS. 


571 


One  of  the  objects  of  Ramirez'  trust  was  to  officially 
apprise  the  encomenderos  that  their  tenor  would  be 
only  for  the  natural  life  of  themselves  and  their  next 
legitimate  son  or  daughter,  but  at  the  death  of  the 
second  holders  the  repartimientos  were  to  revert  to 
the  crown.  This  was  pursuant  to  the  royal  decree  of 
April  5,  1552,  providing  the  succession  to  an  encomi- 
enda  in  the  eldest  son  or  direct  heir  lawfully  begotten.^^ 
Not  long  afterward  the  succession  was  extended  to 
the  second,  and  later  to  several  more  generations,^^  so 
that  in  effect  it  became  perpetual. 

The  royal  order  giving  preference  to  the  con- 
querors was  extended  to  their  sons,  notably  by  a  law 

In  the  event  of  his  inability  or  unwillingness  to  accept  it,  then  the  sec- 
ond son,  and  so  on  to  the  last;  if  there  were  no  sons,  then  the  eldest  daughter, 
and  in  her  default,  the  next  in  succession,  under  certain  obligations;  if  there 
were  neither  sons  nor  daughters,  then  the  widow.  After  the  death  of  this 
second  holder,  the  encomienda  was  to  revert  to  the  crown.  Under  the  king's 
general  regulations  no  mulatto,  mestizo,  nor  any  one  of  illegitimate  birth 
could  hold  an  encomienda.  If  any  was  so  holden,  it  was  to  revert  at  once  to 
the  crown.  The  order  was  subsequently  modified,  allowing  the  viceroy  of 
Peru  in  1559  to  legitimize  children  born  out  of  wedlock,  even  where  the 
mothers  were  Indians,  upon  the  payment  of  a  sufficient  sum  to  secure  the 
encomiendas  they  were  to  inherit.  That  privilege  was  rescinded  in  1561;  its 
revival  asked  for,  was  refused  in  1573,  and  had  not  been  allowed  as  late  as 
1612.  It  is  likely  that  the  same  rule  held  good  in  Mexico.  Puga,  Cedulario, 
136. 

The  right  of  transmission  to  the  third  generation  having  been  tolerated 
in  New  Spain  in  1555,  Viceroy  Velasco  wasin  doubt  if,  in  default  of  children, 
the  privilege  extended  to  widows  and  other  heirs.  This  was  at  first  refused; 
but  on  the  9th  of  February,  1561,  the  viceroy  and  audiencia  were  directed  to 
permit,  when  there  were  no  sons  or  daughters  in  the  third  generation,  surviv- 
ing husbands  to  inherit  the  encomiendas  of  their  wives,  and  vice  versa,  until 
the  crown  should  enact  some  general  law.  This  led  to  abuses  in  marriages 
between  old  women  and  young  men,  or  of  old  men  with  young  women,  to 
secure  the  inheritance  of  encomiendas,  which  were  frequent  and  continued 
until  in  later  years  the  king  adopted  measures  to  prevent  such  unequal  alli- 
ances. February  27,  1575,  and  July  8,  1603,  such  inheritances  were  forbidden 
in  the  second  and  third  generations,  unless  the  parties  had  been  married  and 
lived  together  at  least  six  months.  Puga,  Cedulario,  132,  136,  139,  149-50, 
184^6,  192-3;  Testirmnio,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiii.  478-80; 
Montesclaros,  in  Id.,  vi.  284,  288-90.  In  1563  the  crown  resolved  that  enco- 
miendas should  no  longer  be  transmissible  to  heirs  in  the  third  generation. 
This  project  exasperated  holders  of  the  second  generation,  and  much  trouble 
arose  in  consequence.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist,  195.  But  it  was  not  carried  out. 
And  there  were  cases,  on  the  contrary,  in  later  years,  where  the  tenure 
passed  to  the  fourth  and  even  to  the  fifth  generation.  The  encomenderos 
were  required  by  law  to  dwell  in  the  provinces  where  they  held  their  encomi- 
endas. The  provision  was,  however,  often  disregarded.  Those  living  in 
Mexico  with  permission  were  not  authorized  to  compel  their  Indians  to  bring 
the  tributes  thither;  nor  had  they  the  right  of  taking  from  the  Indians  any 
article  of  food  without  paying  th-erefor.  Puga,  Cedulario,  1*54. 


572 


INDIAN  POLICY. 


of  1553  ordering  that  the  sons  of  the  first  conquerors 
of  New  Spain  who  were  not  possessed  of  encomien- 
das  should  be  preferred  for  the  position  of  corregidor 
and  other  offices,  in  order  that  they  might  derive  a 
support  therefrom.^°  The  pension-list  to  widows  and 
offspring  of  the  old  conquerors  at  the  time  amounted 
to  about  24,000  pesos  per  annum.^^ 

Even  these  broad  and  searching  measures  were 
deemed  insufficient  by  Friar  Pedro  de  Gante,  for  in 
1552  we  find  him  writing  to  the  king  setting  forth 
the  great  suffering  of  the  natives  from  excessive  labor 
and  heavy  taxation.^^  He  beseeches  the  monarch  to 
look  with  merciful  eyes  on  his  red  subjects  not  only 
of  New  Spain  but  of  New  Galicia.  Nor  were  these 
prayers  disregarded  by  the  crown.  Orders  were  issued 
for  the  benefit  of  the  natives,  and  issued  again,  and 
several  oppugnant  decrees  of  the  viceroy  and  audiencia 
were  repealed  by  royal  command.  And  yet  many 
and  gross  evils  continued.  The  archbishop  confirmed 
Gante's  statement,  yet  added  that  the  natives  were 
vicious,  given  to  carnal  pleasures,  drinking,  and  gam- 
bling, and  excessively  fond  of  litigation.    They  were 

2°  The  second  marques  del  Valle,  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Mexico,  showed 
himself  to  be  not  unmindful  of  the  old  conquerors,  now  few,  and  most  of 
them  poor.  It  was  true,  he  said  to  the  monarch,  that  they  received  some 
assistance  from  the  royal  treasury,  but  it  did  not  suffice  to  support  them.  To 
further  aid  them  he  wished  that  of  the  400  public  offices  at  least  100  should 
be  given  them;  considering  the  fact  that  a  great  many  of  those  offices  existed 
merely  to  afford  a  maintenance  to  some  man;  otherwise  200  might  be  abol- 
ished.  CorUSy  Carta^  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  459-60. 

2^  Those  pensions  were  paid  out  of  the  fund  of  indios  vacos,  or  unap- 
propriated Indians;  the  lowest  was  30  pesos,  and  one,  the  highest,  of  450 
pesos;  many  were  of  300  pesos;  a  few  of  400  pesos;  the  rest  ranged  from  250 
pesos  downward.  Agurto,  Pensiones,  in  Id.,  xiv.  201-20.  In  1554  there  were 
18  encomenderos,  who  were  aged  and  without  heirs;  at  their  death  the  Indians 
would  revert  to  the  crown.  A  list  appears  in  Relacion,  xiv.  220-2.  The 
veedor  of  New  Spain,  Santander,  in  a  letter  to  the  sovereign  of  July  15, 1557, 
recommended  the  perpetuity  of  the  tenure  of  Indians,  on  the  ground  that 
there  v/ould  be  less  warfare  and  mortality;  the  Spaniards  would  be  better  dis- 
posed to  serve  their  king,  and  the  royal  revenue  would  be  augmented  without 
taxing  the  v/hite  settlers.  It  seems  that  for  him  the  Indian  had  no  rights 
that  should  not  be  made  subservient  forever  to  the  interests  of  the  crown 
and  the  benefit  of  the  Spanish  conqueror.  Santander,  Carta,  in  Col.  Doc. 
In6d.,  xxvi.  351  et  seq. 

2^  This  condition  of  things  made  it  impossible,  he  said,  for  the  natives  to 
advance  morally  or  otherwise.  The  effect  was  to  debase  them  more  and 
more,  and  to  rapidly  decrease  their  number.  Oante,  Carta  al  Emp. ,  in  Cartas  de 
J7idias,  92-102;  Zamora,  Leg.  Ult.,  ii.  152-4;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  13. 


FUTILE  EFFORTS  OF  THE  KING. 


573 


ground  down  by  heavy  taxes  and  personal  service,  a 
portion  of  which  went  to  the  priests,  and  the  rest  was 
consumed  by  the  caciques,  governors,  and  chiefs  in 
eating  and  drinking.  The  tributes  had  been  lowered, 
but  the  common  laborers  felt  not  the  benefit  of  the 
decrease,  as  they  were  made  to  pay  at  the  old  rates, 
the  chiefs  reaping  the  advantage  of  the  difference. 
They  were  virtually  held  in  slavery. On  the  matter 
reaching  the  ear  of  the  king  the  audiencia  was  directed 
January  19,  1560,  and  again  July  12th,  of  the  same 
year,  to  check  such  abuses. 

It  was  the  audiencia  as  much  as  unprincipled  enco- 
menderos  and  infamous  tax-collectors  that  thwarted 
the  beneficent  designs  of  the  king  and  his  viceroy. 
As  a  court  of  appeal  this  tribunal  would  render 
nugatory  many  of  the  viceroy's  decrees.  Then  the 
affairs  of  the  natives  would  be  postponed  and  im- 
peded in  such  a  manner  as  to  defeat  the  ends  of  justice, 
and  render  of  no  effect  the  beneficent  royal  purposes.^* 
This  was  folly  on  the  part  of  the  high  court,  and  a 
cause  of  inconvenience  to  the  litigants.  The  condition 
of  the  natives,  as  a  matter  of  justice  and  charity, 
called  for  prompt  despatch  in  their  suits  at  law,  and 
freedom  from  costs;  no  pettifoggers  should  have  been 
allowed  to  meddle  with  them.  In  their  ignorance, 
and  for  several  reasons,  the  Indians  permitted  the 
mestizos  and  others  to  exercise  over  them  a  baneful 
influence,  in  inducing  them  to  keep  up  litigation,  par- 
ticularly about  their  lands.  The  best  course  that 
occurred  to  the  viceroy  was  to  expel  all  mestizos  and 

Arzob.  de  M6j.,  Carta,  in  PacTieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  499, 
515-22.  Father  Toral,  who  had  invariably  shown  himself  a  warm  friend  of 
the  natives,  did  acknowledge,  however,  that  Velasco  had  done  much  toward 
Improving  their  condition,  as  he  had  abolished  personal  service,  slavery,  and 
many  abuses.  Toral,  Carta  d  S.  3f.  el  Rey,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  138. 

The  emperor's  attention  was  called  to  the  matter  by  the  Franciscan 
cOxTiisario  and  other  fathers  of  that  order,  among  them  Motolinia  and  Saha- 
gun,  who  complained  that  the  audiencia 's  course  made  much  confusion  be- 
tween the  Spaniards  and  natives.  Bustamante  et  al.,  Carta  al  Emp.,  in  Cartas 
de  Indias,  121-2.  The  viceroy  told  the  king  that  were  it  not  for  his  for- 
bearance much  trouble  might  have  resulted  from  the  insolent  behavior  of 
some  of  the  oidores;  he  then  begged  for  the  appointment  of  a  visitadoi  cf  the 
audiencia,  and  for  the  removal  of  those  objectionable  oidores. 


574 


INDIAN  POLICY. 


obnoxious  Spaniards  from  the  Indian  towns.  He 
also  insisted  that  the  authorities,  both  high  and  low, 
should  be  ever  watchful,  in  order  that  the  natives 
might  accept  as  real  the  government's  protection. 

Among  the  measures  favoring  the  natives  the  pro- 
vision of  hospitals  for  the  care  of  their  indigent  sick 
was  worthy  of  much  commendation.  Prince  Philip, 
at  the  suggestion  of  Viceroy  Velasco,  decreed  in  1553 
the  construction  of  a  suitable  building  for  that  purpose 
in  the  city  of  Mexico/^  and  other  hospitals  and  infirm- 
aries were  founded. 

Obviously  the  enforcement  of  the  new  laws  soon 
began  to  tell  on  the  royal  revenue.  This  had  been 
predicted  to  Velasco  in  the  beginning  of  his  rule,  but 
he  had  said  that  such  considerations  were  of  little 
import;  the  freedom  of  men  was  of  more  importance 
than  all  the  mines  in  the  world. Velasco  was  forced 
to  admit,  however,  that  the  new  laws  had  caused 
trouble  and  poverty,  partly  because  of  exemption  from 
personal  service,  but  in  a  great  measure  owing  to  the 
fact  that  the  Spaniards  would  not  exert  themselves. 
He  feared  that  the  royal  treasury  would  long  feel  the 
bad  effects  of  this  state  of  things,  unless  a  timely  remedy 
was  applied. 

It  was  to  cost  2,000  pesos  de  oro.  An  extra  allowance  of  400  pesos  de 
ore  yearly  was  also  granted.  The  fund  having  been  exhausted  before  the 
edifice  was  finished,  the  prince,  now  King  Philip  II.,  in  1556  gave  a  further 
Bum  of  2,000  pesos  de  oro  from  the  royal  treasury.  This,  together  with  the 
aid  the  natives  themselves  could  afibrd,  was  deemed  all-sufficient.  This  hos- 
pital, and  others  which  were  subsequently  established,  proved  very  useful 
during  the  desolating  epidemics  of  1555  and  later.  Cavo,  TresSiglos,  163.  In 
1556  Father  Josd  de  Angulo  was  at  Brussels,  where  Philip's  court  then  was, 
and  heard  from  the  royal  lips  high  praise  of  Viceroy  Velasco's  Indian  policy 
and  of  the  loyalty  of  the  natives.  Velasco  was  commended  in  a  letter  of  Jan- 
uary of  that  year.  Felipe  II.,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv. 
403-6.  Puga,  Cedulario,  187. 

2°  Viceroy  Enriquez,  who  ruled  the  country  from  1568  to  1580,  saw  their 
necessity,  and  made  provision  accordingly.  He  distrusted  his  countrymen, 
v/ho,  ho  feared,  cared  little  for  the  Indian.  In  his  suggestion  to  his  successor 
ho  speaks  clearly:  *  despues  de  servirse  de  los  indios,  mas  cuidado  tienen  de 
PUS  perros  que  no  dellos.'  Henriquez,  Instruccion,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col, 
Doc,  iii.  482-6. 

2^  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  158-9,  piously  ascribes  Velasco's  first  act  of  justice 
to  the  natives  to  his  anxiety  for  bespeaking  God's  favor  to  his  rule :  'para 
comcnzar  su  gobiemo  con  la  bendicion  de  Dios.* 

2^  Velasco  J  Carta  al  Emp.y  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  267. 


HARD  TIMES. 


575 


The  Spanish  population  was  discontented;  a  consid- 
erable part  of  it  was  in  a  state  of  indigence,  partly 
owing  to  the  number  of  vagrants  and  to  extravagant 
habits  which  had  again  increased  notwithstanding  the 
restrictive  sumptuary  laws.  On  the  other  hand,  among 
the  natives  there  was  more  independence  and  comfort ; 
and  the  viceroy  had  become  apprehensive  of  evils  to 
come.  He  told  the  king  that  the  land  was  full  of 
negroes  and  mestizos,  greatly  exceeding  the  Span- 
iards in  number,  and  all  anxious  to  purchase  their 
freedom  with  the  lives  of  their  masters.  To  accom- 
plish this  end  there  was  reason  to  fear  they  would  join 
whichever  side  should  rebel,  Indians  or  Spaniards. 
To  avert  revolt  he  recommended  expeditions  to  be 
made,  the  companies  to  be  formed  of  white  men, 
negroes,  and  mestizos.  No  more  Spaniards  should  be 
allowed  to  come  to  the  country,  much  less  negroes, 
there  being  twenty  thousand  of  the  latter  present, 
and  their  number  increasing.  It  would  be  well  also  to 
send  to  Spain  as  many  of  the  mestizos  as  possible. 

To  satisfy  the  Spaniards  he  favored  the  plan  of 
giving  the  conquerors  and  first  settlers  or  their  heirs 
the  promised  encomiendas,  but  without  political  or 
judicial  powers,  and  making  them  pay  a  portion  of 
the  taxation,  say  one  sixth  or  one  seventh,  for  the 
support  of  the  church,  conversion,  and  instruction  of 
the  natives;  committing,  at  the  same  time,  the  care 
of  teaching  the  aborigines  to  the  prelates,  which  duty 
hitherto  had  belonged  to  the  encomenderos.  These 
should  be  required  to  dwell  at  their  encomiendas,  and 
in  the  town  with  the  prelate. 

23  The  council  of  bishops  in  1555  also  said  to  the  crown  that  the  country 
was  full  of  vagrants  from  Spain;  men  who  had  neither  occupation  nor  means  of 
livelihood;  and  it  was  necessary  to  stop  the  emigration  of  more  of  that  class. 
Mex.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iii.  526-7.  This  condition  went  on 
from  bad  to  worse  for  several  years.  The  veedor,  Doctor  Santander,  a  resi- 
dent of  16  years  in  America,  recorded  July  1557,  that  there  were  4,000 
white  persons  bom  in  Mexico  who  were  unemployed  and  without  support;  to 
which  number  were  to  be  added  the  white  persons  from  Spain,  and  the  half- 
breeds.  Santander,  Carta,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  xxvi.  351.  To  check  vagrancy 
a  royal  order  of  Oct.  3,  1558,  exacted  that  Spaniards,  Indians,  and  mixed 
breeds  should  dwell  in  towns.  Purja,  Cedulario,  205.    In  some  parts  of  New 


576 


INDIAN  POLICY. 


With  corruption  present  in  the  grand  tribunal,  and 
purity  of  intention  on  the  part  of  the  king's  repre- 
sentative it  was  natural  that  questions  regarding  the 
powers  of  the  viceroy  should  arise,  Velasco,  as  well 
as  others,  appealed  to  the  emperor  to  make  clear  his 
duties.  Theoretically,  the  viceroy's  powers  had  been, 
and  continued  to  be  till  1560,  unlimited  in  matters 
of  government.  As  a  matter  of  form,  Yelasco  had, 
on  difficult  affairs,  invariably  asked  the  audiencia's 
advice.  That  body  together  with  some  wealthy 
Spaniards,  whose  abuses  he  had  suppressed,  or  at- 
tempted to  check,  labored  not  only  to  undermine  his 
standing  at  court,  but  to  restrict  his  powers.  They 
were  aware  that  they  could  not  influence  the  king 
against  Yelasco  personally,  whose  pure  motives  and 
good  services  were  much  valued;  still,  they  brought 
to  bear  plausible  pretences,  and  won  to  their  views 
some  of  the  king's  counsellors.  Yelasco's  health  was 
represented  as  broken,  which  might  affect  his  mind, 
and  render  his  decisions  not  always  judicious.  For 
this  reason  they  claimed  it  was  expedient  to  appoint 
him  a  council,  whom  he  should  consult  upon  state 
affairs  before  adopting  any  resolution.  Such  a  course 
would  insure  the  proper  deliberation,  and  relieve  him 
of  much  responsibility.  By  such  means  the  king  was 
finally  brought  to  accede  to  the  suggestions  of  his 
counsellors,  and  decreed  that  in  future  the  viceroy  of 
New  Spain  should  adopt  no  action  without  the  pre- 
vious advice  and  consent  of  the  audiencia,  which  be- 
came thus  constituted  as  a  viceregal  council.    All  the 

Spain  provisions  were  scarce,  and  the  villas  of  Purificacion  and  P^inuco  were 
in  1553  already  becoming  depopulated.  Valasco,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  263-5. 
The  women  were  so  extravagant  in  the  use  of  jewelry  that  the  country  felt  its 
bad  effects.  No  improvement  was  gained  by  the  royal  measures  to  check  vice. 
The  second  marques  del  Valle  complains  bitterly  of  indolence,  increasing 
want,  and  vice;  truth  was  almost  a  stranger  in  the  country;  lying  and  perjury 
had  become  a  staple,  *  porques  cosecha  desta  tierra. '  Cortes,  Carta,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col  Doc,  iv.  455-6,  458-9.  Still  later,  in  1570,  vagabondage 
and  lawlessness  were  still  rampant.  Mendieta,  Carta  a  Joan  de  Ouando,  in 
Prov.  del  Sto  Evang.,  MS.,  No.  16,  208-9.  An  Englishman  who  visited  the  city 
of  Mexico  in  1572  declared,  'the  men. ,  .are  marvellous  vicious;  and  in  like 
manner  the  women  are  dishonest  of  their  bodies.'  Hawks'  ReL,  in  Haklvyt's 
Voy.,  in.  463. 


PHILIP,  KING. 


577 


authorities  who  treat  of  this  subject  agree  that  the 
new  system  was  productive  of  confusion  and  evil  con- 
sequences, and  that  Spaniards  as  well  as  Indians 
suffered  from  it.^^ 

A  large  portion  of  the  most  worthy  Spaniards  dis- 
approved of  the  course  adopted  toward  Yelasco.  Even 
the  ayuntamiento  of  Mexico  objected  to  it  without 
showing  any  factious  spirit.  It  chose  two  of  its 
members,  Geronimo  Ruiz  de  la  Mota  and  Bernardino 
Albornoz,  to  represent  at  court  the  evils  arising  from 
the  late  enactment.  They  were  joined  by  three  promi- 
nent fathers  of  the  Franciscan,  Dominican,  and  Aus- 
tin orders,  who  had  been  despatched  on  the  same 
errand,  one  of  whom  was  Francisco  de  Bustamante,  the 
Franciscan  comisario  general.  The  viceroy,  on  his 
part,  while  obeying  the  royal  mandate,  reiterated  to 
the  king  his  desire  that  a  visitador  should  be  sent 
out.  The  agents  reached  Spain  in  1562,  presented 
their  case,  and  the  royal  counsellors,  to  quiet  them  all, 
advised  the  appointment  of  a  visitador.  The  licen- 
ciado  Valderrama  was  accordingly  commissioned  with 
instructions  to  consult  public  exigencies,  and  promote, 
as  far  as  possible,  the  welfare  of  New  Spain.  In  due 
time  will  be  presented  to  the  reader  his  arrival,  and 
the  manner  in  which  he  discharged  his  trust. 

Most  of  the  measures  enacted  of  late  years  by  the 
crown  for  the  administration  of  affairs  in  New  Spain 
emanated  from  Prince  Philip,  who  was  in  charge  of  the 
government,  owing  to  the  emperor's  failing  health  and 
absence  in  his  German  dominions.^^    In  January  1556 

'  Se  experimentd  que  encallaban  cada  dia  mas  los  negocios  de  los  Es- 
panoles,  y  se  olvidaban  de  los  naturales,.'  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  170.  Mendieta 
speaks  of  the  contempt  that  was  thrown  upon  the  royal  representatives  in  the 
country.  Even  the  natives  had  learned  to  pay  no  respect  to  their  decisions,  hav- 
ing been  prevailed  on  to  look  to  the  audiencia  as  the  real  superior  authority;  '  no 
hagais  cuenta  de  lo  que  este  os  ha  dicho,  ni  de  lo  que  dexa  mandado,  que  no 
es  sino  vn  hombre  por  ai,  que  pasa  de  camino,  y  no  puede  nada,  que  all^  en 
Mexico,  est^n  los  Tlatoques . . .  que  nos  f avorecerkn,  y  har^n  lo  que  quisi^remos. ' 
Torquemada,  i.  625-6. 

He  wrote  to  the  audiencia  of  Mexico,  May  10,  1554,  to  announce  his 
approaching  marriage  with  Queen  Mary  of  England,  and  to  order  that  during 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  37 


578 


INDIAN  POLICY, 


Philip  was  in  Brussels,  where  he  had  come  according 
to  his  father's  instructions,  to  be  present  at  the  king's 
abdication,  and  to  receive  the  crown  of  Spain.  The 
official  notification  was  made  by  both  Charles  and  the 
new  monarch,  who  assumed  the  name  of  Philip  II. 
on  the  day  after  the  ceremony,  but  it  does  not  seem 
to  have  reached  the  city  of  Mexico  till  early  in  1557. 
although  rumors  of  the  change  had  been  rife  during 
the  year.  The  official  announcement  was  received  by 
the  ayuntamiento  of  the  capital  on  the  5th  of  April, 
1558,  and  with  the  approbation  of  Viceroy  Yelasco, 
the  6th  of  June  was  fixed  for  the  act  of  recognition 
and  of  swearing  allegiance  to  the  new  king,  when 
among  other  ceremonies  the  banner  was  raised.  Arch- 
bishop Montiifar  celebrating  as  pontifical  at  high 
mass. 

On  the  17th  of  June,  1556,  Philip  had  repeated  to 
the  viceroy  the  notice  of  his  elevation  to  the  throne, 
confirming  him,  the  members  of  the  audiencia,  and 
others  in  their  respective  offices.  He  then  spoke  of 
the  distressed  condition  of  his  treasury,  directing  the 
viceroy  to  appeal  to  the  wealthy  Spaniards  for  pe- 
cuniary assistance.  He  was  not  to  use  coercion,  but 
only  most  persistently  to  ask,  and  to  assure  them  that 
their  aid  would  be  of  great  service  to  their  king  and 
country.  The  viceroy  was  to  arrange  with  the  lenders 
for  the  mode  of  reimbursing  the  loans.  Father  Jose 
de  Angulo,  who  had  visited  the  court  at  Brussels  on 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  was  directed  by  the  king  to  return 
to  New  Spain  without  delay,  and  exert  himself  in 
procuring  the  much  needed  funds. 

his  absence  the  commands  of  his  sister,  the  princess  of  Portugal,  should  be 
obeyed.  Puga^  Cedulario,  149. 


CHAPTER  XXYIII, 

VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 
1551-1564. 

Arrival  of  Martin  Cortes,  Second  Marques  del  Valle — Visitador  Val- 

DERRAMA  AND  HIS  RELATIONS  WITH  CORTES — NeW  PoLICY  REGARDING 

Encomiendas — Cortes'  Troubles — Threatened  Revolt  and  Velas- 
co's  Wise  Course — Royal  Orders  Affecting  the  Audiencia— The 
Visitador's  Exactions  of  the  Indians — His  Efforts  to  Check  Abuses, 
AND  Proposed  Reforms — His  Disagreements  with  the  Viceroy — Con- 
dition and  Character  of  Velasco — His  Death,  Burial,  and  General 
Regret — Public  Education — Floods  in  the  Mexican  Valley — Dis- 
astrous Expedition  to  Florida — Settlements  in  Zacatecas  and 
Guanajuato — Conquest  of  the  North-western  Region — Kingdom  of 
nueva  vizcaya — expedition  to  the  philippines  and  its  results. 

I  HAVE  stated  that  Martin  Cortes,  the  lawful  heir 
of  Mexico's  conqueror,  was  taken  to  Spain  in  1540, 
being  then  eight  years  of  age.  After  his  father's 
death  he  came  into  possession  of  his  title  and  of  its 
vast  estates.  He  had  received  a  liberal  education  and 
had  been  trained,  as  became  his  rank,  for  the  profes- 
sion of  arms;  he  accompanied  Philip  to  Flanders, 
where  he  served  with  distinction,  and  also  in  the 
famous  battle  of  Saint  Quentin,  being  the  first  native 
of  Mexico  to  render  service  to  the  Spanish  crown  in 
Europe.  He  likewise  was  one  of  Philip's  suite  when 
that  prince  went  to  England  to  wed  Queen  Mary. 
After  the  Flanders  campaign  he  married  Dona  Ana 
Ramirez  de  Arellano,  his  niece,^  for  which  it  is  pre- 
sumed he  first  obtained  a  special  dispensation  of  the 
pope. 

He  now  determined  to  return  to  his  native  land. 

^Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  in.  236. 

(579) 


580 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


Before  leaving  Spain,  however,  he  sold  to  the  king 
his  chief  house  in  Mexico,  that  which  has  since  been 
the  national  palace,  with  the  whole  block,  including 
the  mint,  barracks,  and  other  offices.  The  deed  of  con- 
veyance, dated  January  29,  1562,  stipulated  that  the 
quarters  occupied  by  the  oidores,  that  is  to  say,  the 
montepio  building  of  later  years,  should  be  surren- 
dered to  him.^ 

About  this  time  was  brought  to  a  final  decision  the 
suit  left  pending  by  the  old  conqueror  at  his  death 
on  the  counting  of  his  vassals.  It  was  against  the 
marquis'  claim.  The  court's  rendering  was  that  every 
house  and  hereditament  should  count  for  one  vecino, 
and  young  Cortes  was  condemned  to  restore  to  the 
crown  all  excess  over  the  23,000  vassals  that  Charles 
had  granted  his  father ;  also  to  pay  all  sums  till  then 
collected  by  his  agents  from  the  vassals  exceeding 
that  number.  This  last  part  of  the  decision  was  tanta- 
mount to  utter  ruin  for  the  young  marquis.  How- 
ever, Philip,  who  held  in  high  esteem  the  great  services 
of  the  conqueror,  and  also  those  of  the  son,  exempted 
the  latter  from  the  payment  of  the  excess  above  men- 
tioned, and,  in  the  cedula  issued  at  Toledo  March 
16,  1562,  not  only  confirmed  the  grant  made  to  his 
father,  but  also  renewed  it  without  restriction;  that 
is  to  say,  all  vecinos  of  the  twenty-three  towns,  what- 
soever their  number,  were  to  be  reckoned  as  his  vas- 
sals. The  only  exception  was  the  villa  and  port  of 
Tehuantepec,  which  the  crown  reserved  for  govern- 
ment uses,  allowing  in  compensation  therefor  the 
tributes  it  yielded. 

All  his  affairs  being  thus  advantageously  arranged, 
the  marquis,  now  aged  thirty  years,  embarked  for 
Mexico  with  his  family,  excepting  his  eldest  son  and 
heir  presumptive,  whom  he  left  in  Seville,  bringing 

2  The  property  so  conveyed  the  viceroy  and  audiencia  removed  to  in  1562. 
It  was  destroyed  June  8,  1692,  by  a  conflagration  during  the  riots.  The  old 
palace  was  also  situated  on  the  plaza,  and  bounded  by  the  streets  of  Tacuba, 
Plateros,  La  Profesa,  and  San  Jose  el  Real,  and  served  for  government  pur- 
poses till  given  up. 


THE  MARQUES  BEL  VALLE. 


581 


also  his  half-brothers  Martin,  Marina's  son,  and  Luis, 
son  of  Antonio  Hermosilla.'^  There  is  nothing  to 
show  the  date  of  their  embarkation,  but  in  September 
1562  they  arrived  at  Campeche  in  a  small  ship,  during 
a  severe  gale,  the  family  having  experienced  much 
suffering/  After  a  sojourn  there  of  two  months  they 
continued  their  journey,  and  arrived  safely  in  Mexico 
early  in  the  spring  of  1563,  there  to  be  received  with 
the  great  demonstrations  due  his  rank  and  the  memory 
of  his  father."^ 

The  marquis'  high  rank  and  large  income,  united  to 
the  memory  of  his  father's  illustrious  deeds  and  his 
own  honorable  services,  gave  him  the  most  prominent 
standing  in  the  country,  second  only  to  the  chief  rep- 
resentative of  the  crown.  Indeed,  he  thought  it  but 
due  his  father's  name  that  the  son  should  set  up  an 
establishment  on  the  footing  of  a  prince,  where  his 
friends  were  at  all  times  welcomed  and  entertained 
with  lavish  hospitality.  This  augmented  his  influence 
and  made  him  a  power  in  the  land.  When  he  rode 
out  he  was  followed  by  a  page  wearing  a  steel  helmet 
and  carrying  a  raised  lance,  the  point  of  which  was 
enclosed  in  a  bag  with  small  silken  tassels  for  closing 
it;  and  to  attend  church  he  caused  his  servants  to 
take  there  for  himself  and  the  marchioness  two  velvet 
prie-dieux  with  two  cushions  and  two  chairs.  This 
could  be  done  in  Spain  by  persons  of  rank  without 

^  Martin  had  been  taken  to  Spain  in  1528.  Charles  V.  made  him  a  knight 
of  Santiago;  and  when  old  enough  to  enter  the  military  profession  he  served 
in  the  campaigns  of  Algiers  and  Germany,  distinguishing  himself  and  receiv- 
ing several  wounds.  His  fortune  was  scanty,  and  it  may  be  said  that  he 
derived  his  support  almost  entirely  from  his  brother,  the  marquis.  He  mar- 
ried an  estimable  lady,  Dona  Bernardina  de  Porras. 

*  The  alcalde  mayor  and  the  bishop  visited  them  and  rendered  all  the  aid 
in  their  power.  The  marchioness  there  gave  birth  to  a  boy.  Quixada,  Carta 
al  Rey  (March  15,  1563),  in  Cartas  de  Ind.ias,  385.  The  boy  was  christened 
Gerdnimo.  PeraLta,  Not.  Hist.,  146-7,  187,  340-1. 

^  Everywhere  on  the  route  the  marquis  was  greeted  with  marks  of  affec- 
tion. The  capital  gave  him  an  enthusiastic  welcome.  Upwards  of  300  mag- 
nificently attired  and  mounted  gentlemen  escorted  him  into  the  city;  another 
body  of  2,000  horsemen  with  black  cloaks  followed  in  the  procession.  After 
promenading  the  streets,  cheered  by  the  people  and  greeted  with  the  smiles 
of  the  first  ladies  of  the  country,  the  marquis  and  his  friends  visited  Viceroy 
Velasco,  who  gave  him  a  hearty  welcome.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  191-2. 


582 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


exciting  comment,  but  in  Mexico  it  awakened  envy, 
and  later  was  brought  forward  as  a  serious  charge. 

The  friends  and  associates  of  the  young  nobleman 
were  among  the  first  families  of  the  city,  including 
the  viceroy  and  his  son.  Among  his  most  intimate 
acquaintances  were  the  brothers  Gil  Gonzalez  and 
Alonso  de  Avila,  sons  of  the  conqueror  Gil  Gonzalez 
de  Avila  and  his  wife  Dona  Leonor  de  Alvarado.^  Born 
in  Mexico  of  pure  Castilian  blood,  they  were  for  their 
high  character  and  agreeable  manners  generally  es- 
teemed. The  first  named  was  now  twenty -four  years 
of  age,  a  widower,  quiet,  and  grave  though  affable, 
and  held  in  encomienda  the  town  of  Ixmiquilpan. 
Alonso  was  a  year  younger,  handsome,  elegant,  brave, 
and  jovial,  and  possessed  the  valuable  encomiendas  of 
Quautitlan,  Jaltocan,  Zirdndaro,  and  Guaineo,  which 
yielded  him  a  considerable  income.  His  wife.  Dona 
Maria  de  Sosa,  was  an  estimable  young  lady.  The 
marquis  was  often  seen  in  company  with  the  two 
brothers,  and  the  intimacy  brought  upon  them  all 
great  grief,  as  we  shall  see. 

Society  in  Mexico  had  rapidly  developed  during 
the  last  two  decades,  and  was  now  becoming  in  many 
respects  individual  and  pronounced.  Upon  the  Old 
World  manners  and  customs  was  cast  the  New  World 
influence,  and  the  result  was  an  order  of  things  never 
before  witnessed.  While  holding  to  ancient  tradi- 
tions, there  was  less  restraint,  more  freedom  of 
thought,  more  room  for  aspiration  and  respiration 
in  American  airs  than  in  European.  Side  by  side 
were  the  descendants  of  the  conquerors  and  the 
Spanish  nobility  which  constituted  the  aristocracy. 
The  opening  of  mines  and  the  slavery  system  in  its 
several  modified  forms  had  brought  on  flush  times. 
Money  was  abundant  and  freely  spent. 

Banquets,  balls,  and  other  entertainments  were  of 
daily  occurrence  in  high  circles,  all  vying  with  one 

^  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  142,  and  others  say  they  were  the  sons  of  Alonso  de 
Avila. 


THE  SILVER  SEAL. 


583 


another  in  reckless  expenditure.  Having  once  placed 
themselves  on  the  slippery  declivity  of  human  folly, 
it  was  difficult  for  the  young  nobility  to  stop  short  of 
ruin.  Most  of  the  first  families  soon  found  themselves 
deeply  in  debt,  and  with  their  property  encumbered. 
A  large  portion  of  the  debts  had  been  incurred  at  the 
gaming-table  and  by  the  practice  of  other  vices.  The 
young  men  were  wont  to  indulge  in  masked  prome- 
nades on  horseback,  and  failed  not  to  take  advantage 
of  their  position  and  wealth  to  corrupt  women.^ 

The  marques  del  Valle,  however,  seems  to  have 
behaved  well,  never  giving  himself  up  to  vicious  prac- 
tices. Like  his  father,  he  was  respectful  to  the  church 
and  its  ministers,  often  dismounting  to  bend  the  knee 
and  kiss  the  friar's  hand,  which  example  the  natives 
were  not  slow  to  follow.^  The  friendship  between 
the  marquis  and  the  Velascos  was  not  of  long  dura- 
tion. The  great  display  of  wealth  by  the  former  in- 
dicated his  determination  to  hold  the  first  position  in 
the  country,  even  overshadowing  the  viceroy,  who, 
as  the  monarch's  lieutenant,  could  not  brook  such 
pretensions.  And  when  the  viceroy  showed  signs  of 
temper,  Cortes  arrayed  himself  in  yet  greater  ostenta- 
tion. He  ordered  made  for  himself  a  silver  seal,  some- 
what smaller  than  the  one  used  by  the  king,  on  which 
was  engraved  the  words  "Martinus  Cortesus  primus 
hujus  nominis  Dux  marchio  secundus."^  When  it 
was  taken  to  the  royal  treasury  officials  to  pay  the 
fifth  duty,  the  chief  official,  Hortuno  de  Ibarra,  con- 
sidering it  too  large  for  a  subject  to  use,  delivered  it 
to  the  viceroy,  who  being  of  the  same  opinion  re- 
tained the  seal,  instituted  proceedings,  and  sent  them 
to  the  king.  This  action  of  course  displeased  Cortes, 
and  widened  the  breach.    Their  feud  was  so  warm 

Viceroy  Velasco  tried  to  check  it,  but  met  with  poor  success.  Peralta, 
Not.  HM.,  193. 

^  When  asked  who  taught  them  to  kneel  and  kiss  the  priest's  hand,  they 
would  answer,  '  El  gran  capitan  Don  Martin  Cortes. '  Zevalhs,  Hist,  y  Viaae, 
361-2. 

^  Martin  Cortes,  first  captain  (or  duke)  and  second  marquis  of  his  name. 
Oi'ozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Hist.,  79. 


584 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


that  on  the  arrival  of  the  visitador,  Valderrama,  it 
broke  out  disgracefully.  For  the  reception  of  the 
visitador  the  viceroy  invited  all  officials  and  persons 
of  rank,  among  them  the  marquis,  who  paid  no  heed 
to  the  invitation  and  resolved  not  to  appear  in  the 
viceregal  suite.  He  would  go  in  advance  with  some 
friends,  and  be  followed  by  the  page  with  the  lance, 
his  object  being  to  meet  the  visitador  in  Cuitlahuac, 
four  leagues  out;  but  he  came  upon  him  in  fact  at 
Itztapalapa,  a  league  and  a  half  from  Mexico. 

Valderrama  was  gratified  at  this  mark  of  attention, 
and  with  the  marquis'  manner,  and  together  they 
rode  toward  the  city.  Though  chagrined,  Yelasco 
smothered  his  resentment  as  best  he  was  able  until 
he  saw  the  page,  when  he  sent  Antonio  de  Turcios, 
the  secretary  of  the  audiencia,  to  tell  Cortes  that  he 
should  at  once  send  the  fellow  away.  Such  an  order, 
now  for  the  first  time  given,  and  in  such  company, 
enraged  the  marquis,  who  resolved  to  disregard  it. 
When  the  viceroy  threatened  him  with  arrest,  the 
marquis  turned  to  the  visitador  and  said,  "Your  wor- 
ship has  now  the  evidence  of  the  viceroy's  ill-will 
toward  me.  I  am  glad  this  has  occurred  that  you 
may  form  your  own  judgment."  Yalderrama,  in  order 
to  stop  the  disagreeable  scene,  supported  the  vice- 
roy's authority.  But  not  to  wound  the  marquis  too 
deeply,  he  ordered  the  page  to  keep  himself  at  some 
distance  from  the  suite.  This  reconciled  matters,  and 
the  march  continued  on  to  the  city,  where  all  entered 
on  the  16th  of  August,  1563.  Yalderrama  became 
the  guest  of  the  marquis,  and  there  was  soon  an  inti- 
mate friendship  between  them. 

The  marquis  shortly  afterward  caused  his  intendente 
to  form  a  general  statement  of  his  affairs,  from  which 
it  appeared  that  the  yearly  income  from  the  encomi- 
endas  amounted  to  150,000  pesos.  It  reached  the 
ears  of  the  king,  who  thought  the  revenue  almost  too 
royal  for  a  subject,  and  directed  the  solicitor -general 
to  notify  Cortes  that  the  crown  had  been  deceived 


PETITION  OF  THE  ENCOMENDEROS. 


585 


with  regard  to  the  value  of  his  encomiendas.  Doctor 
Zurita  was  consequently  deputed  by  the  audiencia  to 
make  the  count  of  the  Indians,  and  the  report  was 
against  the  holder. 

The  crown  then  resolved  that  encomiendas  should 
not  be  transmissible  to  the  third  generation.  This 
measure  was  deemed  unjust  by  the  encomenderos, 
whose  wrath  against  the  king  and  his  advisers  became 
hot.^^  Among  the  more  violent  was  Alonso  de  Avila, 
whose  income  it  is  said  was  twenty  thousand  pesos 
per  annum.  With  him  were  his  brother  and  Baltasar 
de  Aguilar,  who  as  they  talked  of  the  matter  among 
themselves,  and  with  others,  became  more  and  more 
enraged,  and  in  time  it  was  said  that  the  three  were 
at  the  head  of  a  conspiracy  against  the  crown,  and 
fast  winning  to  their  plans  influential  men  by  the 
offer  of  honors  and  offices,  of  all  which  the  marquis 
was  said  to  be  apprised. The  viceroy  hearing  of  it 
summoned  to  his  presence  the  suspected  parties,  and 
spoke  to  them  with  his  customary  wisdom  and  kind- 
ness. Little  more  was  heard  of  it  at  the  time,  and  it 
was  supposed  the  affair  was  at  an  end.^^  The  enco- 
menderos, however,  resolved  to  bring  before  the  crown 
the  matter  of  their  holdings.  Having  first  obtained 
leave  of  the  audiencia,  on  the  4th  of  February,  1564, 
they  came  before  the  city  council  of  Mexico  in  a  com- 
mittee composed  of  Francisco  de  Yelasco,  Gonzalo  de 
las  Casas,  Gonzalo  Cerezo,  and  Rodrigo  Maldonado. 
The  council  approved  of  the  plan,  and  chose  young 

Cortes  complained  that  the  computation  had  been  purposely  excessive, 
not  so  much  to  injure  him  as  to  blind  the  king.  Carta  (Oct.  10,  15G3),  in 
Paclteco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  460-1.  The  viceroy  on  June  22,  1564, 
reported  his  towns  to  have  upward  of  60,000  natives  that  must  have  yielded 
84,387  pesos  annually,  that  is  to  say,  a  population  of  47,000  and  an  income 
of  over  47,000  pesos  in  excess  of  the  original  grant  to  his  father.  Orozco  y 
Berra,  Not.  Hist,  29. 

Many  of  them  in  their  excitement  threatened  to  repudiate  the  king's 
authority  in  these  dominions.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  195. 

*  Se  habld,  que  hazian  ya  maese  de  campo  y  ofi^iales,  y  titulos  en  los 
pueblos,  de  duques  y  condes;  y  puesto  ya  todo  en  pldtica,  dieron  parte  dello 
al  marques.'  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  196. 

^■^Velasco,  notwithstanding,  represented  the  marquis'  conduct  in  dark 
colors;  he  could  not  avoid  inflicting  some  punishment  on  his  enemy. 


586 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


Alonso  de  Avila,  one  of  its  members,  to  repre- 
sent the  matter  in  Spain.  But  afterward,  at  a  meet- 
ing held  at  the  house  of  the  marquis,  Diego  Ferrer, 
who  had  been  his  tutor,  was  selected  for  the  mis- 
sion. 

The  king's  instructions  to  Visitador  Valderrama 
were  quite  explicit  as  to  the  course  he  was  to  pursue 
toward  the  audiencia.  He  was  to  enforce  the  royal 
decrees  which  forbade  their  engaging  in  expeditions 
of  discovery  or  in  any  business  foreign  to  their  official 
duties.  They  had,  it  seems,  remonstrated  against  that 
strict  rule,  and  their  requests  had  been  refused  by  the 
crown;  it  was  now  notorious  that  they  engaged  in 
unlawful  business,  and  from  the  profits  paid  the  fines, 
when  they  could  not  escape  them.^*  The  viceroy  was 
empowered  to  try  offences  of  the  oidores,  who  were 
commanded  to  testify  whenever  called  upon.  The 
instructions  provided  that  in  the  event  of  his  death 
or  inability  to  discharge  his  duties,  the  audiencia 
should  rule  temporarily.  It  was  certainly  well  to  pro- 
vide for  the  succession,  but  it  was  not  wise  to  let  it 
fall  to  corrupt  men. 

After  the  king's  envoy  had  recovered  from  the 
effects  of  his  journey,  he  went  to  inspect  the  king's 
towns.  Under  the  impression  that  the  tribute  the 
natives  were  paying  was  too  little,  he  doubled  it,  in- 
cluding now  those  who  lived  in  the  city  of  Mexico 
and  had  been  heretofore  exempt  from  tribute.  Under 
the  new  law  all  must  pay  two  pesos  instead  of  one 
every  year.  The  natives  presented  a  petition  to  the 
visitador  against  the  change,  but  it  availed  nothing ; 
nor  were  the  viceroy's  representations  in  their  favor 
more  successful.    Yalderrama's  heartlessness  and  ob- 

^*  The  warning  to  be  given  them  by  the  visitador  was  that  such  offences 
would  be  punished  with  dismissal  from  office,  forfeiture  of  estate,  and  a  fine 
of  1,000  ducats;  and  persons  acting  in  copartnership  with  them  would  also  be 
subjected  to  confiscation  of  their  estates.  The  visitador  himself  was  forbidden 
to  send  any  relative  to  visit  provinces  in  his  name.  He  was  to  make  the  visits 
in  person.  Cavo,  Tres  Sijlos,  i.  172-3. 


RATES  CF  TAXATION. 


587 


stinacy  disgusted  all  classes,  and  won  him  an  unenvi- 
able name.^^ 

In  his  report  to  the  king  on  judicial  matters  Feb- 
ruary 24,  1564,  he  said  that  the  officials  were  not  as 
they  should  be,  hinting  that  the  viceroy  and  his  son 
and  brother,  as  well  as  the  oidores,  had  too  many  rela- 
tives in  the  country,  all  of  whom  were  interested  in 
affairs  and  aided  one  another  hence  the  quality  of 
justice  was  not  always  reputable.  He  had  also  con- 
cluded upon  the  retirement  of  two  of  the  oidores,  one 
of  whom  was  aged  and  the  other  deaf;  recommending 
at  the  same  time  the  appointment  of  alcaldes  to  pre- 
side over  the  lower  courts  of  judicature.  He  hinted 
that  some  infamous  rascality,  without  saying  what,  was 
practised  under  cover  of  authority,  which  he  would 
in  due  time  expose  and  punish,  and  endeavor  at  the 
same  time  to  clear  the  country  of  such  characters  as 
its  authors. His  interference  was  salutary  in  most 
instances.  In  lieu  of  the  tax  of  two  pesos,  some  paid 
one  peso,  and  half  a  fanega  of  maize,  or  each  paid 
his  proportion  on  the  quantity  of  land  held.  A  few 
years  later  negroes  and  mulattoes  were  also  required 
to  pay  a  tribute  of  two  pesos  yearly. 

The  king's  financial  affairs  were  not  in  a  satisfac- 
tory condition.  Martin  Cortes,  who  had  perhaps 
ceased  after  his  rupture  with  the  Yelascos  to  be  an 
impartial  authority,  suggested  that  the  counting  and 
taxing  of  the  crown  Indians  should  not  be  left  to 

i^That  of  *afligidor  de  los  indios.'  Torquemada,  i.  624-5;  Cavo,  Tres 
Sirjlos,  i.  174. 

Valderrama  even  represented  Velasco  as  an  incompetent,  who,  together 
with  his  favored  Domiriicans,  had  brought  the  covmtry  to  the  brink  of  ruin. 
The  Dominicans,  a  little  later,  took  sides  in  the  troubles  with  the  audiencia 
and  its  faction,  whilst  the  Franciscans,  their  rivals,  for  a  time  favored  the 
Cortes  clique. 

'Aqui  hay  escribanos  y  testigos  para  lo  que  los  quisieren. '  Valderrama^ 
Cartas,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  355-7,  368-9.  His  undoubted 
zeal  and  ability,  however,  were  of  little  avail  against  the  power  and  influence 
of  the  oidores  and  the  force  of  long-established  usage. 

^^If  married  within  their  own  class;  if  single,  one  peso.  A  female  negro 
or  mulatto  married  to  a  Spaniard  was  exempt;  if  to  an  Indian,  the  husband's 
rate  was  jjaid.  The  offspring  of  a  negro  and  an  Indian  paid  as  an  Indian* 
Montemaior,  Autos  Acord.,  148-9;  Zamora,  Bib.  Ley.  Ult.,  iv.  461-2. 


588 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


the  viceroy  if  his  Majesty  desired  a  large  revenue 
from  them,  but  to  the  visitador  should  be  given  the 
entire  control. He  also  boldly  asserted  that  there 
was  a  manifest  lack  of  integrity  in  the  officials  which 
unfavorably  affected  the  royal  treasury.  The  evidence 
appeared  in  the  fact  that  the  crown  from  upwards  of 
440,000  Indians  drew  only  about  160,000  pesos  yearly, 
and  he  was  sure  that  more  than  300,000  pesos  re- 
mained in  the  hands  of  certain  officials.  To  support 
this  assertion  he  mentioned  a  case  in  point  that  con- 
cerned him  personally,  by  which  he  lost  heavily  every 
year.^'^  Besides  the  savings  from  vacant  corregimi- 
entos  there  were  the  quitas,  or  four  months'  pay  out  of 
every  sixteen  served,  much  of  which  was  taken  from 
those  who  rendered  service,  to  give  to  others  who  did 
nothing.  The  fund  was  thus  exhausted,  and  the  really 
needy  got  no  relief  The  king's  orders  on  the  dis- 
tribution of  moneys  appropriated  by  him  were  not 
faithfully  obeyed,  and  hence  the  numerous  complaints. 
Only  the  old  conquerors  and  their  sons  received  money 
on  the  treasury  drafts. 

Valderrama  sought  to  correct  these  abuses,  and 
wrote  the  king,  February  24,  1564,  of  the  treasury 
officials  having  notified  him  that  the  first  outgoing 
fleet  would  convey  to  Spain  but  a  small  sum  of  money, 
and  they  would  have  certainly  carried  out  their 
original  intention  but  for  his  timely  arrival;  in  conse- 
quence of  which,  it  would  take  away  a  larger  amount 
than  ever  before,  namely,  not  less  than  40,000  marks 
of  silver.      Nor  did  the  visitador  in  his  reports  con- 

i^Of  course  he  gave  plausible  reasons,  to  wit:  the  viceroy  had  so  much  to 
attend  to  in  governmental,  judicial,  and  other  afifairs,  that  he  could  not  bestow 
the  proper  care  on  the  finances.  Cortes^  Cartas,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  iv.  452,  461-2. 

Detecting  in  one  of  his  towns  a  deficit  of  about  8,000  pesos  a  year,  he 
inquired  into  the  matter,  and  learned  that  400  or  500  pesos  had  gone  to  the 
friars,  and  the  remainder  had  been  consumed  in  drinking  by  chiefs,  alcaldes, 
and  regidores.  Id.,  441-2.  The  veedor,  Santander,  had  in  1557  reported 
that  the  revenue  was  defrauded  to  the  amount  of  1,000,000  pesos,  and  that 
another  million  went  abroad,  carried  away  by  foreigners.  Santander,  Carta^ 
in  Col.  Doc.  hied.,  xxvi.  343. 

In  this  connection  he  urged  the  prompt  remittance  of  quicksilver,  which 
was  much  needed  to  keep  the  mines  productive;  then  money  would  circulate. 


DEATH  OF  VELASCO. 


589 


fine  himself  to  financial  matters ;  he  suggested  a  rad- 
ical change  in  the  tenure  of  office.  He  disliked  that 
public  officers  should  take  root  in  New  Spain,  as  if 
they  expected  to  pass  here  the  rest  of  their  lives.  He 
preferred  that  the  meritorious  should  have  their  re- 
wards elsewhere;  those  who  had  been  neglectful  or 
criminal  should  be  punished.  The  corregimientos  had 
been  often  improperly  bestowed,  and  the  old  settlers 
thereby  much  offended. The  accounting  by  viceroys 
and  oidores  he  recommended  to  be  at  short  periods, 
and  not  as  heretofore  in  many  instances  at  intervals 
of  sixteen  or  twenty  years.  They  should  certainly  be 
held  to  account  before  they  died.  He  also  rejected 
to  the  presidency  of  the  audiencia  being  vested  in  the 
viceroy,  instead  of  in  a  jurist.  The  oidores,  he  said, 
usually  voted  as  the  viceroy  desired. 

Yelasco  was  much  annoyed  at  this  meddling  of 
Yalderrama,  as  he  termed  it,  with  viceregal  affairs, 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  dissensions^*  which  followed, 
he  threatened  to  throw  up  the  office ;  but  Yalderrama 
dissuaded  him,  saying  that  he  was  simply  doing  his 
duty.^^  Death,  that  great  comforter  and  final  rest, 
soon  came  to  the  viceroy's  relief  He  had  been  ill  for 
some  time,  when  a  diseased  bladder  suddenly  termi- 
nated his  career  the  31st  of  July,  1564. 

The  funeral  was  conducted  with  a  pomp  such  as 

tributes  would  be  collected,  and  the  treasury  benefited  accordingly.  Valdei-- 
rama,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  366-7. 

It  had  been  provided  by  royal  order  of  September  4,  1560,  that  no  cor- 
regidor  appointed  by  the  audiencia  for  two  years  should  have  another  term 
without  having  first  been  subjected  to  a  residencia  and  come  out  of  it  with  a 
clear  record.  Puga,  Cedulario,  210, 

^'^  *  Da  a  parientes,  amigos  y  criados  de  Oidores,  y  ansl  todos  le  han 
menester.  Y  es  cosa  recia  votar  un  Gidor  contra  lo  que  el  Virey  quierey 
dice.'  Valderrama,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Cot  Doc,  iv.  357-9,  364.  The 
appointment  of  a  jurist  to  preside  over  the  court  became  the  practice  some 
years  later. 

On  announcing  to  the  crown  the  visitador's  arrival  he  spoke  of  him  as  a 
'persona  de  tanta  calidad,  letras,  y  concencia.'  Carta,  in  Cartas  de  Indias, 
276. 

25  rpj^g  jj^g^jj  ^j^g  pQQj,  g^j^^  overburdened  with  debt.  A  letter  from  him 
in  his  son's  handwriting,  of  August  1,  1562,  to  the  king's  secretary,  Francisco 
de  Eraso,  shows  how  depressed  he  was:  *  estoy  viejo  y  pobre,  y  con  poca  salud, 
y  quan  olvidado  me  tiene  S.  M.  para  no  me  hazer  mer9ed  ni  a  mis  hijos,  y  que 
la  muerte  esta  cerca.*  In  Id.,  275. 


590 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


had  never  before  been  seen  in  Mexico.  The  remains 
left  the  vicergal  residence  escorted  by  ah  the  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  corporations,  directed  respectively  by 
the  audiencia  visitador,  archiepiscopal  and  municipal 
authorities,  and  were  carried  to  the  Dominican  con- 
vent on  the  shoulders  of  four  of  the  bishops  who  had 
come  to  attend  the  ecclesiastical  synod.  The  troops 
organized  for  the  Philippines  expedition  formed  part 
of  the  funeral  cortege.  All  classes  of  the  population 
spontaneously  manifested  their  love  by  following  the 
remains  to  their  last  resting-place.  Mourning  was 
both  officially  and  publicly  observed  for  a  month. 

His  death  fell  as  a  bereavement  upon  the  commu- 
nity. However  Martin  Cortes  might  scowl,  or  Val- 
derrama  write  to  the  king,  the  verdict  of  the  people 
was  **E1  prudentisimo,  tutor,  padre  de  la  patria,"  and 
Liberatador  de  los  indios."  He  had  been  indeed  a 
father  to  the  oppressed,  a  man  conscientious  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duties.  He  was  never  rich,  partly 
because  he  did  not  pilfer  from  the  king's  chest, 
and  partly  because  of  improvident  and  extravagant 
habits.  He  had  a  fondness  for  entertaining;  he  was 
a  fine  rider,  and  liked  to  display  his  horsemanship, 
which  often  led  him  into  undue  expense ;  but  all  this 
only  added  to  his  popularity  among  those  having 
similar  tastes. 

It  was  conceded  by  all  that  Valderrama  had  con- 
demned Velasco  too  severely,  and  had  praised  himself 

2^  Some  years  later  his  son  Luis  became  viceroy,  and  the  new  church  of 
the  Dominicans  being  finished,  he  had  his  father's  bones  transferred  to  a 
beautiful  sepulchre  built  expressly  to  receive  them.  Lorenzana,  in  Hist.  N. 
Esp.,  14,  15;  Torquemada,  i.  626-7;  Cauo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  175;  Beaumont, 
Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  142-3,  558-9. 

Peralta  speaks  glowingly  of  him,  and  of  the  enthusiasm  he  awakened 
whenever  he  took  part  in  the  games:  'Eramuylindo  hombre  de  caballo. 
Yo  conos9i  caballerous  andar,  quando  sabian  que  el  virrey  abia  de  jugar  las 
canas,  echando  mil  ter9eros  para  que  los  metiesen  en  el  regozijo;  y  el  que 
entraba,  le  pare9ia  tener  un  abito  en  los  pechos  segun  quedaba  onrrado. '  It 
had  been  remarked  that  were  Velasco  to  take  away  all  the  towns  and  enco- 
miendas,  he  could  still  make  the  proprietors  forget  their  loss  by  causing  his 
horse  to  sound  a  breast-strap  of  bells  in  the  street,  so  great  was  the  craze  for 
this  species  of  amusement.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  pp.  xiii.-xiv.  175-6.  See,  also, 
Torquemada^  i.  f.3-4;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  33-4. 


FOUNDING  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY, 


591 


too  liiglily  in  speaking  of  the  royal  revenue  and  other 
matters.  In  letters  to  the  crown  from  the  ayunta- 
miento,  the  chapter  of  the  archdiocese,  and  the  pro- 
vincial and  council  of  the  Franciscans,  full  justice  is 
done  to  the  memory  of  Velasco.^^  He  had  undoubtedly 
promoted  the  public  v/elfare,  and  fulfilled  his  duty  to 
the  king  by  carrying  out  the  policy  of  Viceroy  Men- 
doza. 

One  of  the  viceroy's  first  acts  on  assuming  office  had 
been  to  summon  the  teachers  of  schools  and  colleges, 
and  to  urge  upon  them  the  education  of  the  young, 
not  only  in  letters,  but  in  morals,  meanwhile  assuring 
them  of  his  protection.  Shortly  after,  under  royal 
orders,  were  established  and  endowed  in  the  city  of 
Mexico  one  school  for  poor  girls  and  another  for  poor 
boys;  and  the  authorities  were  enjoined  to  watch  over 
and  foster  them.  And  still  later  the  site  on  which  had 
stood  the  house  of  Alonso  de  Avila  was  given  them. 
Likewise  the  higher  branches  of  education  no  less 
than  Christianity  and  material  improvement  had  been 
thought  of  by  the  king.  In  fact,  we  know  from 
Herrera,  that  a  dozen  years  previously  the  court  had  v 
adopted  measures  tow^ard  that  end,  which  for  some 
reason  had  not  been  carried  out.  Now  all  former  re- 
solves culminated  pursuant  to  three  royal  orders  of 
September  21,  1551,  in  the  founding  of  a  university 
in  the  city  of  Mexico,  together  with  the  appointment 
of  professors  and  the  appropriation  of  funds  for  its 
support,  namely,  one  thousand  pesos  de  oro  annually. 

No  time  was  lost  in  carrying  out  the  project,  and 
the  institution  was  inaugurated  with  great  eclat  Jan- 
uary 25,  1553,  its  professors  being  at  the  same  time 

2^  This  last  memorial,  dated  August  28,  1566,  tells  the  king  he  would  soon 
miss  the  wise  rule  of  Velasco  in  New  Spain.  His  son  was  strongly  brought 
forward  for  preferment.  Torquemada,  i.  627-8;  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  380-1; 
Franciscanos,  Abandono,  in  Prov.  del  S.  Evang.,  MS.,  No.  12,  172;  Beaumont^ 
Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  558. 

■■^^  Philip  II.  confirmed  it  Oct,  4,  1570,  and  decreed  an  increase  of  3,000 
pesos  June  25,  1597.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bolcfin,  iv.  207.  The  foundation  of  a 
university  had  been  decreed  by  the  king  as  early  as  1539.  Herrera,  dec.  vi. 
lib.  vii.  cap.  vi. 


592 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


formally  installed.^''  The  institution  being  under  royal 
patronage  used  the  arms  of  the  crown  of  Castile,  and, 
in  fact,  enjoyed  the  same  privileges  and  preeminence 
as  the  famous  university  of  Salamanca. 

A  calamity  that  befell  the  city  of  Mexico  in  1553 
was  the  occasion  of  the  display  of  interest,  ability, 
and  energy  so  common  with  Yelasco.  A  long  drought 
followed  by  heavy  rains  lasting  twenty-four  hours 
resulted  in  a  flood,  attended  with  great  damage  to 
property.  It  was  the  first  inundation  since  the  Span- 
ish conquest.  The  Spaniards  became  greatly  alarmed, 
but  the  Indians,  who  were  well  informed  regarding 
several  previous  floods,  took  the  matter  coolly. The 

2"  The  site  fixed  upon  was  the  houses  of  Catalina  de  Monte  jo.  Grijalua,  Cron. 
8.  August.  80-1.  In  1584  the  rector,  Doctor  Sanchez  de  Paredes,  an  oidor, 
being  authorized  to  select  a  suitable  building  for  che  university,  chose  the 
property  of  the  marques  del  Valle  in  the  plazuela  del  Volador,  and  seized  it 
at  the  price  fixed  by  appraisers.  Notwithstanding  much  opposition  on  the 
part  of  the  owner's  attorney,  Guillen  Peraza  de  Ayala,  a  building  was  erected 
upon  the  ground,  and  the  university  brought  to  it.  The  suit  was  continued 
and  decisions  issued  from  the  supreme  government  in  favor  of  the  marquis; 
but  the  viceroy,  Villamanrique,  for  divers  reasons,  ordered  the  construction 
to  go  on,  and  the  university  to  hold  possession.  However,  on  the  9th  of 
July,  1589,  the  edifice  fell  to  the  ground.  The  rector,  Dr  Sancho  Sanchez  de 
Munon,  then  applied  to  the  audiencia  for  a  new  building,  and  the  house  of 
the  marques  del  Valle,  on  Empedradillo  street,  was  taken  at  the  valuation  of 
9,000  pesos.  In  the  course  of  time  a  second  story  was  added,  the  sala  del 
general  was  adorned  in  the  reign  of  Carlos  II. ,  and  nearly  the  whole  edifice 
renovated  in  that  of  Carlos  III.  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  216-20,  261. 

The  rector  or  president  had  judicial  authority  over  the  doctors  and  alumni 
in  light  offences,  and  in  all  matters  strictly  within  its  province.  The  alumni 
were  exempt  from  personal  service,  and  had  the  privileges  of  the  nobility. 
The  title  of  Pontificia  was  conferred  some  years  later  by  the  pope.  At  the 
time  of  ics  foundation  the  university,  had  seven  endowed  chairs,  the  appoint- 
ments to  which  were  made  by  the  viceroy.  The  classes  were  of  grammar, 
Latin  and  Greek,  philosophy,  rhetoric,  theology,  and  law  in  all  its  branches, 
mathematics,  astronomy,  physic  and  medicine;  the  Otoml  and  Mexican  lan- 
guages were  also  taught.  The  first  rector  or  president  was  the  oidor  Dr 
Antonio  Rodriguez  de  Quesada.  The  chairs  of  civil  law  and  Greek  were 
placed  in  charge  of  Dr  Frias;  the  others  had  the  following  teachers:  holy 
scriptures,  the  Austin  friar,  Alonso  de  la  Veracruz;  theology,  the  Dominican, 
Fr  Pedro  Pena;  mathematics,  Juan  Negrete;  canon  law,  Doctor  Marrones; 
grammar,  Juan  Bustamante.  The  other  branches  were  also  committed  to 
competent  men.  It  is  said  there  was  also  a  chair  of  Mexican  antiquities. 
During  the  remainder  of  this  century  several  laws  were  enacted  afi'ecting  the 
university  and  its  professors  and  ofiicers.  Jiecop.  de  Indias,  191-5,  201,  204; 
Puga,  Cedulark),  137-8;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  UlL,  vi.  106-12;  Gonzalez  Ddvila, 
Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  32-3;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  51-2;  6rdenes  de  la  Corona,  MS., 
ii.  109;  Vetancvrt,  Trot.  Mex.,  passim;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  61-3;  Alegre, 
Hist.  Cowp.  Jesus,  i.  194-5;  Salazar,  M6x.  en  1554,  1-17;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos, 
159-61. 

Three  are  recorded:  one  in  1419,  during  the  reign  of  the  first  Monte- 


THE  TREASURE  FLEET. 


593 


city  was  under  water  three  days,  according  to  some 
authorities,  and  four,  according  to  others.  Canoes 
were  used  for  transit.  As  soon  as  the  waters  receded 
the  viceroy  bestirred  himself  to  prevent,  if  possible, 
the  recurrence  of  such  a  calamity,  and  with  this  view 
he  resolved  to  surround  the  city  with  a  dike.  The 
caciques  of  the  cities  and  towns  of  the  valley  were 
summoned  to  bring  their  vassals  and  go  to  work. 
All  came  cheerfully  and  promptly  forward.  To  avoid 
confusion  they  were  divided  into  squads,  and  placed 
in  charge  of  skilful  foremen.  To  give  prestige  and 
excite  enthusiasm  during  the  first  day,  the  viceroy 
worked  like  another  man,  spade  in  hand;  afterward 
he  superintended  the  operations,  though  often  seen 
with  a  mason's  tools  in  his  hands.  He  frequently 
visited  the  field  to  praise  those  who  worked  with 
alacrity,  and  to  inspire  with  greater  activity  the  lag- 
gard. The  work  was  finished  in  a  few  days,^^  and 
made  more  secure  by  changing  the  bed  of  a  small 
river  whose  current  was  doing  injury. 

Early  in  April  1553  the  treasure  fleet  sailed  from 
Vera  Cruz  for  Spain.  When  in  the  Bahama  channel 
the  ships  were  thrown  out  of  their  course  by  the  cur- 
rents and  finally  experienced  heavy  gales  which  drove 
and  stranded  most  of  them  upon  the  Florida  reefs. 
Out  of  one  thousand  persons,  among  them  many  of 
high  position,^*  only  three  hundred  reached  the  shore. 

zuma;  the  second  in  1500,  in  the  reign  of  Ahuitzotl;  and  the  third  in  1509, 
Montezuma  II.  then  ruling  the  Aztec  empire.  For  full  particulars  on  these 
inundations  and  the  measures  that  were  adopted,  see  Native  Races,  v.,  this 
series,  412-13,  453-4,  468;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  435;  Inundaciones,  in 
Col.  de  Diarios,  Not.  y  Var.  Pap.,  MS.,  356, 

33  Torquemada,  i.  618-19;  Cepeda,  ReL,  4-6;  Panes,  Vireyes,  in  Monum. 
Demi.  Esp.,  MS.,  82. 

3*  One  was  the  general  of  the  fleet;  another,  the  handsome  and  rich  Dona 
Catalina  Ponce  de  Leon,  who  was  on  her  way  to  Spain,  as  some  say,  under 
sentence  of  banishment;  according  to  others,  to  clear  herself  of  an  accusation 
by  a  negro,  the  sole  witness,  of  having  aided  Bernardino  Bocanegra  to  murder 
her  husband.  There  is  some  discrepancy  in  the  accounts  of  various  authors 
about  the  loss  of  the  fleet  and  other  particulars.  One  says  that  three  of  the 
larger  and  a  few  of  the  smaller  vessels  escaped  shipwreck,  mentioning  only 
two  friars,  Mendez  and  Cruz,  as  among  the  passengers,  and  asserting  in 
general  terms  that  every  person  who  got  on  shore  afterward  was  massacred. 
This  version  of  the  total  destruction  of  life  seems  to  be  the  generally  accepted 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  38 


394  VICEROY  VELASOO'S  RULE. 

And  these  may  as  well  have  saved  themselves  the 
trouble,  for  after  a  few  days  the  natives  appeared, 
behaving  friendly  at  first,  but  soon  beginning  to  kill 
and  rob.  Believing  Pd^nuco  to  be  distant  only  three 
days'  journey,  the  survivors  started  thither,  but  they 
were  mostly  massacred  or  perished  on  the  way.^^ 

The  disaster  drew  the  attention  of  the  Spanish 
monarch  to  these  natives  who  had  hitherto  main- 
tained their  independence.  He  now  resolved  upon 
their  subjugation,  and  gave  orders  to  Velasco  to 
despatch  a  force  for  that  purpose.  Though  disapprov- 
ing of  the  measure,  Yelasco  dared  not  disobey.  He 
accordingly  ordered  levies ;  but  this  was  almost  an 
unnecessary  measure,  as  there  were  at  the  time  in 
Mexico  many  who  imagined  Florida  another  Potosi. 
Large  numbers  tendered  their  services.  Two  thou- 
sand were  enrolled  and  thoroughly  drilled  by  the  end 
of  1558.  One  thousand  Indian  archers  were  also  ac- 
cepted. 

The  Spanish  force  was  formed  into  six  squadrons 
of  cavalry,  and  six  companies  of  infantry.  Tristan 
de  Luna  y  Arellano,^^  also  called  Acuna,  was  given 
the  appointment  of  governor  of  Florida  and  the  chief 
command  of  the  expedition,  to  which  were  also  at- 
tached eight  Spaniards  who  had  traversed  Florida 
and  acquired  the  languages.  Accompanying  the  force 
were  a  number  of  Floridan  women  who  had  been  some 
time  in  Mexico,  and  who  now  returned  to  inform  their 
countrymen  of  the  good  treatment  they  had  received. 
Dominican  and  Franciscan  friars  went  as  chaplains. 
Velasco  accompanied  the  army  to  Vera  Cruz,  where 
he  harangued  the  troops,  and  directed  that  mild 

one.  Torquemada,  i.  620.  A  second  states  that  the  'Navio  del  Corzo  do 
Se villa,  que  partia  con  N.  P.  S,  Francisco  de  las  ganancias,'  and  two  other 
vessels  escaped  shipwreck.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  8. 

^'^One  small  craft  returned  to  Vera  Cruz  with  the  sad  news;  the  friar 
Marcos  de  Mena,  who  had  been  left  for  dead  by  the  Indians,  recovered,  and 
reached  Tampico  and  Mexico.  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.,  272-90;  Cavo, 
Tras  Sirjlos,  i.  161-2. 

^'^  Had  been  a  captain  under  Vasquez  de  Coronado  in  the  expedition  to  the 
valley  of  los  Corazones  in  Sonora.  Beaumont,  Cr6n,  Mich.,  v.  491. 


IMPORTANT  MINES, 


595 


means  should  be  used  before  resorting  to  violence. 
After  seeing  the  expedition  embarked  on  thirteen 
ships  in  June  1559,  he  returned  to  Mexico.  Arrived 
at  Santa  Elena,  they  suffered  from  heavy  weather  at 
the  anchorage;  and,  on  landing,  the  natives  harassed 
them  so  that  they  had  to  send  to  Mexico  for  help. 
Some  companies  came,  one  under  Captain  Biedna, 
and  another  undel*  Angel  Villafane,  whom  the  viceroy 
appointed  as  Luna's  successor.  But  it  all  proved 
of  no  avail.  It  was  impossible  for  these  Spanish 
soldiers,  already  becoming  effeminate  from  long  inac- 
tivity, to  maintain  any  hold  on  the  country,  and  much 
less  to  accomplish  its  subjugation  in  the  face  of  the 
powerful  warlike  tribes  that  had  banded  to  defend 
themselves.  The  undertaking  was  consequently  aban- 
doned, and  the  few  who  had  escaped  destruction  were 
conveyed  to  Habana  and  thence  restored  to  Mexico. 

Nor  did  Velasco  confine  his  attention  within  the 
former  limits  of  New  Spain.  His  term  of  office  was 
marked  by  conquest  and  the  opening  of  rich  mines 
as  well  as  by  progress  in  agriculture,  arts,  and  manu- 
factures. Pursuing  the  policy  of  his  sovereign,  he 
encouraged  and  fitted  out  expeditions  for  the  subju- 
gation of  the  vast  countries  then  bearing  the  name 
of  the  Gran  Chichimeca,  and  a  little  later  of  the 
territory  called  at  that  time  Copala.  His  first  meas- 
ures secured  the  further  pacification  of  Queretaro, 
Zacatecas,  and  Guanajuato,  and  were  followed  by  the 
subjection  of  the  whole  north-western  region. 

An  account  has  been  already  given  of  the  towns  of 
San  Felipe  and  San  Miguel,  These  garrisoned  places 
proved  very  useful  for  the  protection  of  travellers, 
and  led  to  the  discovery  of  rich  mines  and  the  founda- 

3^  A  letter  of  Velasco  to  the  king,  of  March  1559,  speaks  of  500  men— 250 
horsemen  and  250  foot — as  accompanying  Luna  to  his  government.  All  other 
authorities  who  mention  numbers  are  agreed  upon  those  given  in  the  text. 
Velasco,  Carta,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  272;  Velasco,  Relacion,  in  Florida,  Col. 
Doc,  i.  10-13;  Id.,  in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  136-40;  Valder- 
rama.  Cartas,  in  Id.,  iv.  363;  Torquemada,  i.  620-1;  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex., 
9;  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  15;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.^ 
177-8,  189-229;  Panes,  Vireyes,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  82. 


596 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


tion  of  other  Spanish  settlements.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  Spaniards  became  acquainted  with  the  wealth 
of  this  part  of  the  country  soon  after  its  discovery. 
The  city  of  Santa  Fe  de  Guanajuato,  the  veritable 
Villa  Kica  of  Mexico,  had  its  birth  in  1554,  and  in  or 
about  1558  the  Veta  Madre  was  founded. In  the 
lapse  of  time  that  town  proved  to  be  the  centre  of  the 
marvellous  deposits  on  the  porphyritic  range  of  the 
sierra  de  Santa  Rosa,  perhaps  the  richest  group  of 
silver  mines  up  to  that  time  discovered,  and  Guana- 
juato itself  became  the  most  singularly  situated  of  all 
cities.  If  the  spirit  of  charity  revealed  the  mines  of 
Espiritu  Santo,  it  might  well  seem  as  if  the  genius 
of  evil  had  chosen  this  labyrinth  of  mountain  ravines 
as  its  seat.  From  the  extraordinary  shapes  assumed 
by  the  gigantic  masses  of  porphyry  in  form  of  ruined 
fortresses,  one  might  easily  imagine  this  the  battle- 
ground of  impalpable  intelligences,  as  though  the 
secret  had  been  wrung  from  nature  at  a  fearful  cost.^^ 
In  any  event,  they  proved  the  most  important  of  any 
found  during  this  first  period  of  discovery  of  mines, 
and  of  immense  wealth,  yielding  large  revenues  to 
the  crown. 

The  prior  discovery  of  the  mines  of  San  Liicas, 
Avino,  Sombrerete,  Ranches,  Chalchihuites,  Nieves, 
and  others  should  be  awarded  to  Francisco  de  Ibarra, 
a  nephew  of  Diego  de  Ibarra,  son-in-law  to  Viceroy 
Velasco,  who,  starting  in  1554  from  the  mines  of  Zaca- 
tecas  with  a  company  of  soldiers,  all  at  his  own  cost, 

Records  of  exact  dates  are  very  meagre  and  conflicting  in  this  and  the 
following  decade.  The  founding  has  been  placed  even  as  early  as  1545  and 
1548.  It  is  said  that  some  muleteers  discovered  the  mine  of  San  Bernabe 
on  the  Cubilete  hill  in  1548,  and  the  place  was  called  Real  de  Minas,  and 
later  Santa  Fe,  but  retained  the  Indian  appellation  of  Guanajuato.  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  ix,  92-3.  The  growth  was  slow.  Its  title  of  a  villa  was 
not  confirmed  till  1679.  Medina,  Chr6n^  San  Diego,  258.  The  first  shafts  were 
sunk  in  that  lode  in  April  1558,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  worked  to 
advantage  till  1760.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.^  ii.  499;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  164; 
Geigers  Peep  at  Mex.,  201-2. 

Humboldt  estimated,  in  1820,  that  the  Veta  Madre  of  Guanajuato  had 
yielded  more  than  a  fourth  part  of  the  silver  ot  Mexico,  and  a  sixth  part  of 
the  produce  of  all  America.  The  production  in  later  years  has  been  some- 
thing truly  wonderful.  As  they  have  sunk  deeper  the  lode  of  ore  has  become 
richer. 


PACIFICATION  OF  COPALA. 


597 


quieted  the  natives,  making  it  safe  for  settlers/^  Buo 
in  1558  the  audiencia  of  Nueva  GaUcia  despatched  the 
alcalde  mayor,  Martin  Perez,  at  the  head  of  an  armed 
expedition  to  the  same  region,  who  took  formal  pos- 
session of  it ;  hence  the  claim  that  he  discovered  the 
mines  of  Fresnillo,  San  Martin,  Sombrerete,  and 
Nieves.  Diego  Garcia  Colio,  or  Celio,  was  subse- 
quently made  alcalde  mayor  of  the  new  settlements. 

According  to  Beaumont  the  mines  of  San  Martin 
were  discovered  toward  the  end  of  1558,  and  so 
named  because  found  on  the  day  of  that  saint.  The 
discoveries  brought  many  laborers  of  various  races 
and  colors ;  on  their  way  they  came  upon  El  Fresnillo, 
but  hastened  forward.  So  many  Spaniards  about 
that  time  were  rushing  to  the  mines  that  soon  were 
found  the  deposits  of  Chalchihuites,  Sombrerete,  Sa- 
bino,  Santiago,  and  Nieves,  over  which  the  alcalde 
mayor  of  Zacatecas  assumed  authority.^^  But  if  the 
claim  of  Ibarra  is  disputed  in  some  instances  it  is  cer- 
tain that  he  was  the  first  discoverer  of  many  of  those 
mines  whose  rich  deposits  so  quickly  depopulated  not 
only  the  city  of  Compostela,  but  the  mining  district 
of  Zecatecas.  To  maintain  continuous  possession  of 
the  mines  was,  however,  a  difficult  matter,  owing  to 
the  frequent  attacks  of  hostile  bands  from  the  Mixton 
and  Zacatecas  mountains.  The  settlements  to  the 
east  and  south  of  Zacatecas  seem  to  have  fared  better, 
protected  as  they  were  by  the  haciendas  in  that  vi- 
cinity, which  soon  became  thickly  populated. 

As  it  was  impossible  for  the  foreign  inhabitants  of 
New  Galicia  to  hold  in  subjugation  all  its  new  terri- 
tories, Yelasco  resolved  in  1558  to  take  the  matter 
into  his  own  hands.    First  he  thought  of  sending  an 

He  claimed  it  in  a  representation  to  the  king,  asserting  that  no  Span 
iard  had  set  foot  in  those  regions  till  he  went  there.  Iharra,  ReL,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  463;  Datos  Biog.,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  779.  The 
honor  of  being  the  first  settler  of  Sombrerete,  San  Martin,  and  surrounding 
country  has  been  awarded,  however,  to  Juan  de  Tolosa,  one  of  the  conquer- 
ors and  founders  of  Zacatecas,  aided  by  Cristobal  de  Oiiate,  captain-general 
of  Nueva  Galicia,  and  settler  of  Zacatecas. 

Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  481-2. 


593 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


expedition  under  Ibarra,  from  the  mines  of  Zacatecas 
to  pacify  Copala/^ 

This  was  a  favorite  project  of  the  king's,  but  Florida 
affairs  prevented  it  for  a  time.  Meanwhile  the  viceroy 
concluded  to  send  three  Franciscan  f  iars  to  the  mines 
of  San  Martin,  which  were  between  those  of  Zacatecas 
and  the  province  to  be  brought  under  rule.  The  fri- 
ars were  to  engage  in  missionary  work,  ascertain  all 
they  could  about  the  coveted  province,  and  prepare 
the  field;  his  intention  being  to  despatch  thither  a 
small  expedition,  at  little  expense  to  the  crown,  to 
occupy  the  country  and  make  Spanish  settlements. 
It  was  expected  to  find  valuable  mines  in  that  region. 
When  the  time  arrived  for  military  operations,  the 
Franciscans  had  made  considerable  progress  in  their 
labors.  Francisco  de  Ibarra  was  then  commissioned  as 
the  governor,  captain-general  of  the  so-called  province 
of  Copala,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Reino  de  la 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  which  embraced  the  country  lying 
to  the  east  and  north  of  existing  settlements,  though 
he  did  not  confine  himself  to  that  region.  His  eflforts 
proved  successful,  as  he  established  friendly  relations 
with  the  several  native  nations,  seldom  having  to 
resort  to  force.  He  founded  the  villas  of  Nombre  de 
Dios,  Durango,  San  Juan  de  Sinaloa,  and  others,  and 
discovered  many  mines  and  agricultural  tracts  on 
which  he  established  permanent  settlements  of  Span- 
iards, a  full  account  of  which  is  found  in  my  History 
of  the  North  Mexican  States.  In  his  famous  expedi- 
tions he  visited  Durango,  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  Chi- 
huahua; and  on  his  return,  availing  himself  of  the 
powers  granted  him  to  bring  into  his  government  all 
towns  that  were  not  provided  with  a  church  and  mis- 
sionary, he  despoiled  many  encoriienderos,  and  seized 
their  holdings.  The  terrible  hardships  Ibarra  was 
called  on  to  endure  brought  on  consumption,  to  which 

The  departure  of  the  expedition  was  suspended  by  a  viceregal  order  in 
September  of  the  same  year,  as  a  more  pressing  one  had  to  be  fitted  out  for 
Santa  Elena  in  Florida.  This  explains  the  change  of  plan  above  stated. 
VelasQo,  Carta  al  i?ev/,  in  S<j[ukrs  MSS.,  x.  4,  5. 


THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


599 


he  succumbed  some  time  after  1570,  though  the  date 
and  place  of  his  death  do  not  appear  in  the  records. 
His  remains  found  their  last  resting-place  in  the  city 
of  Durango.  From  all  accounts  his  services  were 
never  rewarded ;  his  estate  dwindled  away,  and  after 
his  death  hardly  yielded  enough  to  pay  off  the  large 
debts  he  had  contracted  in  fitting  out  and  supporting 
his  great  enterprises. 

The  Philippine  Islands  had  now  been  in  the  hands 
of  the  Spaniards  for  more  than  ten  years.  Acting 
on  the  glowing  accounts  of  Andres  de  Urbaneta,  a 
soldier  and  a  famous  navigator  and  cosmographer, 
who  had  been  with  Garcia  de  Loaisa,  and  of  his  com- 
panions, Garcia  de  Escalante  and  Guido  de  Labazares, 
who  had  visited  those  parts,  the  Spanish  sovereign 
directed  Yelasco  to  fit  out  an  expedition  for  the 
Philippines,  with  the  view  of  making  settlements 
there,  to  which  were  to  be  sent  as  many  colonists  as 
could  be  procured. In  1563  the  expedition  was 
ready  to  depart  the  following  year.^*  After  consulta- 
tion with  Urdaneta,  the  command  was  given  to 
Miguel  Gomez  de  Legazpi,  a  resident  of  Mexico,  who 
made  Mateo  de  Sauz  his  maestro  de  campo,  and  the 
young  Basque  Juan  de  Lezcano,  his  secretary.  Guido 
de  Labazares  was  appointed  the  king's  factor.  The 
missionary  part  of  the  adventure  was  placed  in  charge 
of  the  Austin  order,  and  six  fathers  were  chosen. 

The  captain  was  now  Friar  Andres  de  Urdaneta.  Viceroy  Mendoza  had 
tendered  him  the  command  of  Alvarado's  fleet,  but  he  declined  it,  and  soon 
afterward,  tiring  of  the  world,  joined  the  Austin  order  in  Mexico;  and  yet  he 
went  to  the  Philippines  as  a  missionary  with  much  alacrity.  Grijalua,  Cr6n. 
S.  August,  109-12. 

There  has  been  some  discrepancy  as  to  the  strength  of  the  military  force, 
which  is  stated  by  one  at  600  men,  by  another  at  700,  by  a  third  at  450,  and 
by  a  fourth  at  400.  The  crews  are  also  given  at  various  figures.  Cavo,  Tres 
Siglos,  i.  176;  Grijalua,  Crdn.  S.  August.,  109-20;  Burney's  Hist.  Discov. 
South  Sea,  i.  250,  272.  *La  grita  era  que  yban  a  la  China. .  .y  que  alli  abian 
de  enrrique9er,  y  asi  se  hizo  muy  buena  armada.'  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  185-7, 
346. 

Fathers  Urdaneta,  Martin  de  Rada,  Diego  de  Herrera,  Andres  de 
Aguirre,  Lorenzo  Jimenez,  and  Pedro  de  Gamboa.  Jimenez  died  before  the 
embarkation.  Lezcano,  the  secretary,  in  later  years  became  a  Franciscan  in 
Mexico,  and  rose  to  the  head  of  the  order  in  his  province.  Torciuemada,  i. 
621;  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  133-4. 


600 


VICEROY  VELASCO'S  RULE. 


The  fleet  consisted  of  four  ships,  and  lay  at  Navi- 
dad,  in  Cohma,  ready  for  sea,  when  the  viceroy  fell 
ill,  which  caused  further  delay.  Finally  on  the  21st 
of  November,  1564,  the  squadron  sailed,  and  after  a 
prosperous  voyage  reached  Luzon,  where  Legazpi 
founded  the  city  of  Manila,  which  in  after  years  be- 
came one  of  the  great  emporiums  of  the  east.^^  The 
audiencia's  orders  required  that  as  soon  as  a  settle- 
ment was  effected  the  commander  should  try  to  dis- 
cover a  practicable  route  back  to  America.  Where- 
fore the  flag-ship  San  Pedro,  Captain  Salcedo,  sailed 
from  Zebu,  June  1,  1565,  having  on  board  fathers 
Urdaneta  and  Aguirre.  After  going  eastward  to  the 
Ladrones  the  course  was  north  to  Japan,  and  still 
northward  to  latitude  38°,  whence  the  prevailing- 
winds  bore  her  across  to  New  Spain.  The  voyage 
was  a  long  and  severe  one.  She  had  started  short  of 
men;  the  master  and  pilot  died  early  in  the  voyage, 
and  fourteen  others  before  it  ended.  Urdaneta  and 
his  companion  had  to  sail  the  ship,  to  look  after  the 
sick,  and  to  prepare  a  chart.  On  their  arrival  at 
Acapulco  they  had  not  men  enough  to  cast  anchor. 

Captain  Alonso  de  Arellano  with  the  San  Lucas  had 
deserted,  and  sailed  from  the  Philippines  to  the  lati- 
tude of  Cape  Mendocino,  arriving  at  Acapulco  three 
months  before  Urdaneta.  The  two  men  met  at  court 
in  Spain.  Arellano  had  reported  the  rest  of  the  fleet 
as  lost,  and  was  claiming  the  reward  offered  for  the 
shortest  route ;  but  instead  of  receiving  it  he  was  sent 
back  to  Mexico  to  be  subjected  to  a  court-martial 
for  his  desertion.  Urdaneta's  chart  was  used  by  the 
Manila  galleons  for  many  years.  The  route  was  tedi- 
ous in  one  part  and  cold  in  another,  but  without  great 

According  to  Visitador  Valderrama  300,000  pesos  were  expended  in 
Mexico  on  the  Philippines  expeditions  during  the  last  six  years,  besides  the 
expenditure  at  Seville  for  arms.  Writing  before  the  sailing,  in  1564,  he 
thought  if  it  were  not  to  cost  above  100,000  pesos  more  it  would  be  well.  He 
strongly  objected  to  the  selection  for  maestre  de  campo  of  Sailz  or  Saz,  whom 
he  called  a  pardoned  traitor.  Cartas,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  iv. 
363.  'Fue  muy  costosa.'  Mendoza,  Hist.  China,  132-3.  See,  also,  Medina^ 
Chrdn.  S.  Die<jo,  Mex.,  8-10;  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  9;  Mofras,  Exphr.,  i.  97. 


THE  MANILA  GALEONS. 


601 


difficulty  or  danger  save  from  scurvy,  scanty  stores, 
and  a  little  later,  from  corsairs.  Each  year  after  this 
the  rich  products  of  the  east  were  received  in  Mexico 
in  one  or  more  ships,  but  there  is  no  record  extant,*^ 
for  the  government  loved  to  shroud  her  commerce  in 
mystery,  which  course  was,  indeed,  to  some  extent 
justified,  as  subsequent  events  made  apparent.  Expe- 
ditions on  private  account  for  the  discovery  of  new 
countries,  whether  by  land  or  sea,  were  now  forbidden 
by  royal  cedula  of  July  13,  1573,  unless  by  express 
permission  of  the  sovereign. 

The  San  Gerdnimo  is  mentioned  as  having  sailed  for  the  Philippines  in 
1566;  the  San  Juan  for  New  Spain  in  1567;  the  arrival  of  two  vessels  from 
New  Spain  the  same  year,  and  others  in  1572  to  take  a  course  farther  north 
than  usual  for  purpose  of  exploration.  Burney's  Hist.  Discov.  South  Sea,  i. 
271-2.  The  ship  Espiritii  Santo  from  Acapulco  for  the  Western  Islands 
with  1 1  friars,  Diego  de  Herrera  at  their  head,  and  some  soldiers  on  board, 
sailed  January  6,  1676,  and  arrived  there  April  25th;  about  100  miles  from 
Manila  she  was  wrecked;  those  who  reached  the  shore  were  slain  by  the 
natives.  One  Indian  boy  was  the  only  person  left  with  life.  The  number 
lost,  passengers,  officers,  and  crew,  exceeded  100.  EnriqiLCz,  Carta  al  Rey, 
Oct.  31,  1576,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  328.  In  the  spring  of  1568  arrived  in 
Mexico  Alvaro  de  Mendano,  who  had  been  despatched  in  1567  by  the 
viceroy  of  Peru  to  discover  the  Solomon  Islands  near  New  Guinea;  he 
returned  to  Mexico  by  way  of  Lower  California,  and  anchored  near  Cedros 
Island  in  December. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


THE  i^VILA-CORT^S  CONSPIRACY. 
1564-1568. 

The  Audiencia's  Weak  Rule — Ill-feeling  toward  the  Marqu^is  del 
Valle — Encomienda  Policy — Alonso  de  ^Vila's  Masquerade — Plot 

AGAINST   THE   CrOWN — VaLDERRAMA  RETURNS   TO   SpAIN — CONSPIRACY 

Reported — Great  Christening  of  the  Marques'  Twins — Arrest  of 
THE  Marques  and  Others — Trial  and  Execution  of  the  Brothers 
AviLA — Marques  de  Falces,  Third  Viceroy — Marques  del  Valle 
Sent  to  Spain — Falces  Deposed  by  Munoz  and  Carrillo — Their 
Cruel  Course — Martin  Cortes  Tortured — His  Courage — Com- 
plaints Reach  the  Crown — Summary  Removal  of  Munoz  and 
Carrillo — Their  Fate — Falces  Vindicated — Second  Rule  of  the 
AuDiENCiA — Sufferings  of  the  Marques — Final  Acquittal — Loss 
of  Domain  and  Property — His  Death — Return  or  Luis  Cortes — 
Later  Life  of  Martin  Cortes. 

Upon  the  death  of  Yelasco  the  city  council  of  Mex- 
ico was  seized  with  a  brilliant  idea.  Would  the  king 
please  send  them  no  more  viceroys!  For  howsoever 
good  they  might  be  in  theory,  they  were  sure  to  bring 
friends  and  dependents,  to  whom  they  would  give  the 
offices  rightly  belonging  to  the  conquerors  and  their 
sons.^  This  request  was  sent  the  emperor  on  motion 
of  Salazar,  by  resolution  of  August  21,  1564.  And 
they  desired  further  that  Yalderrama  should  be  made 
the  governor,  and  the  marques  del  Yalle  the  captain- 
general;  and  that  his  Majesty  should  not  regard  the 
clamor  of  certain  friars  for  an  increase  of  the  revenue, 
as  they  had  only  their  own  interests  in  view.^ 

^  *  Pues  traen  a  criados  a  quien  hacer  las  mercedes. '  Mex.  Col.  Leyes, 
(Mex.  1861),  li.-lii.  Valderrama  urged  the  prompt  appointment  of  a  suc- 
cessor who  should  not  have  the  presidency  of  the  audiencia;  this,  he  said, 
could  be  given  to  the  archbishop,  and  at  his  death  to  a  jurist.  Cartas,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  364-6,  371-2. 

'  Frailes  bulliciosos  que  por  conscguir  obispados  dan  arbitrios  para  au- 
mento  de  las  Rentas  Reales,  con  perjuicio  de  la  tierra.' 

J  602) 


THE  MARQUES  DEL  VALLE. 


603 


It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  the  petition  was 
disregarded  by  the  crown,  with  whose  prerogatives  it 
attempted  to  interfere.  As  the  members  of  the 
council  were  mostly  holders  of  encomiendas,  the  con- 
clusion to  be  drawn  from  their  unusual  and  rather 
bold  proceeding  was  that,  anxious  to  secure  the  per- 
petuity of  their  privilege,  they  looked  to  the  possible 
rule  of  the  marquis,  the  chief  man  among  the  enco- 
menderos,  and  of  Valderrama,  his  warm  friend,  as  the 
best  means  of  attaining  their  object.  The  death  of 
the  viceroy  having  occurred  while  the  audiencia  was 
still  under  investigation,  the  government  of  New  Spain 
virtually  devolved  on  the  visitador,  although  under 
the  instruction  lately  issued  by  the  king  in  council 
the  succession  belonged  to  the  audiencia.  This  body  ^ 
was,  however,  restrained  by  the  authority  held  over 
it  by  their  visitador. 

On  the  whole,  Martin  Cortes,  the  marquis,  was  a 
worthy  son  of  his  father.  In  physique,  or  I  might 
say  in  physical  development,  he  was  a  trifle  more 
delicate,  of  finer  form  but  not  so  robust,  as  active  but 
less  enduring,  as  good  a  soldier,  as  ready,  as  brave, 
but  less  suited  to  the  rugged  life  of  a  conqueror,  less 
ready  in  resource,  preferring  the  pleasures  of  refined 
society  to  the  privations  and  self-denials  of  the  colonist. 
In  him  the  father's  finer  feelings  were  intensified,  some 
of  the  father's  less  worthy  qualities,  his  pride  and  love 
of  ostentation,  were  more  pronounced. 

But  comparisons  of  traits  in  parent  and  child  can- 
not after  all  lead  to  much  increase  of  knowledge  as  to 
their  real  differences  of  character.  It  is  not  possible 
so  to  reverse  their  situations  as  to  tell  what  would  be 
the  character  of  the  one  in  the  position  of  the  other. 
We  may  not  determine  the  quality  of  the  high-born 
boy  in  the  home  of  the  humble  Hernan,  or  how  he 
would  have  conducted  himself  at  school,  or  how  he 

2  Then  composed  of  the  oidores  Pedro  de  Villalobos,  Villanueva-,  Vasco  de 
Puga,  and  the  senior  Ceinos. 


604 


THE  iVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


would  have  won  his  way  on  reaching  Espaiiola,  or  if 
he  would  have  succeeded  as  farmer  or  lawyer,  or 
would  have  made  money  or  love,  or  how  he  would 
have  carried  himself  with  the  crusty  old  Velazquez 
on  Cuba  Island,  or  what  would  have  been  his  line  of 
action  when  the  men  mutinied  at  Villa  Rica,  at  the 
meeting  with  Montezuma,  on  the  arrival  of  Narvaez, 
after  the  Noche  Triste,  and  in  a  hundred  other  cases 
where  one  mistake  would  have  been  fatal.  On  the 
other  hand,  had  the  hero  of  a  hundred  battles,  the 
winner  in  a  hundred  desperate  adventures,  been  denied 
the  poverty,  the  labor,  the  hardships,  and  the  disci- 
pline which  he  experienced,  and  had  he  been  born 
on  a  pinnacle  of  glory,  there  is  no  telling  whether  he 
would  have  remained  there  even  for  these  few  years. 
Whosoever  is  high  must  be  brought  low;  and  fortu- 
nately it  is  so ;  for  were  it  not  for  tlie  certain  follies  of 
successive  generations,  nine  tenths  of  mankind  would 
be  in  a  state  of  slavery. 

Look  at  this  high  favorite  of  fortune!  Little 
dreamed  the  Estremaduran  as  he  passed  from  Es- 
panola  to  Cuba  that  an  heir  of  his  should  ever  occupy 
so  proud  a  position.  Cortes,  the  father,  complained 
to  the  king  that  he  had  not  enough ;  for  all  his  great 
services  and  out  of  all  his  great  conquests  there  was 
next  to  nothing  for  him ;  and  he  made  his  old  age  a 
burden  in  brooding  over  the  injustice  done  him,  and  in 
begging  for  greater  rewards.  He  would  have  added 
to  his  fame  wealth  and  authority;  he  would  have  for 
his  heir  wealth  and  position.  And  the  heir  had  it. 
At  one  time  he  received  from  the  New  World  almost 
as  much  as  the  crown,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
pesos  per  annum,  and  he  had  from  forty  thousand  to 
sixty  thousand  vassals.  In  his  way  he  was  the  first 
man  in  America,  the  most  famous,  the  wealthiest, 
occupying  the  highest  social  position.  He  could  not 
be  viceroy;  he  could  not  hold  important  office.  It 
was  too  dangerous  to  Spanish  monarchy.  But  he 
could  be  the  social  sovereign  of  Mexico.    He  could 


STREET  BRAWLS. 


605 


come  and  go  on  terms  of  equality  with  the  viceroy — 
this  son  of  the  Cuban  adventurer;  he  could  be  on 
terms  of  intimacy  with  the  visitador,  who  for  a  time 
was  above  the  viceroy.  The  oidores,  archbishop,  and 
all  other  dignitaries,  state  and  church,  high  and  low, 
were  profuse  and  constant  in  their  marks  of  respect. 

The  void  left  by  Velasco's  death  was  painfully  felt. 
The  members  of  the  audiencia  failed  to  command 
respect;  they  overlooked  small  offences,  and  greater 
ones  were  engendered  thereby.  An  occurrence  on 
the  5th  of  April,  1565,  showed  how  slow  the  audi- 
encia was  to  punish  offences  committed  by  persons 
in  high  position.  For  some  unimportant  cause  the 
brothers  Bernardino  and  Hernando  de  Bocanegra 
had  an  altercation  in  a  public  street  with  several 
other  gentlemen.  Swords  were  drawn,  and  the  police 
stopped  the  fight  with  some  difficulty,  and  only  after 
one  Cervantes  had  been  wounded.  The  audiencia 
paid  little  attention  to  the  affair;  the  Bocanegras 
were  arrested,  but  were  allowed  to  remain  at  home, 
where  the  marquis  often  visited  them.  He  also  used 
his  influence  to  obtain  their  acquittal,  which  was  an 
offence  to  the  others,  one  of  whom  was  Juan  de  Val- 
divieso,  the  brother  of  his  brother  Luis'  wife.  From 
that  time  they  became  his  mortal  enemies,  and  offered 
him  public  affront.  On  one  occasion  they  formed 
themselves  in  groups,  Agustin  de  Yillanueva  and 
Baltasar  de  Aguilar  being  of  the  number,  and  laid 
in  wait  to  insult  the  marquis  as  he  passed  from  one 
to  another.  Hearing  of  it  the  marquis  armed  his 
servants  with  cudgels  concealed  under  their  cloaks, 
and  with  his  brothers  and  friends  went  out  to  face 
his  foes.  The  first  time  they  met,  the  Cortes  party 
was  passed  without  recognition;  at  other  times  the 
marquis  was  coldly  saluted,  the  others  then  going 
their  way.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  hitherto 
it  had  been  customary  for  every  gentleman  meeting 
the  marquis  in  the  street  to  doff  his  hat,  turn  back, 


606 


THE  AVILACORT^:S  CONSPIRACY. 


and  escort  him  on  his  way.  Among  the  prominent 
men  who  would  not  pay  him  this  courtesy,  though 
remonstrated  with  by  Luis  Cortes  on  his  brother's 
behalf,  were  Juan  de  Yaldivieso,  and  the  high-sheriff, 
Juan  de  Sdmano.  The  breach  between  the  brothers- 
in-law  widened,  and  Valdivieso  had  on  one  occasion 
to  fight  his  way  down  stairs  in  Luis  Cortes'  house,  to 
which  he  had  been  invited  for  an  interview.  All  this 
greatly  incensed  the  marquis  and  his  retainers,  and 
open  war  between  the  factions  was  prevented  only  by 
the  efforts  of  the  archbishop.* 

*  Scurrilous  epistles  were  sent  anonymously,  among  them  this  quartette: 

'  Per  Marina,  soy  testigo, 
ganp  esta  tierra  un  buen  hombre, 
y  per  otra,  deste  nombre 
la  perdera  quieu  yo  digo.' 

The  marquis  had,  it  seems,  laid  himself  open  to  criticism  by  his  relations  with 
a  lady  of  the  same  name  as  the  great  Cortes'  famous  mistress,  and  by  favoring 
her  relatives,  who  were  the  sons  of  his  father's  bitter  enemies,  to  the  utter 
neglect  of  the  offspring  of  his  warmest  friends.  These  likewise  became  hos- 
tile to  the  marquis,  and  were  afterward  found  among  his  accusers.  Peralta, 
199-200. 

Juan  Suarez  Peralta's  Noticias  Hist6ricas  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  Madrid, 
1878,  folio,  i.-xxiv.  1-392,  the  work  last  cited,  was  published  under  the 
auspices  of  the  minister  of  Foment©  of  Spain,  and  as  a  part  of  the  Cartas 
de  Indias,  by  Justo  Zaragoza,  who  changed  its  title  from  that  given  by  the 
writer,  which  was  long  and  not  so  appropriate.  The  author  was  an  eye- 
witness of  most  of  the  events  that  he  relates.  What  he  says  of  things  that 
happened  before  this  is  of  little  weight;  but  his  descriptions  of  the  con- 
spiracy of  the  second  marques  del  Valle  and  its  consequences;  of  the  expe- 
ditions carried  out  during  the  rules  of  Mendoza  and  Velasco;  of  general 
affairs  in  New  Spain  from  the  induction  into  office  of  the  latter;  of  the  land- 
ing of  Hawkins  and  fighting  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  treatment  of  the  English  pris- 
oners in  Mexico;  of  the  acts  of  the  several  rulers  down  to  the  administration 
of  the  marques  de  Villamanrique,  including  the  wars  with  England  and 
Drake's  career — these  are  interesting  and  valuable.  The  style  is  careless, 
unpretentious,  but  withal  superior  to  that  of  some  writers  of  reputation. 
From  page  287  to  the  end  are  given  notes. 

The  Cartas  de  Indias,  Madrid,  1877,  large  folio,  x.-xiv.  1-877,  and  208 
unnumbered,  with  fac-similes,  cuts,  maps,  indexes,  and  three  chromo-litho- 
graphic  charts,  was  issued  under  the  auspices  of  the  department  of  Fomento 
of  Spain  and  dedicated  to  King  Alfonso  XII.  It  contains  letters  from  Colum- 
bus, Vespucci,  Las  Casas,  and  Bernal  Diaz;  a  collection  of  letters  from  New 
Spain,  Central  America,  Peru,  Rio  de  la  Plata,  and  the  Philippine  Islands — 
all  such  letters  being  of  the  15th  and  16th  centuries.  Several  of  them  and 
a  considerable  number  of  signatures  of  the  men  that  figured  in  those  times 
are  also  given  in  fac-simile.  To  the  above  are  added  about  224  pages  of 
geographical  notes,  vocabulary,  biographical  data,  a  glossary,  and  cuts,  maps, 
and  indexes.  The  letters  and  fac-similes,  from  the  first  to  the  last,  are  valu- 
able in  a  historic  sense,  and  the  vocabulary  is  useful;  but  the  biograpliical 
and  historical  data  are  not  always  reliable,  numerous  errors  having  been  de- 
tected in  comparing  their  contents  with  official  records,  and  with  the  memo- 
randa of  witnesses  of  the  events  related. 


THE  KING'S  DECISION. 


607 


I  will  mention  another  incident  of  outlawry  reflect- 
ing on  the  audiencia.  On  the  night  of  the  17th  of 
June,  1565,  tlie  alcalde  Julian  Salazar  while  patrolling 
the  city  came  upon  an  armed  servant  of  the  marquis, 
and  relieved  him  of  his  sword.  The  servant  reported 
it  to  his  master,  who  despatched  two  others  to  claim 
the  sword;  they  went  armed  and  haughtily  made  a 
demand,  which  the  alcalde  met  by  disarming  them; 
but  on  learning  that  they  were  retainers  of  the  mar- 
quis he  offered  to  give  back  the  weapons,  which  the 
men  refused  to  receive,  and  on  returning  home  gave 
a  false  account  of  the  affair.  Cortes  became  very 
angry  and  hurried  away  to  Salazar,  whom  he  grossly 
insulted  and  disarmed.  The  alcalde  complained  to 
the  audiencia ;  but  after  long  and  tiresome  proceedings 
the  marquis  triumphed.  The  truth  is,  the  audiencia 
was  hardly  a  free  agent  in  the  matter,  because  of  the 
intimacy  between  the  visitador  and  the  marquis. 

Velasco's  letter  of  June  22,  1564,  had  the  desired 
effect.  The  king  on  the  6th  of  May,  1565,  summoned 
the  marquis  to  answer  within  six  months  the  charges 
preferred  by  the  royal  fiscal,  Geronimo  de  Ulloa,  upon 
which  he  based  a  demand  for  the  repeal  of  the  grant 
to  Hernan  Cortes ;  his  grounds  being  that  it  was  both 
surreptitious  and  arreptitious,  inasmuch  as  it  had  been 
obtained  without  stating  the  correct  number  of  vassals, 
or  the  revenue  and  jurisdiction,  and  through  a  repre- 
sentation that  it  was  of  little  value  to  the  royal  patri- 
mony. On  being  notified  the  28th  of  September  by 
Sancho  Lopez  de  Agurto,  escribano  de  cjimara  of  the 
audiencia,  Cortds  took  the  cedula  and  placed  it  on  his 
head,  as  became  a  dutiful  subject.  Only  a  few  days 
before  he  had  been  enjoined  by  a  royal  order  from 
using  a  seal  larger  than  a  half-dollar,  or  having  any 
ducal  device  thereon. 

A  few  days  later  there  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  Pedro 
de  la  Roelas  fleet  from  Spain,  and  rumor  soon  had  it 
that  the  king's  final  decision  on  encomiendas  had  been 
unfavorable  to  holders.    Without  ascertaining  if  the 


608 


THE  AVILA-CORT^S  CONSPIRACY. 


report  was  well  founded,  the  encomenderos  became 
excited,  and  used  strong  language  in  expressing  their 
discontent.  The  fact  that  neither  the  audiencia  nor 
the  visitador  spoke  of  the  matter  made  it  look  worse 
to  them;  the  authorities  were  going  to  spring  upon 
them  some  great  injustice,  they  thought.  Complain- 
ants began  secretly  to  declare  that  a  vassal's  allegiance 
was  binding  only  so  long  as  the  sovereign  respected 
his  pledges;  and  as  they  had  humbly  laid  before  his 
Majesty  their  grievances,  claiming  only  their  rights, 
which  were  denied  to  them,  they  should  fall  back  upon 
force,  not  in  the  spirit  of  rebellion,  but  by  way  of  de- 
fence. 

Among  the  more  angry  and  active  were  the  brothers 
Avila.  In  expressing  their  views  they  failed  to  ob- 
serve common  prudence.  They  had  no  regular  place 
of  meeting,  and  held  no  formal  conferences.  A  num- 
ber of  those  most  in  earnest  assembled  a  few  times 
at  the  house  of  Alonso  de  Avila,  but  for  a  while  they 
arrived  at  no  line  of  action;  they  talked  over  the 
proposed  movement,  and  welcomed  any  one  disposed  to 
join  them.  With  those  who  were  truly  friendly  came 
spies,  pretending  to  be  on  their  side,  but  in  truth 
wishing  only  to  learn  their  secrets  in  order  to  destroy 
them.  Thanks  to  the  stupidity  of  Alonso  de  Avila, 
enough  knowledge  was  in  the  hands  of  the  opposing 
faction  to  bring  the  necks  of  the  encomenderos  very 
near  the  halter. 

As  reported  by  these  same  enemies,  the  plan  was  to 
proclaim  as  king  of  New  Spain  the  marques  del  Yalle, 
whose  father  had  conquered  the  country  without  aid 
from  the  sovereign  of  Castile ;  then  to  call  together 
in  parliament  the  proxies  of  the  cities  and  villas  to 
recognize  and  swear  allegiance  to  the  new  king;  to 
despatch  to  Rome  as  envoy  a  prelate  to  ask  the  pope 
for  the  investiture  of  the  kingdom ;  and  to  solicit  from 
the  French  sovereign  a  free  pass  through  his  domin- 
ions whenever  the  new  government  desired  to  send  a 
messenger  to  the  holy  city,  offering  in  return  to  open 


THE  MASQUERADE. 


609 


the  ports  of  New  Spain  to  trade  and  intercourse  with 
all  nations. 

The  persons  who  with  Alonso  de  Avila  appeared  as 
chiefs  in  the  plan  were  Baltasar  and  Pedro  de  Que- 
sada,  Cristobal  de  Onate,  the  younger,  and  the  preb- 
endary of  the  cathedral,  Ayala  de  Espinosa.  They 
now  resolved  to  invite  the  marques  del  Yalle  to  their 
leadership,  and  Alonso  de  Avila  was  to  bring  their 
plan  to  his  knowledge ;  he  felt  certain  that  Cortes  in 
his  present  state  of  mind  would  readily  assent  to  it. 
In  the  process  afterward  instituted  against  the  brothers 
Avila,  there  is  nothing  to  show  how  Cortes  received 
the  proposal.  But  Alonso  de  Avila's  last  confession 
clearly  indicates  that  the  marquis  pronounced  the  plan 
impracticable,  one  evidently  devised  by  hot-headed 
men,  a  '^cosa  de  burla,"  one  which  would  not  only 
bring  upon  its  authors  the  vengeance  of  Philip,  but 
the  ill-will  of  the  natives  whose  servitude  they  were 
thus  thriving  to  perpetuate.  Thus  far  the  revolu- 
tionists could  count  only  on  their  own  limited  resources, 
and  the  aid  of  a  few  adventurers  from  Peru. 

In  truth,  Cortes  had  no  thought  of  joining  the 
insurgents.  There  was  present  first  of  all  too  much 
of  the  father's  innate  loyalty  for  the  son  to  turn  traitor. 
It  would  add  nothing  to  the  glory  of  the  name  to 
seize  the  government  of  the  land  won  by  his  father 
for  the  crown;  and  above  all,  the  marquis  was  clever 
enough  to  see  that  it  would  be  madness  for  him  to 
risk  his  present  proud  position,  second  in  this  country 
only  to  royalty,  and  cast  his  wealth  and  destiny  in  with 
a  band  of  adventurers  having  comparatively  little  to 
lose  in  case  of  failure.  But  for  all  this  there  were 
those  who  from  this  hour  did  not  cease  to  proclaim 
the  disloyalty  of  the  marques  del  Yalle. ^ 

Ayala  de  Espinosa,  during  a  short  absence  of  Avila 

^  Some  say  that  he  temporized  with  them  in  order  to  learn  their  secrets 
that  he  might  divulge  them  to  the  king,  and  thus,  like  his  father,  secure  the 
country  to  the  Castilian  crcwn.    But  by  a  strange  fatality  the  authorities 
after  a  time  began  to  feel  hostile  to  the  marquis.  Peralta^  Not.  Hist.,  198-9. 
^HisT.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  39 


610 


THE  AVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


in  October,  on  his  own  business,  won  over  to  their 
party  Pedro  de  Aguilar,  and  wrote  Avila  to  return 
at  once.  His  letter  remained  unanswered ;  but  some 
days  later,  on  a  Sunday,  and  just  before  sunset, 
Alonso  de  Avila  entered  the  city  at  the  head  of  a 
fantastic  cavalcade,  consisting  of  twenty-four  men 
richly  clad  as  Indian  lords,  and  with  masks  in  repre- 
sentation of  divers  personages.  Thus  Avila  appeared 
as  Montezuma,  and  his  attendants  as  members  of  the 
royal  family  and  subordinate  rulers.  Riding  through 
the  town  they  reined  up  at  the  house  of  the  marquis, 
where  the  sound  of  music  was  heard  as  at  an  enter- 
tainment. Dismounting,  they  entered  and  found 
present  many  ladies  and  gentlemen,  invited  guests, 
among  whom  was  the  visitador.  The  table  cleared 
of  European  articles,  the  room  was  quickly  trans- 
formed into  the  hall  of  a  native  prince,  with  native 
food,  and  furniture,  and  pottery,  the  performance 
assuming  in  every  particular  the  character  of  an  Az- 
tec fete  before  the  conquest.  Then  the  marquis  as 
his  father,  Hernan  Cortes,  and  Alonso  de  Avila  as 
Montezuma,  reenacted  the  first  entry  of  the  Span- 
iards into  the  Aztec  capital,  and  passing  the  bounds 
of  history  in  doing  honor  to  the  conqueror,  they 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  marquis  and  marchioness 
feather  garlands  in  imitation  of  the  coinlli,  or  Aztez 
crown,  saying,  "This  is  indeed  becoming  to  your 
senoria!"  and  '^Accept  the  crown,  marchioness!"  In 
their  hands  Montezuma's  attendants  held  flowers  with 
couplets  conspicuous,  some  on  gallantry  and  love, 
others  hinting  at  intended  revolt.  The  motto  on  the 
xochitl  given  to  Cortes  bore  words  of  encouragement, 
saying  "  Pear  not."  ^ 

In  this  way  the  conspirators  might  test  the  ground 
on  which  they  stood;  but  it  was  dangerous  sport, 
when  taken  in  connection  with  the  times,  the  disaffec- 

^  '  No  temas  la  cay  da  pues  es  para  mayo  subida. '  Avila  confessed  he  had 
done  it  to  afford  pleasure,  and  without  other  intention.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Not. 
Con  J.  Doc,  8,  38-9. 


HOW  IT  SHOULD  BE  DONE. 


611 


tion  concerning  encomiendas:  dangerous  for  Cortes; 
exceedingly  dangerous  for  Avila/ 

Two  days  afterward  the  conspirators  held  a  meet- 
ing at  Avila's  house  to  perfect  their  plans.  Accord- 
ing to  the  report  of  the  informers  it  was  then  arranged 
that  on  Friday,  the  audiencia's  government  council 
day,  they  would  divide  themselves  into  groups,  each 
under  a  determined  leader;  and  that  while  one  band 
posted  themselves  at  the  door  of  the  council-chamber 
to  prevent  ingress,  another  would  go  into  the  hall  and 
seize  the  arms;  a  third  rush  into  the  chamber  and 
slay  the  oidores  and  visitador;  after  which  one  of  their 
number  was  to  make  a  sign  from  the  corridor  to 
another  standing  by  the  fountain  in  the  court-yard, 
who  in  his  turn  would  repeat  the  signal  to  a  third 
posted  at  the  outlet  into  the  square ;  this  last  person 
was  to  wave  a  red  cloak,  at  the  sight  of  which  Ayala 
de  Espinosa  would  strike  twice  one  of  the  bells  of  the 
cathedral,  this  being  the  signal  for  the  conspirators 
scattered  throughout  the  city  to  massacre  Francisco 
and  Luis  de  Velasco,  and  every  one  known  for  or  sus- 
pected of  hostility  to  their  plan.  The  bodies  of  the 
oidores  were  to  be  thrown  into  the  square,  which  was 
to  be  held  by  the  marquis  with  as  large  a  force  as  he 

Avila  that  evening  told  Espinosa  and  Agnilar,  *  todo  era  aplicado  para 
lo  qvie  estaba  concertado,'  according  to  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  80.  Torqne- 
mada,  i.  629-30,  wrongly  places  this  feast  later,  after  the  birth  of  twins  to 
the  marquis.  He  has  been  followed  by  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  Ill;  Cavo,  Tres 
Siglos,  i.  178-9;  Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  iii.  208-9,  and  others.  But  the  proceed- 
ings against  the  conspirators  fix  the  time  plainly  enough.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist. , 
205,  agrees  with  Torquemada,  but  speaks  of  the  birth  of  one  son,  Pedro,  now 
christened.  He  adds  that  neither  Luis  de  Velasco  nor  his  friends  were  at  the 
festival,  which  was  something  very  fine;  that  on  some  of  the  earthen  vases 
was  the  letter  R  under  a  crown;  and  that  Avila  gave  the  marchioness  one 
bearing  a  crown  over  ^,  which  the  informer  at  once  interpreted  as  Reinnrds, 
thou  wilt  reign.  This,  if  true,  would  signify  prearrangement,  which  could 
hardly  have  been  the  case.  During  the  feasts  Dr  Orozco,  he  concludes,  sallied 
out  with  a  numljer  of  followers,  carrying  concealed  arms  to  prevent  a  possible 
revolt.  The  real  fact  was  that  the  feast  in  question  was  long  before  the 
marchioness  bore  twins,  which  occurred  in  1566,  their  christening  taking 
place  with  great  pomp  on  the  30th  of  June.  This  was  subsequent  to  the 
receipt  of  the  supreme  government's  final  decision,  unfavorable  to  the  per- 
petuation of  the  encomiendas.  It  is  possible  that  Torquemada  and  his  fol- 
lowers have  unwittingly  confounded  the  two  feasts,  and  quite  probable  that 
the  follies  of  the  first  were  wholly  or  partially  repeated  at  the  second. 


612 


THE  AVILA-CORTElS  CONSPIRACY, 


could  get  together,  in  order  to  awe  the  populace  into 
acquiescence.  The  next  step  was  to  burn  all  the  gov- 
ernment archives  so  as  to  entirely  eradicate  the  name 
of  the  king  of  Castile  from  their  government.  Money 
out  of  the  royal  treasury  would  be  liberally  used  to 
gain  adherents.  Luis  Cortes  was  to  take  possession  of 
Vera  Cruz,  San  J uan  de  Ulua,  and  the  fleet  which  was 
then  getting  ready  to  sail  for  Spain,  and  every  means 
must  be  used  for  preventing  knowledge  of  the  insur- 
rection from  reaching  the  king's  ear.  Martin  Cortes, 
the  half-breed,  with  a  strong  mounted  force,  was  to 
advance  into  Zacatecas  and  adjoining  regions,  and 
bring  them  under  subjection  to  the  new  government. 
The  capture  of  Puebla  was  to  be  intrusted  to  Fran- 
cisco de  Reinoso,  and  that  of  other  more  or  less  im- 
portant places  to  commanders  chosen  for  that  purpose. 
After  the  proclamation  of  the  marques  del  Valle  as 
king,  and  the  assembling  of  the  parliament.  Dean 
Chico  de  Molina  would  take  his  departure  for  Europe 
with  valuable  presents  for  the  king  of  France  and  the 
pope,  to  win  from  them  the  favors  before  mentioned. 
At  the  same  time  Espinosa  was  to  secretly  visit  Seville 
and  bring  away  the  marquis'  eldest  son  and  heir.  The 
revolution  achieved,  the  new  king  would  make  grants 
of  the  whole  territory,  create  titles  of  nobility,  and 
surround  his  throne  with  the  nobles,  that  is  to  say, 
Spaniards  and  half-breeds  born  in  Mexico. 

Economic  measures  were  likewise  considered.  The 
outward  flow  of  precious  metals  would  be  checked; 
with  the  specie  which  otherwise  would  go  to  Spain, 
and  the  cochineal,  wax,  hides,  sugar,  and  wool,  and 
the  products  of  the  Spice  Islands,  might  be  built  up 
a  magnificent  commerce,  infinitely  superior  to  any- 
thing possible  under  the  auspices  of  the  avaricious  old 
parent.  And  throughout  all  time  New  Spain  should 
never  again  be  placed  under  the  Castilian  yoke.  Of 
the  insurgent  party  were  several  learned  men  and 
ecclesiastics,  who  gave  courage  to  the  timid  and  char- 
acter to  the  movement;  and  it  is  said  that  one  friar 


DEPARTURE  OF  VALDERRAMA. 


G13 


actually  supported  the  measure  from  the  pulpit.  Avila 
kept  open  house  and  encouraged  games  of  ball,  dice, 
and  cards;  hy  this  means  the  conspirators  could  meet 
freely  without  attracting  attention,  and  fresh  adher- 
ents were  thus  won  to  the  cause.  Neither  Cortes 
nor  his  brothers  attended  the  games,  although  they 
were  sometimes  at  the  secret  conferences ;  the  mind  of 
the  marquis  vacillated,  and  notwithstanding  Avila's 
efforts  Cortes  deemed  it  expedient  to  await  the  arrival 
of  a  new  viceroy,  and  if  he  attempted  to  enforce  the 
last  cedula  on  encomiendas,  then  strike  the  blow  and 
the  people  would  support  them.  At  another  time  he 
said  he  would  wait  till  the  authorities  should  attempt 
to  ship  him  off  to  Spain;  and  still  again  he  would 
leave  the  whole  matter  to  his  supporters,  promising 
the  cooperation  of  himself  and  his  most  intimate 
friends  at  the  hour  of  danger;  and  finally,  he  began 
to  manifest  a  fear  of  trusting  the  Creoles.  At  the 
last  meeting  in  1565  the  marquis  had  not  thrown  off 
his  irresolution.  So  it  was  said  of  him.  In  the  early 
part  of  1566  Avila  fell  seriously  ill  and  the  plot  passed 
almost  out  of  mind.  The  result  of  the  marquis'  lack 
of  conviction,  or  courage,  whichever  it  was,  cooled  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  leading  conspirators;  the  oppor- 
tunity was  lost,  and  the  government  found  itself  in  a 
position  to  investigate,  prevent,  and  punish. 

Much  was  said  on  both  sides  that  was  false;  but  it 
is  quite  certain  that,  if  the  marquis  did  not  himself 
divulge  the  plot,  he  spoke  of  it  to  his  friend  the  visi- 
tador,  who  as  we  have  seen  was  numbered  among 
those  to  be  assassinated.  After  thai  he  endeavored 
to  soothe  the  discontented,  and  prevent  an  outbreak. 
The  visitador  never  really  believed  the  affair  to  be  of 
serious  import,  as  he  attributed  the  words  uttered  in 
public  to  childishness.  Then  the  marquis  went  further, 
and  charged  the  conspiracy,  if  there  was  a  conspiracy, 
on  his  enemies,  telling  the  vistador  that  in  Tezcuco, 
on  the  day  after  the  wedding  of  Alonso  de  Cervantes 
with  a  daughter  of  Diego  de  Guevara,  at  the  house  of 


614 


THE  AVILA-CORTi:S  CONSPIRACY. 


Hortuno  de  Ibarra,  the  royal  factor,  the  guests  under 
pretence  of  a  tournament,  intended  to  revolt  and 
make  themselves  masters  of  the  country.  No  action 
seems  to  have  been  taken  by  the  audiencia  on  this 
charge. 

The  marquis  made  preparations  in  February  to 
leave  Mexico  for  Toluca,  but  was  induced  by  both  the 
audiencia  and  the  visitador  to  remain  in  the  capital; 
the  authorities  still  continuing  to  show  him  high  con- 
sideration. 

About  this  time  Yalderrama,  his  duties  finished, 
prepared  to  depart  for  Spain.  He  had  already  dis- 
missed the  oidores  Villanueva  and  Puga,  sending  them 
away  to  Spain,  and  filling  one  of  the  vacancies  with 
Doctor  Orozco.  The  marquis  was  afraid  there  might 
be  trouble  if  affairs  were  left  to  the  audiencia,  and  he 
endeavored  to  keep  the  visitador  in  Mexico  until  the 
arrival  of  a  viceroy,  but  was  unable  to  do  so. 

After  the  departure  of  Yalderrama,  at  which  the 
Indians  were  scarcely  less  pleased  than  the  oidores 
whom  he  held  in  check,  the  matter  of  the  conspiracy 
was  more  openly  talked  about,  and  the  audiencia  began 
to  investigate.  A  secret  inquiry  was  started  by 
Oidor  Yillalobos  to  ascertain  what  it  was  that  the 
marquis  had  said  to  the  visitador.  Friar  Miguel  de 
Alvarado,  a  kinsman  of  the  Avilas,  heard  of  it,  and 
succeeded  in  drawing  from  the  oidor  a  promise  to  take 
no  further  action  in  the  matter,  on  the  plea  that  the 
country  was  at  peace,  and  that  the  objectionable  re- 
marks had  been  uttered  by  unimportant  persons  and 
had  not  been  followed  by  any  overt  act.  The  mar- 
quis had  renewed  his  usual  pleasant  relations  with  the 
oidores,  and  he  observed  toward  them  the  same  line 
of  conduct  pursued  with  Yalderrama,  and  seconded 
Father  Alvarado  in  his  good  work.  Not  long  after- 
ward Pedro  de  Aguilar  visited  the  friar  and  asked  him 
to  apprise  Alonso  de  Avila  that  Yillalobos  had  begun 
proceedings  against  him.  The  friar  could  hardly  be- 
lieve this  report,  in  view  of  the  oidor's  solemn  pledge, 


CRITICAL  SITUATION  OF  THE  MARQUES.  615 


and  he  even  accused  Aguilar  of  having  turned  in- 
former, which  the  latter  stoutly  denied.  However, 
he  made  the  matter  known  to  his  kinsman  and  to  the 
marquis.  Avila  called  on  Yillalobos  to  assure  him  of 
his  innocence,  which  he  offered  to  prove  with  a  sworn 
statement  by  Aguilar.  The  oidor  went  through  the 
form  of  taking  the  affidavit,  and  pretended  to  be  satis- 
fied. This  was  the  beginning  of  a  long  line  of  dis- 
simulation by  the  authorities  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  conspirators  on  the  other. 

The  marquis  found  himself  in  a  disagreeable  posi- 
tion ;  indeed,  he  now  began  to  realize  that  his  situation 
was  critical.  Threatened  by  the  loss  of  his  father's 
estate  at  the  hand  of  the  sovereign  power  which  was 
deriving  vast  benefits  from  the  results  of  his  father's 
life,  he  could  not  but  sympathize  with  the  encomen- 
deros.  Further  than  that,  the  conspirators  were  his 
friends  and  sought  to  do  him  honor:  he  would  save 
himself ;  he  would  save  them  at  any  cost;  and  yet  if  he 
appeared  too  warmly  their  defender  they  might  drag 
him  into  the  pit.  Above  all,  he  must  appear  vigilant 
in  the  royal  interests.  The  sky  was  threatening  ;  over 
the  house  of  Avila  it  was  dark  indeed.  To  escape 
the  coming  storm  he  wrote  his  former  tutor,  Diego 
Fe^-rer,  then  in  Spain,  to  propose  to  the  crown  an 
exchange  of  his  marquisate  and  estates  for  others  in 
Castile,  even  if  he  thereby  sustained  heavy  loss.^ 

On  the  5th  of  April,  1566,  a  formal  charge  was  pre- 
ferred by  the  audiencia  in  writing,  Luis  de  Velasco, 
Alonso  de  Villanueva,  and  Agustin  de  Villanueva 
Cervantes  being  the  chief  movers  in  the  matter. 
This  was  not  acted  on  at  once,  as  the  oidores  well 
knew  that  they  had  not  strength  to  carry  it  through. 
The  arrest  of  the  leaders  of  the  faction,  whoever  they 
might  be,  would  probably  cost  them  their  lives.  They 
would  wait  and  watch  their  opportunity,  still  continu- 

^  *  Para  tratar  con  la  real  persona  que  le  hiziese  de  le  dar  en  los  reynos 
de  castilla,  en  trueque  de  su  marquesado  la  renta  y  vasallos  que  la  pareciese 
aunque  fuese  la  mitad  menos.'  Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj.,  90. 


616 


THE  AVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


ing  the  secret  search  for  evidence  such  as  would  con- 
vict. In  the  mean  time,  as  the  days  went  by,  to  the 
now-awakening  inhabitants  the  atmosphere  of  the  city 
seemed  thick  with  treason.  Certain  illegible  lines  in 
the  scroll  of  their  destiny,  on  exposure  to  the  con- 
stant light,  began  to  show  color,  and  soon  the  charac- 
ters could  be  all  too  easily  read.  The  weaker  of  the 
wicked  ones  trembled,  and  hastened  to  save  their  lives 
by  turning  informers. 

Among  the  first  of  these  was  the  infamous  Pedro 
de  Aguilar,^  who  after  confession  and  communion  on 
palm-Sunday  and  the  next  day,  the  8th  of  April, 
asked  the  Dominican  friars  Cristobal  de  la  Cruz  and 
Andres  Ubilla  to  take  his  statement  to  the  audiencia. 
He  did  not,  however,  produce  it  in  writing  until  the 
23d  of  May.  The  marquis  had  gone  to  pass  holy 
week  at  the  Dominican  convent  of  Santiago,  where 
he  heard  from  Baltasar  de  Aguilar  on  the  evening  of 
April  10th  what  had  occurred.  He  then  demanded 
the  keys  of  the  convent,  locked  its  gates,  and  together 
with  Bernardino  de  Bocanegra  visited  the  city  to  see 
if  all  was  quiet.  After  satisfying  himself  on  this 
point  he  went  to  his  own  palace,  to  hold  a  consultation 
with  his  brothers;  these  steps  betokened  a  troubled 
spirit.  On  Saturday  Baltasar  de  Aguilar  and  Agustin 
de  Villanueva  visited  the  marquis  and  opened  his 
eyes  to  his  perilous  position.    Upon  one  of  the  fol- 

^  The  marquis'  enemies  learned  the  facts  from  Baltasar  de  Aguilar  Cer- 
vantes, the  man  chosen  by  the  conspirators  for  maestre  de  campo.  He  had 
near  relatives  among  the  former,  and  was  advised  to  secure  his  property 
without  delay,  and  then  inform  the  government  of  all  he  knew  of  the  plot,  and 
the  names  of  the  parties  implicated,  himself  included:  *y  es  verdad,  por  lo 
que  vi,  que  fue  llevalle  como  por  los  cabellos,  y  asi  fue  y  hizo  su  denuncia- 
cion.'  Peraltcu  Not.  BisL,  201.  This  same  authority,  p.  207,  says  that 
Agustin  de  Villanueva  Cervantes,  who  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  marquis* 
enemies,  managed  to  obtain  an  interview  with  him  on  the  pretence  of  join- 
ing the  plot.  Before  doing  this,  however,  he  obtained  leave  of  the  audiencia 
under  its  seal,  with  written  instructions.  Then  he  partook  of  the  commu- 
nion and  went  to  the  marquis'  house,  kissed  his  hand,  and  tendered  his  ser- 
vices. The  marquis  talked  freely  about  the  conspiracy,  and  the  conversation 
was  reported  to  the  audiencia.  It  is  unlikely  that  the  marquis  placed  any 
confidence  in  Villanueva,  and  yet  it  is  possible  that  he  endeavored  to  draw 
him  out.  This  man  Villanueva  figured  later  at  an  important  event  in  Vera 
Cruz,  which  will  be  duly  related. 


ARREST  OF  THE  MARQUIS. 


C17 


lowing  easter  days  he  called  on  Oidor  Villalobos  to 
renew  the  assurances  of  his  fealty  to  the  crown. 

Again  the  spirit  of  rebellion  was  manifest  on  re- 
ceipt of  information  from  Diego  Ferrer  that  the  India 
Council  had  not  assented  to  the  perpetuity  of  the 
enconiiendas,  and  had  peremptorily  refused  to  hear 
any  more  on  the  subject.  The  encomenderos  vented 
their  wrath  in  violent  language,  and  the  rebel  leaders 
renewed  their  exertions  more  openly.  Avila  bestirred 
himself  among  retainers,  who  determined  to  go  for- 
ward even  if  they  must  murder  the  oidores  in  the 
street.  At  this  juncture  in  the  affairs  of  state,  the 
marchioness  presented  her  husband  with  twins.  The 
baptismal  feasts  that  followed  were  regal. Wine 
flowed  freely,  and  toasts  significant  of  revolution  were 
repeatedly  and  boldly  uttered. 

Thus  it  seemed  that  rebellion  was  indeed  at  hand. 
The  encomenderos  were  ready  for  action,  and  the  pop- 
ulace were  with  the  proposed  new  government.  The 
audiencia  hesitated ;  but  finally  gathering  courage  they 
took  a  stand,  organized  a  plan  of  defence,  part  of  which 
was  to  arrest  the  leaders,^^  the  marquis  among  the 
number.  First  of  all  they  caused  it  to  be  reported 
through  Ayala  Espinosa,  an  unsuspected  informer, 
that  important  despatches  had  reached  them  by  a  ves- 
sel just  arrived  from  Spain;  and  the  marquis  was 
invited  to  attend  at  the  opening.  Anxious  to  learn 
their  contents,  with  cool  confidence  he  entered  the 

^°  A  raised  wooden  passage-way  four  yards  wide  was  constructed  between 
the  marquis'  house  and  the  pardon-gate  of  the  cathedral.  On  both  sides  his 
Indian  vassals  had  placed  platforms  with  flags  and  showy  ornaments.  Luis 
de  Castilla  and  Juana  de  Sosa,  his  wife,  acted  as  sponsors,  and  the  children 
were  taken  to  the  church  in  the  arms  of  two  gentlemen,  Carlos  de  Zuniga 
and  Pedro  de  Luna.  Dean  Chico  de  Molina  officiated.  Salvos  of  artillery 
were  fired  as  the  cortege  entered  and  left  the  church;  a  tournament,  games, 
and  banquet  followed.  The  common  people  were  also  munificently  remem- 
bered. Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj.,  46-7. 

Luis  Cortes,  knight  of  Calatrava,  Martin  Cortes,  knight  of  Santiago,  and 
the  brothers  Avila.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  207.  Valderrama,  the  visitador,  in 
15()4  made  Martin  alguacil  mayor,  and  his  half-brother,  Juan  Jaramillo,  became 
the  same  year  one  of  the  two  alcaldes  de  la  mesta  of  Mexico.  Cavo,  Tres 
Sujlos,  i.  175. 


618 


THE  AVILA-CORTjfeS  CONSPIRACY. 


council-chamber  in  the  afternoon  of  tne  16th  of  July, 
observing,  however,  that  the  oidores  had  placed  guards 
and  artillery  at  the  outlets  of  the  building,  under  the 
supervision  of  Francisco  de  Velasco,  brother  of  the 
late  viceroy,  who  was  acting  as  captain-general;  and 
that  though  he  was  offered  a  seat  no  mark  of  distinc- 
tion was  extended  to  him.^^' 

All  sat  down,  and  one  of  the  oidores  addressed 
the  president  to  learn  his  orders.  Ceinos  then  said: 
^'Marquis,  hold  yourself  under  arrest  by  the  king."^^ 
Upon  his  asking  the  reason,  Ceinos  answered,  *  As  a 
traitor  to  his  Majesty."  Cortes  seized  his  sword  and 
indignantly  gave  his  accuser  the  lie.^*  But  seeing  the 
uselessness  of  resistance,  he  soon  surrendered  and  was 
conveyed  to  a  room  prepared  in  the  royal  buildings, 
where  were  confined  Luis  and  Martin  Cortes,  who  had 
been  arrested  by  the  high-sheriff,  Juan  de  Samano. 

Alonso  and  Gil  Gonzalez  de  Avila  were  taken  to 
the  common  jail.^^  Nor  did  the  oidores  stop  there; 
many  others  were  arrested  and  imprisoned.  The  people 
were  panic-stricken;  every  man  bethought  himself  of 
what  he  had  said.  Certain  friars  were  seized  and  con- 
fined in  their  convents,  and  clergymen  in  the  archi- 

^2  He  wore  a  summer  dress  of  damask,  a  black  cloak,  and  a  sword.  The 
author  quoted  saw  him  enter  and  heard  him  exclaim:  *  Ea,  que  buenas  nuevas 
emos  de  tener.'  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  208. 

'Marques,  sed  preso  por  el  Rey.'  Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj.,  48;  Tor- 
quemada,  i.  631. 

^*  '  Mentis,  que  yo  no  soi  traidor  k  mi  Rei,  ni  los  ha  avido  en  mi  linage. '  Id. 
According  to  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  208-9,  the  marquis  was  commanded  to 
deliver  his  sword,  and  on  asking  the  reason,  was  answered,  *  luego  se  dira;  * 
and  that  Cortes  did  not  then  learn  the  cause  of  his  arrest,  but  believed  the 
order  for  it  had  come  in  the  despatches  just  received  from  the  king. 

^^Dean  Chico  de  Molina  and  another  clergyman  named  Maldonado,  and 
Friar  Luis  Cal,  guardian  of  the  convent  of  Santiago  Tlatelulco,  appear  among 
the  number.  Those  placed  under  arrest  in  their  own  houses,  under  penalty  of 
death  should  escape  be  attempted,  were  Luis  and  Pedro  Lorenzo  de  Castilla, 
Hernan  Gutierrez  Altamirano,  Lope  de  Sosa,  Alonso  Estrada  and  his  brothers, 
Juan  de  Guzman,  Bernardino  Pacheco  de  Bocanegra,  Diego  Rodriguez  Orozco, 
Juan  de  Valdivieso,  Nuno  de  Chavez,  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  Antonio  de  Car- 
bajal,  Fernando  de  Cordoba,  Juan  Villafana,  Juan  de  la  Torre,  and  several 
others.  All  these  were  of  the  nobility  and  gentry.  Their  papers  were  searched, 
and  abundance  of  evidence  was  found  against  Avila.  According  to  Torque- 
mada,  i.  631-2,  some  of  the  strongest  evidence  was  in  ladies'  billets  to  him. 
Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj.,  49;  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  9;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs, 
i.  180. 


EXECUTION  OF  THE  iVILAS. 


613 


episcopal  prison.  Soldiers,  both  roounted  and  on  foot, 
patrolled  the  streets,  and  every  precaution  was  taken 
to  prevent  an  uprising. Among  the  organized  forces 
were  many  encomenderos,  who  presented  themselves 
in  obedience  to  an  order  of  the  audiencia,  and  the 
Tlascaltecs  also  tendered  their  services. 

Charges  of  high  treason  were  preferred  against  the 
brothers  Avila,  and  a  limited  time  was  allowed  them 
to  answer.  They  denied  the  accusation,  made  ex- 
planations on  doubtful  points,  and  produced  witnesses 
to  testify  on  their  behalf  They  pleaded  the  great 
services  of  their  father  and  his  ancestors.  Alonso 
de  Avila  laid  stress  on  the  mildness  he  had  always 
manifested  to  his  Indians,  in  not  distressing  them  for 
their  tributes ;  his  wife  begged  in  the  name  of  God 
that  more  time  might  be  granted  for  her  husband 
to  prove  his  innocence.  Nothing  availed,  and  both 
brothers  were  sentenced  to  death  by  decapitation.  An 
appeal  to  the  crown  and  a  petition  of  the  city  council 
were  disregarded,  and  the  sentence  was  executed 
the  3d  of  August,  eighteen  days  from  the  date  of 
their  arrest.  They  were  conveyed  from  tho  jail  to 
the  scaffold  at  7  p.  m.,  mounted  on  mules.  The  scaf- 
fold stood  in  the  chief  square,  which  was  strongly 
guarded.  Around  were  the  friends  of  the  prisoners, 
and  a  crowd  of  people.  Alonso  de  Avila  at  the  last 
moment  confessed  the  conspiracy;  his  brother,  it  is 
alleged,  never  ceased  to  maintain  his  innocence.  It 
w^as  reported  that  the  friar  who  attended  them  loudly 
proclaimed  him  an  innocent  man.  This  has  been 
denied,  but  the  people  believed  him  not  guilty,  and 
accused  the  audiencia  of  having  sacrificed  him  out 
of  hatred  to  Alonso. 

Soldiers  attended  divine  service  at  church  with  the  matches  for  their 
arquebuses  burning,  to  the  great  scandal  of  worshippers.  The  excitement 
was  such  as  had  never  been  witnessed  in  Mexico.  PeraUa,  Not.  Hist.,  212. 

Alonso  de  Avila  was  dressed  in  black,  and  had  on  a  Turkish  robe  of  gray- 
damask,  a  velvet  cap  with  a  gold  plume,  and  a  gold  chain  round  his  neck, 
this  being  the  same  apparel  he  wore  when  taken  to  prison.  Torquemada,  i. 
632. 

Peralta,  after  describing  the  scene  when  the  sentence  was  read  to  Alonso 


620 


THE  IVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


The  bodies  were  removed  between  11  and  12  o'clock 
at  night  by  a  priest  and  the  two  Velascos  to  the  church 
of  Saint  Augustine,  where  they  were  subsequently 
buried,  the  first  men  of  the  city  being  present  at  the 
funeral  ceremony.  The  heads  were  discovered  next 
morning  on  poles  upon  the  top  of  the  city  council's 
buildmg.  This  drew  a  protest  from  the  council,  coupled 
with  a  demand  for  their  removal, which  was  com- 
plied with,  and  the  heads  were  then  nailed  to  the 
pillory  as  a  warning. 

Alonso  de  Avila's  house  was  demolished,  according 
to  the  usage  of  the  age  in  Latin  countries ;  the  ground 
was  sown  with  salt,  and  a  pillar  erected  there  bearing 
an  inscription  commemorative  of  the  crime  for  which 
the  late  proprietor  had  suffered  death.  The  better 
class  of  the  community  declared  the  sentence  unjust. 
The  provincial  of  the  Santo  Evangelio,  for  himself  and 
the  council  of  the  Franciscans  in  that  province,  in  a 
long  letter  of  August  8,  1566,  to  the  king,  pronounces 
the  charges  frivolous.      The  audiencia  was  generally 

de  Avila  in  his  cell,  positively  claims  that  both  brothers  made  confession  of 
their  guilt,  and  implicated  the  marquis,  '  y  condenaron  al  marques  y  a  otros, 
como  consta  por  sus  conhsiones. '  This  author,  as  he  says,  was  among  the 
men  who  under  Francisco  de  Velasco  guarded  the  square,  and  his  horse's 
head  almost  touched  the  scaffold;  he  saw  and  heard  all  that  passed;  the 
unskilful  executioner  severed  the  heads  only  after  several  strokes,  and  thus 
made  the  prisoners  suffer  greatly.  As  to  the  words  uttered  by  the  friar, 
Domingo  de  Salazar,  who  later  became  bishop  of  the  Philippines,  he  distinctly 
heard  them  to  be:  'Senores,  encomienden  a  Dios  a  estos  caballeros,  quellos 
dizen  que  mueren  justamente,. .  .y  que  lo  que  abian  jurado  en  sus  confisiones 
era  verdad, '  which  Alonso,  on  being  interrogated,  confirmed  then  and  there. 
The  friar's  words  were  purposely  misrepresented  by  many;  but  the  audiencia 
gave  an  authenticated  copy  of  them  to  any  one  who  desired  it.  Peralta,  Not. 
Hist.,  211-23,  227-8. 

Torquemada,  followed  by  others,  asserts  that  the  council  threatened  to 
remove  them  by  force  if  its  demand  was  not  forthwith  attended  to,  as  the  city 
was  not  traitorous.  Orozco,  however,  throws  the  entire  responsibility  on  the 
first  named  for  these  details,  the  protest  alluded  to  not  appearing  on  the  coun- 
cil's books.  Torquemada,  i.  632;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  181;  Orozco  y  Berra, 
Not.  Con'.,  51. 

2" It  was  on  Reloj  street,  comer  of  Santa  Teresa.  Alaman,  Disert,  ii.  142. 

'  Por  ignominia  las  aran 
Y  de  esteril  sal  las  siembran 


Del  cincel  en  una  piedra 
Padron^ifrentoso  erige.* 

Zapata,  Rel.  funehre,  in  Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  ConJ  ,  501-2. 

*  Todo  debia  de  ser  palabras  de  M090S  livianos,  y  mal  recatados,  en  su 
hablar,  y  todo  sin  fundamento,  y  sin  medios  ningunos,  para  poner  nada  ea 
obra.'  IWquemada,  i.  632-4. 


VICEROY  FALCES. 


621 


censured,  and  there  would  have  been  serious  disturb- 
ance had  not  the  streets  been  so  thoroughly  patrolled. 
Some  of  the  encomenderos,  pulling  their  beards,  swore 
to  revenofe  the  innocent  blood  of  Gil  Gonzalez. 

In  a  measure  appeased  by  what  it  had  thus  far 
accomplished,  the  audiencia  was  proceeding  more 
leisurely  with  the  trial  of  the  other  prisoners,  when 
on  the  17th  of  September  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  the 
third  viceroy,  Don  Gaston  de  Peralta,  marques  do 
Falces.  He  was  a  lineal  descendant  of  Alonso  Car- 
rillo  de  Peralta,  first  marques  de  Falces  and  second 
constable  of  Navarre,  under  appointment  of  the  king, 
in  1455.  The  new  viceroy  was  known  as  a  man  of 
generous  sentiments,  who  had  rendered  valuable  ser- 
vices in  the  field  and  council,  and  was  also  a  good  ju- 
rist.^^  He  was  accompanied  by  his  wife,  Dona  Leonor 
Vico,  an  estimable  lady.  The  title  of  excellency  was 
given  him;  his  predecessors  had  been  addressed  only 
as  senoria. 

Before  arriving  at  Vera  Cruz  the  new  viceroy 
learned  from  the  master  of  a  ship  of  the  occurrences 
at  the  capital,  the  imprisonment  of  the  marques  del 
Valle,  and  others,  the  beheading  of  the  brothers  A.vila, 
and  the  grounds  on  which  the  audiencia  had  based  its 
course.  On  reaching  port  he  ascertained  that  no  rev- 
olutionary movements  existed  or  were  contemplated. 
He  passed  the  first  night  on  board,  and  landed  at  10 
A.  M.  the  next  day,  there  being  no  sign  of  disturbance. 
In  the  evening  messengers  arrived  from  Mexico  to 
greet  him  and  deliver  letters.  Some  assured  him 
that  all  was  quiet,  others  thought  he  should  have  a 
strong  guard  during  his  journey  to  the  capital.  After 

22  Antonio  Ruiz  de  Castaneda  full  of  wrath  swore  to  revenge  Gil's  death 
if  it  cost  him  his  whole  estate.  For  this  he  was  brought  to  trial,  when  he 
qualified  the  remark,  saying  he  meant  *  juridically,'  even  if  he  spent  his  estate, 
and  had  to  go  from  door  to  door  begging  for  funds  to  carry  an  appeal  to  the 
crown.  Orofzco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj.,  401. 

22 '  Sugeto  de  particulares  prendas,  y  virtud. '  Lorenzana,  in  CorUs,  Hist. 
N.  Esp.,  15.  'Hombre  prudente  y  enemigo  de  persecuciones. '  if om,  Mej, 
Bev.f  iii.  216. 


6^2 


THE  AVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


ordering  the  works  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  enlarged,  he 
set  out  for  Mexico  with  a  light  escort  of  twenty-five 
or  thirty  halberdiers,  and  his  twelve  servants  armed 
with  pikes.  In  Jalapa  he  rested  eight  days,  and  be- 
came satisfied  that  the  country  was  peaceful.  At 
Tlascala  and  Puebla  he  was  accorded  a  warm  recep- 
tion, and  in  return  he  thanked  the  caciques  and  the 
people  for  their  loyalty,  in  the  king's  name.  On  the 
19th  of  October  he  arrived  at  the  capital,  and  took 
formal  possession  of  his  offices. 

After  due  investigation  he  became  convinced  that 
the  audiencia  had  acted  with  severity,  and  he  so 
wrote  the  crown.  On  the  day  of  his  arrival  he 
ordered  away  the  military  force  at  the  royal  buildings, 
leaving  a  few  men  to  guard  the  prisoners.^* 

Meanwhile,  contrary  to  the  viceroy's  orders  sent 
them  from  Puebla  to  stop  proceedings  in  the  con- 
spiracy cases,  the  oidores  had  hurried  them  forward, 
and  now  Cespedes  de  Cardenas,  fiscal  of  the  audiencia, 
demanded  the  sequestration  of  the  marques  del  Yalle's 
estates.  This  the  viceroy  and  a  majority  of  the  coun- 
cil refused  to  grant,  and  Falces  resolved  to  send  the 
marquis  to  Spain. As  regards  Luis  Cortes,  the  court 
sentenced  him  for  high  treason  to  be  beheaded,  and  to 
forfeit  his  estate.  The  viceroy  at  first  affixed  his  sig- 
nature to  the  sentence;  there  may  have  been  treason 
in  the  heart  of  the  accused;  but  in  the  review  of  the 
case  it  was  modified,  and  the  prisoner  was  condemned 
to  loss  of  property  and  ten  years'  service  in  the  north 
of  Africa  at  his  own  cost.  Most  of  the  other  pris- 
oners were  released. 

2*  According  to  his  report  the  monthly  cost  of  the  guard  was  2,060  pesos, 
without  including  the  captain's  pay,  the  powder,  and  other  necessary  expenses. 
Falces,  Informe,  in  Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  iii.  429.  Ceinos,  the  senior  oidor,  and 
Dthers  tried  to  persuade  him  that  a  revolution  was  certain,  and  referred  to 
the  Franciscan  friar  Diego  Cornejo  to  corroborate  their  statement,  but  he 
felt  satisfied  that  no  revolt  was  intended.  Id.,  431-4. 

2^  Much  kind  attention  was  paid  Cortes  by  Falces,  who  allowed  his  friends 
to  see  him  at  all  hours,  day  and  night,  and  even  visited  and  was  visited  by 
him.  This  offended  the  oidores.  The  marquis  also  became  reconciled  with 
Baltasar  de  Aguilar  Cervantes  and  others  of  his  former  enemies  who  made 
advances  on  hearing  tha^^t  juecea'pesquisidores  would  soon  come  out  from  Spain. 


PUNISHMENTS  OF  THE  OTHERS. 


623 


Falces  made  much  of  Baltasar  de  Aguilar,  with  the 


no  hand  in  it.^^  Falces  then  wrote  the  crown  that  in 
his  opinion  there  had  been  no  conspiracy ;  the  oidores, 
on  the  other  hand,  accused  the  viceroy  of  apathy  and 
disloyalty,  and  thereafter  they  did  all  they  could  to 
annoy  him.^'' 


they  wrote  to  all  Spain  about  it.  They  went  further, 
even  accusing  Falces  of  favoring  the  plot,  and  of  hav- 
ing a  plan  of  his  own  to  separate  New  Spain  from  the 
crown  of  Castile,  in  support  of  which  he  had  already 
thirty  thousand  men  enrolled. Not  satisfied  with 
this,  by  collusion  with  the  factor  Ibarra,  who  had 


of  the  oidores  had  been  infamous,  and  the  informers 


2^  Later  on,  being  tortured  by  order  of  the  visitador  Munoz,  he  retracted 
that  declaration,  saying  that  his  first  statement  had  been  the  correct  one,  and 
adding  that  his  deposition  to  the  contrary  had  been  instigated  by  Falces. 
Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  230-2,  238. 

2^  The  annoyance  had  begun  even  earlier,  as  may  be  judged  by  the  conduct 
of  the  oidores  Villalobos  and  Orozco,  who  occupied  the  viceregal  apartments 
in  the  royal  buildings,  and  only  vacated  them  upon  a  peremptory  demand 
by  Falces.  This  gave  rise,  as  may  be  seen,  to  disagreeable  correspondence, 
■which  Falces  alluded  to  in  his  report  to  the  government.  Peralta,  Informe,  in 
Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  iii.  429. 

Falces  as  a  lover  of  the  fine  arts  had  caused  a  battle  scene  to  be  painted  in 
one  of  the  halls  of  the  palace,  which  represented  men  in  action.  Torquemada, 
i.  C34.  The  king  of  France  at  one  time  had  shown  much  regard  for  the  mar- 
ques del  Valle,  and  as  the  viceroy  had  relatives  at  the  French  court  and  in 
Navarre,  these  facts  were  adduced  and  made  much  of  by  the  enemies  of  the 
two  accused  marquises.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  232-3. 

'^"^  '  Las  cartas,  que  el  Virrei  escrivid,  y  causas,  qu  en  su  descargo  embiaba, 
las  hizo  detener  Ortuno  de  Ibarra,  que  era  Factor  del  Rei,  y  Hombre  poderoso, 
y  favorecido.'  Torquemada,  i.  635;  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  233;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos, 
i.  183-8;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj.,  57. 

^°  Ayala  de  Espinosa  said  to  the  audiencia  that  society  was  treating  him 
with  contumely  for  what  he  had  done,  and  that  the  object  was  to  make  the 
evidence  of  himself  and  others  appear  as  unworthy  of  credence.  Pedro  de 
Aguilar  was  allowed  to  leave  for  Spain.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj.,  Doc,  161; 
Falces,  Inf.,  in  Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  iii.  445-6. 


were  held  in  contempt. 


30 


THE  AVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


It  was  finally  agreed  to  send  the  marquis  to  Spain; 
but  difference  of  opinion  arose  as  to  the  best  way  of 
getting  him  to  Vera  Cruz.  The  oidores,  in  further- 
ance of  their  plans  of  compromising  Falces,  threw 
the  responsibility  upon  him.  Keflecting  that  a  large 
military  escort  might  create  alarm,  and  a  small  one 
be  useless  if  the  friends  of  Cortes  should  attempt  a 
rescue,  the  viceroy  concluded  to  let  him  go  on  parole 
to  Vera  Cruz,  and  deliver  himself  up  to  the  general 
of  the  fleet,  Juan  Velasco  de  Barrio,^^  who  was  to  take 
him  to  Spain  to  be  surrendered  to  the  royal  authori- 
ties. This  was  done.  The  marquis  was  at  Vera  Cruz 
on  the  day  stipulated,  the  20th  of  March,  having 
placed  his  children  under  Falces'  protection,  who  ac- 
cepted the  trust,  but  not  that  of  looking  after  his 
estates,  as  the  marquis  had  also  asked  him. 

Together  with  the  marquis  were  sent  to  Spain  his 
half-brother  Luis,  Dean  Juan  Chico  de  Molina,^^  and 
a  Franciscan  friar.  The  informer  Crist6bal  Ayala  de 
Espinosa  also  went  in  the  fleet  to  seek  preferment  for 
pretended  services.  Philip  was  ready  enough  to  dis- 
trust his  agents  in  America,  yet  he  disliked  to  believe 
evil  of  the  marques  de  Falces.  But  why  did  not  his 
viceroy  write  if  he  was  innocent  of  the  charges  ad- 
vanced by  his  brother  officials?    Probably  it  were 

2^  He  based  his  action  not  solely  on  the  reasons  given  in  the  text,  but  also 
on  the  fact  that  Cortes'  high  rank  entitled  him  to  trust;  '  pues  principes,  gale- 
ras,  fortalezas,  oficios,  y  otras  cosas  de  gran  calidad  se  fiaban  y  entregaban  ^ 
caballeros  hijos  dalgo  con  un  pleyto  homenage,  el  cual  tenia  tanta  fuerza  de 
fidelidad  y  obligacion.'  The  old  chivalrous  spirit  animated  him,  it  seems. 
Falces,  Informe  al  Rey,  in  Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  424-48;  and  Falces,  Proceso,  in 
Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj.,  411-40.  The  official  report  of  the  marques  de 
Falces,  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  on  the  alleged  conspiracy  of  the  second  marquis 
del  Valle  and  others  to  wr«st  the  country  from  the  Spanish  crown,  is  a  clear 
and  detailed  account  of  political  affairs  as  he  found  them  on  his  arrival,  and 
as  they  continued  to  the  time  it  was  written  in  1567.  As  such  it  is,  judging 
from  the  writer's  character,  well  deserving  of  consideration  and  credence.  It 
was  the  same  document,  wilfully  kept  back  by  the  king's  factor,  from  which 
resulted  Falces'  temporary  disgrace  and  untold  evils  to  Mexico.  In  the  JRe- 
yistro  Trimestre,  and  also  in  Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  it  is  stated  that  the  memorial 
was  delivered  to  the  king.  But  as  a  matter  of  fact  it  was  presented  to  the 
royal  commissioners  Dec.  6,  1567,  when  the  fiscal  of  the  audiencia  in  Mexico 
preferred  charges  against  Falces. 

^^In  Madrid  he  was  subjected  to  the  torture,  by  which  he  lost  the  use  of 
one  arm.    He  was  also  deprived  of  his  rank.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  255. 


TWO  ATROCIOUS  JUDGES. 


625 


better  the  viceroy  should  be  deposed;  and  so  the 
Hcenciados  Jarava,  Alonso  Munoz,  and  Luis  Carrillo 
were  despatched  to  Mexico  as  jueces  pesquisidores,  or 
royal  commissioners,  armed  with  a  peremptory  order 
to  Falces  to  turn  over  the  government  to  them,  and 
forthwith  proceed  to  Spain,  there  to  answer  the  charges 
preferred  against  him.  Jarava  died  at  sea;  the  other 
two  entered  the  capital  early  in  October  1567,^^  and 
demanded  the  government  from  Falces.  We  may  well 
imagine  his  indignation  at  this  insult  so  unjustly  and 
cruelly  inflicted;  but  he  obeyed  the  royal  command, 
and  then  labored  to  ascertain  the  cause  of  it.  He  soon 
discovered  the  trick  that  Ortuno  de  Ibarra  had  played 
him,  and  at  once  made  it  public.  Much  regret  was 
felt  at  his  deposal.  The  so  lately  dreadful  conspiracy 
was  by  this  time  almost  forgotten. 

Munoz,  a  man  of  advanced  age,  being  senior  in  rank 
as  well  as  in  years,  took  charge  of  aflairs.  Flushed 
with  power,  Munoz  began  to  show  his  character,  that 
of  an  inflexible,  haughty,  and  cruel  man.  He  aped 
royalty,  ignored  the  audiencia,  distrusted  the  oidores, 
and  treated  with  discourtesy  all  having  business  with 
him.  His  subordinates  he  regarded  with  contempt, 
and  a  distant  bow  was  all  he  deigned  to  gentlemen  of 
high  position.  When  riding  out  he  was  escorted  by 
twenty-four  halberdiers.^* 

Early  in  November  Munoz  and  Carrillo  devoted 
their  whole  attention  to  the  proceedings  in  the  political 
trials.  Munoz  as  a  councillor  of  the  Indies  had  already 
acted  at  Madrid  in  the  cases  ordering  torture  to  be 
inflicted  on  Cristobal  de  Onate,  whom  the  audiencia 
of  Mexico  had  sent  there.  This  man,  to  escape  the 
horrors  of  the  torture,  made  confessions  implicating 
a  number  of  innocent  persons.  He  was  brought  back 
to  be  used  both  as  witness  and  victim. 

'  2^  All  the  authorities  agree  upon  the  time  except  Vetancvrty  Trat.  Mex. ,  9, 
who  gives  their  arrival  in  March  1568. 

'  Queria  hacer  guerra  al  Cielo. .  .no  sabia  baxar  la  cabe9a  a  la  Tierra. . . 
debia  de  creer,  que  los  Hombres  eran  bestias.'  Torquemada^  i.  637. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  40 


626 


THE  AVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


Munoz,  taking  upon  himself  control  of  the  case, 
ordered  the  rearrest  of  those  the  viceroy  had  re- 
leased on  bail,  and  doubled  the  guards.  Any  sus- 
picion, however  slight,  against  any  person  would  in- 
sure incarceration.  To  save  themselves  from  possible 
accusation  many  turned  informers.  The  infamous  old 
man  became  rabid  on  the  subject,  and  as  he  moved 
from  place  to  place  he  saw  conspirators  everywhere. 
The  jails  becoming  insufficient,  he  had  some  dungeons 
built,  damp  dark  horrible  places  for  human  beingSj 
and  which  still  existed  and  bore  his  hated  name  in  the 
seventeenth  century. 

The  criminal  trials  were  prosecuted  with  activity. 
Every  circumstance,  however  trifling,  was  brought  to 
bear  heavily  against  the  victims.  The  time  allowed 
them  for  defence  was  short.  The  result  of  it  was 
that  the  prisoners  deemed  it  useless  to  attempt  a 
defence,  and  an  unjust  sentence  and  its  execution  usu- 
ally ended  the  case.  On  the  7th  of  January,  1568. 
were  sentenced  to  be  hanged  and  quartered  for  treason 
and  attempted  rebellion  Juan  Gomez  de  Victoria, 
Gonzalo  Nunez,  and  Cristobal  de  Onate,  the  last 
named  being  the  one  taken  to  and  brought  back  from 
Spain.  It  was  believed  that  the  other  two  were  inno- 
cent. "'^'^  On  the  8th  the  three  were  executed,  Nunez 
and  Victoria  confessing  their  guilt,  and  Onate  retract- 
ing the  falsehoods  he  had  uttered  in  Madrid  under 
fear  of  torture.    He  declared  just  before  his  execu- 

Among  the  prisoners  the  following  names  appear:  Martin  Cortes,  Balta- 
sar  and  Diego  Arias  de  Sotelo,  Francisco,  Fernando,  and  Bernardino  Pacheco 
de  Bocanegra,  Nuno  de  Chavez,  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  Agustin  de  Sotomayor, 
Hernando  de  Bazan,  Diego  Rodriguez  Orozco,  Pedro  G-omez  °de  Caceres, 
Antonio  de  Carbajal,  Baltasar  and  Pedro  de  Quesada,  Juan  de  Valdivieso, 
Antonio  Ruiz  de  Castaneda,  Garcia  de  Albornoz,  Gonzalo  Nunez,  an d^  Juan 
Gomez  de  Victoria  (these  last  two  were  servants  of  the  late  Alonso  de  Avila), 
Cristobal  de  Oilate,  Pedro  Gonzalez,  a  son  of  the  conqueror  Andres  de  Tapia, 
Rodrigo  de  Carbajal,  clergyman.  Many  others  appear  incidentally  in  the 
general  proceedings,  those  of  their  own  trials  not  having  reached  us.  The 
property  of  such  as  had  any  was  sequestered.  Orozco  y  Bei-ra,  Not.  Conj.,  59; 
Doc,  in  Id.,  217-470;  Torqiiemada,  i.  636;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  183. 

''''One  thousand  workmen  were  employed,  completing  them  in  15  days. 
Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  237. 

'  Dicen,  que  murieron  sin  culpa. '  Torqnemada,  i.  636.  Orozco  y  B^cra, 
Not.  Conj.,  GO,  gives  only  the  executions  of  Victoria  and  Onate. 


TORTURE  OF  MARTIN  CORT^IS. 


627 


tion  that  all  he  said  about  the  marques  del  Valle 
having  given  him  a  commission  to  France  and  to 
certain  high  officials  was  untrue.  The  next  day, 
mounted  on  mules  and  bound  hands  and  feet,  the 
brothers  Baltasar  and  Pedro  de  Quesada,  sexagena- 
rians, were  taken  to  the  scaffold  to  be  beheaded ;  they 
acknowledged  having  taken  part  in  a  plot  against  the 
king.    Baltasar  de  Sotelo  met  with  the  same  fate.^^ 

It  becomes  my  duty  here  to  record  one  of  those 
hellish  acts  which  makes  one  blush  for  one's  race, 
which  makes  one  wonder  how  superior  powers  can  sit 
and  smile  on  them.  Sapient  philosophers  may  charge 
it  to  the  times,  and  there  leave  it,  scarcely  knowing 
what  they  say;  religionists  would  place  it  among  the 
mysteries  of  providence  and  expect  us  to  be  satisfied ; 
there  still  remains  the  fact,  a  most  ignoble  and  worse 
than  beastly  one,  and  wherein  man  may  see  something 
of  himself  as  he  is  to-day. 

While  the  executions  of  the  8th  were  going  on  in 
the  presence  of  the  people,  there  lay  in  one  of  the 
rooms  of  the  royal  buildings  Martin  Cortes,  Marina's 
son,  undergoing  bodily  torture.  The  father  had  con- 
quered the  country  for  Spain,  and  the  mother  had 
been  his  most  devoted  friend  and  helper ;  and  here  now 
w^as  the  son,  stretched  on  a  bed  of  mortal  agony,  be- 
cause to  his  grizzly  judge  at  the  trial  he  would  di- 
vulge nothing  of  the  secrets  of  his  confederates,  were 
any  such  secrets  in  his  keeping. 

Happy  invention !  that  of  water  and  cord,^^  as  ad- 
ministered at  the  hands  of  Pero  Baca  and  Juan  Na- 
varro, by  order  of  Munoz.    It  does  not  add  to  the 

^^Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  iii.  218-19,  says  that  his  brother  Diego  Sotelo  was  also 
put  to  death.  Torquemada,  i.  636,  gives  only  the  execution  of  Baltasar  cle 
Sotelo.  According  to  Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj.,  61,  the  brothers  were 
merely  banished. 

Being  a  knight  of  Santiago,  and  the  rules  of  the  order  requiring  the 
presence  of  other  members  at  the  act,  Francisco  de  Velasco  and  the  bishop 
of  Puebla,  Antonio  de  Morales,  y  Molina  were  summoned  to  witness  it.  The 
latter  has  been  blamed  for  taking  part  in  an  act  so  unl^ecoming  a  Christian 
prelate;  but  it  seems  that  he  appeared  at  the  special  request  of  Martin  Cortes. 
Torqtiemada,  i.  636. 


628 


THE  AVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


merits  of  the  case  to  know  that  Martin  was  conva- 
lescing from  serious  illness.  "I  have  spoken  the 
truth,  and  have  nothing  further  to  add,"  Martin  said, 
as  they  stripped  him  and  laid  him  on  the  rack.  Being 
again  urged  to  speak  the  truth,  he  replied,  It  is 
spoken."  The  executioners  then  proceeded  to  bind 
with  cords  the  fleshy  parts  of  the  arms,  thighs,  calves, 
and  large  toes,  and  gradually  to  tighten  them  all  at 
once.  Speak  the  truth,"  they  said.  It  is  spoken," 
was  ever  the  reply.  Six  times  they  poured  a  quart 
of  water  down  his  throat,  demanding  each  time  a 
truthful  declaration.  With  wonderful  firmness  the 
poor  fellow  held  to  his  first  position.  "Kill  me  if 
you  will,  I  can  tell  you  nothing  more."^'^  And  the 
judges  at  last  believed  him,  and  allowed  a  little  rest, 
intending  to  continue  after  the  suflerer  should  have 
recovered  sufficient  strength.  Strange  that  in  any  age 
men  in  the  possession  of  common  reason  could  hope 
by  such  means  to  arrive  at  the  truth !  But  after  all, 
in  the  affairs  of  men  there  is  a  happy  compensation. 
Martin's  mother  is  sold  into  slavery;  Martin's  father 
tortures  the  Indians;  Martin  himself  enslaves  and 
tortures  ad  libitum;  Munoz  imprisons  and  tortures 
Martin ;  death  and  the  devil  seize  and  torture  Munoz. 

It  was  not  convenient  to  torture  Martin  further. 
Eighteen  days  afterwards  he  was  sentenced  to  exile 
for  life  from  all  the  Indies,  and  from  within  five 
leagues  of  the  court  of  Spain,  and  to  pay  a  fine  of 
five  hundred  gold  ducats.  Others  were  exiled;  some 
from  New  Spain,  some  from  the  city  of  Mexico,  and 
all  must  pay  money  into  the  king's  treasury.*^ 

*° '  Ya  he  dicho  la  verdad,  y  ]3or  el  Sacratisimo  nombre  de  Dios  que  s 
duelan  de  ml,  que  no  dire  mas  de  aqui  a  que  me  muera. '  Orozco  y  Berra,  Not. 
Conj.,  61;  Doc,  in  Id.,  231-2. 

Among  the  most  noted  were:  Diego  Arias  Sotelo,  transported  to  Gran 
on  the  north  coast  of  Africa.  The  three  brothers  Bocanegra  suffered  torture, 
confessed  nothing,  and  were  sentenced  to  Oran.  Bernardino  de  Bocanegra 
had  been  first  condemned  to  death  for  the  murder  of  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon, 
but  was  saved  through  family  influence  and  finally  sent  to  Oran.  Of  those 
exiled  I  find  the  following:  Pedro  Gomez,  son  of  Captain  Andres  Tapia,  An- 
tonio Ruiz  de  Castafieda,  Garcia  de  Albornoz,  and  Juan  de  Valdivieso.  Only 
one  of  those  sent  to  Oran  ever  left  that  xjlace.  Torquemada,  i.  030;  Peralta, 
Not.  Hist.,  247-8. 


THE  VICEROY  SUSPECTED. 


629 


Even  the  marques  de  Falces  was  brought  before 
the  dread  court  of  the  royal  emissaries;  charges  of 
disloyalty  as  well  as  offences  of  omission  were  made 
against  him,  to  w^hich  he  pleaded  that  his  conscience 
was  at  peace,  for  he  had  done  nothing  incompatible  with 
the  duties  of  a  loyal  subject  and  servant  of  the  crown. 
In  view  of  his  rank,  the  judges  abstained  from  ren- 
dering a  decision  in  his  case,  and  referred  it  to  the 
king.  This  was  all  Falces  asked,  and  a  few  days  later 
he  went  down  to  Vera  Cruz  to  embark  on  the  first 
ship  for  Spain. 

Munoz  continued  his  abuse  of  power  almost  with- 
out a  limit.  The  jails  as  well  as  his  pestilence-breed- 
ing dungeons  were  filled  with  innocent  victims,  whose 
sons  and  wives  dare  not  move  in  their  release  lest 
worse  befall  them.  For  once  in  their  battered  ex- 
istence the  Indians  were  saved  by  their  insignificance 
from  the  horrid  notice  of  their  present  rulers.  It  was 
the  Spaniards  and  their  descendants,  and  particularly 
those  of  high  position,  conquerors  and  sons  of  con- 
querors, who  had  themselves  gloried  in  practising 
enormities  on  others,  even  as  they  were  now  wrought 
upon  by  fiends  of  injustice ;  it  was  these  who  were  now 
the  sufferers,  and  at  the  hands  of  those  of  their  own 
race.^^ 

*2  *  No  avia  Hombre  con  Hombre  en  la  Tierra,  y  de  tal  modo  vivian  todos, 
que  no  sabian  de  si,  ni  como  defenderse,  ni  ampararse  de  tantas  crueldades,  y 
tiranias,  como  hacia. '  Torquemada,  i,  636.  It  must  be  here  stated,  however, 
that  the  Franciscan  province  of  the  Santo  Evangelic,  to  which  Torquemada 
afterward  belonged,  had  by  this  time  changed  its  opinion  respecting  the 
political  condition  of  the  country.  It  may  have  been  from  an  honest  belief, 
or  from  a  feeling  of  gratitude  to  Munoz  for  favors  received,  that  fathers  Mi- 
guel Navarro,  provincial,  and  Diego  de  Mendoza,  Juan  Focher,  and  Joan 
Kamirez,  definidores,  in  a  letter  of  May  24,  1568,  commend  in  glowing  terms 
his  rule,  adding  that  if  he  could  have  retained  his  powers  two  or  three  years, 
the  country  would  be  in  much  better  state  than  it  ever  had  been  since  the 
conquest.  He  had  already  set  everything  in  order  in  both  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral concerns,  and  his  name  stood  now  very  high,  In  the  prosecution  of  the 
marques  del  Valle  and  others,  both  Munoz  and  Carrillo  had  done  their  duty 
like  good  Christians,  using  no  more  severity  than  was  needful,  and  the 
evidence  produced  at  the  trials  should  be  considered  dispassionately:  'si  en- 
sangrentaron  algo  las  manos  no  devia  conuenir  otra  cosa  para  la  entera  pacifi- 
cacion  destos  reinos.'  They  conclude  wishing  for  Munoz'  return,  or  the 
coming  of  some  one  possessed  of  his  spirit,  and  with  freedom  of  action. 
Navarro  et  al,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  159. 


630 


THE  iVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


Mexico  could  no  longer  patiently  endure  the  yoke. 
The  remedy  was  worse  than  the  disease;  if  anything 
could  make  traitors  it  was  Munoz'  conduct.  Public  dis- 
content had  by  this  time  reached  such  a  point  that  the 
country's  peace  was  really  in  danger,  far  more  in  dan- 
ger than  at  any  time  previous.  Measures  were  taken 
by  the  best  men  to  rid  New  Spain  of  the  crown  agent; 
if  the  king  would  do  it,  well;  if  not,  they  would  do 
it  themselves.  Evading  the  watchfulness  of  Munoz 
and  his  minions,  they  forwarded  to  Madrid  correct 
accounts  of  the  past  and  present  condition  of  things 
over  their  own  signatures.  Petitions  went  to  the 
king  from  all  quarters  in  Mexico,  showing  the  whole 
country  to  be  in  mourning,  in  dread  and  constant 
alarm,  and  in  actual  danger  of  revolution.  And  this 
would  cease,  the  writers  said,  if  Munoz  and  Carrillo 
were  at  once  removed;  not  otherwise.  The  crafty 
and  cruel,  cold  and  unscrupulous  Philip  saw  at  once 
that  this  was  no  case  of  iron-heel  justice;  moreover, 
he  was  really  indignant  at  the  conduct  of  Munoz,  who 
had  so  infamously  misrepresented  him.  He  there- 
fore immediately  despatched  to  Mexico  the  oidores 
Villanueva  and  Puga,  the  same  persons  whom  Val- 
derrama  had  dismissed,  with  orders  to  depose  Munoz 
and  Carrillo,  and  compel  them  to  quit  the  capital 
within  three  hours.  The  two  dismissed  rulers  were 
to  repair  to  Madrid  and  explain  their  acts. 

The  oidores  arrived  the  13th  of  April,  1568,  which 
was  holy  Tuesday.  These  officials  knew  what  it  was 
to  be  up,  and  what  it  was  to  be  down.  They  had 
been  displaced,  and  they  knew  how  to  displace  an- 
other. The  other  members  of  the  audiencia  were 
pleased  to  receive  them;  nothing  could  be  worse  than 
as  it  had  been.  Munoz  was  a  pious  man ;  for  so  old 
and  so  rank  a  sinner  he  was  exceedingly  pious.  He 
was  spending  holy  week  at  the  convent  of  Santo  Do- 
mingo, deep  in  king-craft;  for  as  he  had  ruled  here, 
so  would  he  if  possible  rule  hereafter.  The  oidores  were 
all  a  little  afraid  of  him;  nevertheless  it  was  not  an 


MUNOZ  AND  CARRILLO  DEPOSED. 


GSl 


unpleasing  task  to  depose  the  old  tyrant ;  so  plucking 
up  courage  the  two  commissioners,  with  the  secretary 
Sanchez  Lopez  de  Agurto,  early  next  morning  re- 
paired to  the  convent  and  asked  for  Munoz.  The 
page  hesitated  to  disturb  his  master  s  rest  or  devo- 
tions, but  finally  conducted  the  visitors  to  his  room. 
Munoz  received  them  sitting,  and  barely  returned  their 
salutation.  Without  further  preamble  Yillanueva  drew 
forth  the  royal  cedulaand  directed  Agurto   to  read  it. 

The  effect  on  Munoz  was  as  if  he  had  been  struck. 
Without  uttering  a  word  his  head  fell  heavily  on  his 
breast,  and  after  a  time  he  signified  his  acquiescence. 
The  news  that  the  tyrant  had  been  deposed  spread 
through  the  city,  and  the  jubilant  inhabitants  appeared 
upon  the  streets  just  in  time  to  see  the  so  lately  proud 
and  haughty  representative  of  royalty,  now  a  poor 
and  trembling  old  man,  friendless  and  comparatively 
alone,  wending  his  way  out  of  the  country,  an  object 
of  scorn  and  execration.  His  weaker  but  scarcely  less 
detested  colleague  Carrillo  was  with  him;  and  it  is 
said,  though  probably  with  exaggeration,  that  had  it 
not  been  for  the  compassion  of  certain  citizens  they 
would  have  been  obliged  to  perform  the  journey  to 
Vera  Cruz  on  -  foot.  However  this  may  have  been, 
they  received  marked  demonstrations  of  antipathy 
everywhere  on  their  j  ourney.  Sharp  corners  of  fortune 
were  those  which  the  king-servers  and  king-defiers  used 
to  turn  then  in  the  Indies.  Going  on  board  the  vessel 
which  was  to  carry  them  to  Spain,  these  who  had  been 

It  is  presumed  he  was  the  same  known  also  as  Sancho  Lopez  de  Recalde, 
who  was  secretary  of  the  royal  council  in  Spain  in  1544,  and  afterward  a 
notary  public  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  he  died  in  1575,  leaving  two  sons, 
Sancho  Lopez  and  Diego;  the  latter  of  whom  became  a  canon  of  the  cathe- 
dral; the  former  was  a  notary  public  before  1572,  and  in  1575  was  made 
notary  and  secretary  of  the  audiencia,  holding  the  office  till  November  9, 
1582,  on  which  date  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  king  in  council.  It  seems  he 
had  often  written  the  king  on  public  affairs.  During  the  disturbances  of 
the  so-called  conspiracy  of  the  marques  del  Valle,  he  contributed  with  his 
estate  and  personal  services,  together  with  those  of  his  relatives  and  subor- 
dinates, to  the  preservation  of  peace  and  guarding  of  the  city.  In  October 
1576  the  secretary  of  the  civil  department  was  Juan  de  Cuevas.  *Till  late!-/ 
he  had  a  colleague,  Sancho  Lopez  de  Recalde,  who  died  recently. '  EnriqueZy 
Carta  al  Rey,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  333. 


632 


THE  Ivila-cort:^s  conspiracy. 


driven  forth  found  there  him  whom  they  had  driven 
forth,  Fakes,  but  for  them  viceroy,  and  now  a  king 
beside  them. 

Carrillo  died  at  sea.**  On  arrival  at  Madrid,  Falces 
at  once  went  to  the  king  and  told  him  all.  Philip 
listened,  believed,  and  gave  the  faithful  servant  kind 
treatment — that  is,  for  a  king.  Munoz  also  went  to 
his  master  and  was  received  very  sternly.  "  I  sent 
you  to  nourish,  not  to  destroy,"  said  the  king.  Munoz 
tried  to  explain,  but  Philip  turned  his  back  upon  him. 
It  was  enough ;  disgraced,  driven  forth,  spurned,  the 
old  man  went  his  way,  and  that  same  night  was  found 
dead,  sitting  on  a  chair  with  his  head  resting  on  his 
hand.*^ 

It  was  not  generally  believed  then,  nor  has  it  been 
since,  that  any  plan  of  independence  really  had  exist- 
ence at  the  time.  The  chief  encomenderos,  it  was 
explained,  angry  at  the  systematic  provocation,  the 
arbitrary  persecution  by  the  ministers  and  delegates 
of  the  king,  in  their  fear  and  wrath  had  endeavored  to 
•find  some  means  to  defend  their  threatened  interests; 
but  there  was  no  evidence  of  their  ever  having  ceased 
to  be  loyal  subjects,  their  only  offence  being  that 
some  of  them  squandered  their  estates.  The  so-called 
conspiracy  was  declared  to  be  nothing  more  than  an 
invention  of  the  enemies  of  the  marques  del  Yalle, 
his  brothers,  and  their  friends,  to  bring  them  to  ruin. 
Some  thought  it  a  plan  concocted  at  Madrid  for 
despoiling  the  encomenderos.  Juan  Suarez  Peralta, 
one  of  the  victims,  who  left  his  views  in  writing, 
throws  out  hints  in  this  direction,  but  nothing  more ; 
it  was  dangerous  in  those  days  to  speak  one's  mind 

**His  death  was  caused  1/  a  stroke  of  apoplexy.  The  body  was  carried 
to  Habana.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  252,  347. 

Munoz  was  cruel  as  well  as  pious,  and  Carrillo  was  pious  as  well  as  cruel; 
at  the  tortures  the  former  showed  greater  pity,  a  softer  heart;  whereas  the 
other  being  weaker  was  more  harsh.  The  people,  however,  had  an  idea  that 
Munoz  was  the  more  monstrous  of  the  two,  and  they  feared  him  beyond 
compare.  One  man  actually  took  a  fever  and  died  in  two  days  upon  receiv- 
ing  a  harsh  message  from  Munoz.  /cZ.,  250-1. 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  DAY. 


633 


on  New  Spain  government  policy.  The  impudent 
utterances  of  Alonso  de  A.vila  cost  him  his  Hfe. 

Many  effusions  in  prose  and  verse  were  written  to 
commemorate  this  bloody  episode,  the  most  notable 
being  the  funeral  narrative  hy  the  Mexican  poet,  his- 
torian, and  political  writer,  Luis  de  Sandoval  Zapata, 
who  lived  early  in  the  seventeenth  century.  A  notice 
of  this  composition  will  be  given  elsewhere.  Its 
author  exonerates  both  the  Avilas  from  any  treason- 
able intent,  and  assures  us  that  the  king's  council 
also  did  so  at  a  later  time.^^  He  lays  to  the  malice 
of  informers  and  the  envy  and  blindness  of  judges 
the  deaths  of  many  innocent  men.  We  must  admit, 
however,  that  during  the  epoch  under  consideration  a 
plot  to  bring  about  the  secession  of  New  Spain  from 
the  mother  country  was  brewing,  so  much  having 
been  confessed  by  Alonso  de  Avila  first,  and  by  the 
brothers  Quesada  later;  though  it  certainly  was  not 
worthy  of  the  consideration  given  it  by  the  oidores  in 
their  zeal  or  animosity.  Indeed,  the  depositions  of 
the  persons  having  knowledge  of  the  circumstances 
show  that  treason  had  not  been  seriously  considered. 
The  viceroy,  who  carefully  read  the  evidence,  could 
not  believe  that  criminality  had  been  intended,'^'  and 
this  seems  to  have  been  the  conclusion  arrived  at  by 
the  king  in  approving  the  course  of  Falces  and  con- 
demning that  of  Munoz  and  Carrillo. 

But,  whatever  opinion  we  may  hold  of  the  conduct 
of  the  Avilas  and  others,  it  is  quite  certain  that  the 
marquis,  Martin  Cortes,  took  no  part  in  any  plot 
against  the  crown.  Not  that  there  was  wanting  cause 
or  inducement;  but  the  risk  was  too  great.  With 

*^Bien  que  despues  el  Consejo 
,  De  la  Magestad  exelsa 


Declare  con  su  clemencia 

No  hubo  culpa  de  traidores 

En  los  Avilas.    .    .    .    ,  . 
In  Orozco  y  Berra,  Not.  Conj. ,  502. 

*^  His  words  in  one  place  were  '  el  alzamiento  que  en  esta  tierra  dicen  se 
pretendid  hacer; '  and  in  another,  *  despues  de  la  sospecha  de  alzamiento.* 
In  Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  iii.  424,  435-6. 


634 


THE  j[VILA-CORTi:S  CONSPIRACY. 


Spain  and  so  many  Spaniards  and  the  native  Amer- 
icans against  them,  the  insurgents  could  not  possibly 
have  sustained  themselves.  And  then  his  name,  his 
proud  position,  his  princely  estates:  failure  would  in- 
volve the  forfeiture  of  all  these.  Yet  here  there  was 
little  to  choose;  if  the  godly  Philip  desired  any  one's 
property  he  usually  took  it  if  he  could.  For  an  inno- 
cent man  the  penalties  inflicted  on  the  marquis  by  the 
king  and  council  were  grievous;  but  they  assisted  to 
foster  suspicion  until  a  good  share  of  his  wealth  was 
secured. His  case  was  not  terminated  for  several 
years.  Whether  it  was  that  nothing  could  be  proved 
against  him,  or  that  he  paid  over  sufficient  money,  or 
that  the  court  deemed  him  no  longer  dangerous,  he 
was  finally  acquitted,  and  the  family  reinstated  in  all 
its  honors,  rights,  and  privileges,  but  not  till  a  large 
fine  had  been  exacted.^^  Most  of  the  sequestered 
property  was  restored  in  1574.  Tehuantepec  was 
taken  by  the  crown  on  the  pretext  of  its  being  needed 
for  a  port  and  navy-yard,  and  as  a  point  from  which 
to  make  discoveries.^^    During  the  period  of  seques- 

The  marquis  was  sentenced  to  serve  in  Gran  and  to  perpetual  banishment 
from  the  Indies,  to  the  payment  of  many  thousand  ducats,  and  the  jurisdic- 
tion in  his  estate  was  also  taken  from  him.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  255-6. 

Fifty  thousand  ducats,  and  to  make  a  forced  loan  to  the  crown  of  100,000 
more  for  war  expenses.  He  must  have  been  kept  confined.  He  certainly  was 
in  custody  from  January  1  to  October  13,  1572,  at  the  fortress  of  Torre j on  de 
Velasco,  during  which  time  73,888  maravedis  were  expended  for  his  support, 
which  were  paid  to  the  officers  holding  him,  by  the  treasurer-general  of  the 
kingdom,  under  an  order  of  the  royal  council.  Valdaracete,  Peticion,  in  Pa- 
checo  and  Cardenas,  Col  Doc,  xiii.  456-8;  Consejo,  Peal,  Mandamiento,  in 
Id.,  458-61. 

The  deprivation  of  the  privilege  to  appoint  governors  and  alcaldes  may- 
ores  was  repealed  much  later,  when  Fernando,  the  third  marquis,  married 
Mencia  de  la  Cerda  y  Bobadilla,  a  lady  of  honor  of  the  princess  Isabel. 
The  Cortes  family  remained  in  Spain  till  Pedro,  the  fourth  marquis,  a 
brother  of  his  predecessor  and  whose  wife  was  Ana  de  Pacheco  de  la  Cerda, 
a  sister  of  the  conde  de  Montalvan,  came  to  Mexico,  where  he  died  January 
30,  1629,  without  issue.  It  is  said  that  at  his  funeral  were  in  attendance  300 
Franciscan  friars  from  the  city  of  Mexico  and  neighboring  towns.  The  entail 
went  to  his  niece,  Estefania  Cortes,  wife  of  the  Neapolitan  nobleman  duke  of 
Terranova  and  Monteleone.  The  estates  and  seignorial  rights  remained  in  the 
house  till  the  war  of  succession  to  the  Spanish  crown,  when,  the  duke  having 
taken  sides  with  the  house  of  Austria,  they  were  placed  under  sequestration. 
This  was  raised  after  the  peace  of  Utrecht  confirmed  Felipe  V.,  the  first  Bour- 
bon to  wear  the  Spanish  crown.  They  were  again  sequestered  at  the  time 
of  the  invasion  of  Napoleon,  and  restored  to  the  family  after  Fernan<lo  VII. 
recovered  his  throne.    The  family  retained  the  estates  till  1820,  with  the 


DEATH  OF  THE  MARQUES  DEL  VALLE. 


G35 


tration,  the  government  had  paid  the  pensions  of 
Dona  Juana  de  Zuniga,  the  dowager  marchioness, 
and  of  her  brother  the  friar  Antonio. 

The  marquis  died  the  13th  of  August,  1589.  It  is 
behoved  that  the  sentence  of  exile  in  the  case  of  Mar- 
tin, Dona  Marina's  son,  was  never  carried  out.  On 
the  17th  of  March,  1568,  he  was  still  living  in  his  own 
house,  as  appears  in  a  petition  asking  for  an  extension 
of  the  time  he  was  allowed  to  enjoy  that  place  as  his 
prison.  As  he  was  in  bad  health  it  is  likely  the  peti- 
tion was  granted,  and  he  was  troubled  no  more  after 
Munoz  was  dismissed.  Nothing  further  is  known  of 
him  or  his  family.  It  is  probable  that  he  left  no  legit- 
imate descendants.  Luis  Cortes  returned  to  Mexico 
after  the  acquittal  of  the  marquis  in  1574,  and  lived 
almost  in  obscurity.  He  never  took  part  again  in 
public  affairs,  and  at  his  death  left  to  his  descendants 
the  name  of  Cortes  de  Hermosilla. 

exception  of  the  seignorial  privileges,  the  Spanish  c(5rtes  having  abolished  all 
such.  Upon  the  independence  of  Mexico  the  estates  were  sequestered  a 
fourth  time,  for  a  while,  during  Iturbide's  short  imperial  sway.  In  1833  they 
were  declared  national  property,  and  in  1834  restored  to  the  owner.  Such 
has  been  the  devious  course  of  tenure  in  the  Cortes  estates.  Terranova  y 
Monteleone,  Espos.,  63;  Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  iii.  226-7;  Datos  Biog.,  in  Cartas  de 
Ind.y  858;  AXamaUy  Disert.,  ii.  171. 

I  would  here  oflfer  my  tribute  of  respect  for  the  prominent  writer  and 
accomplished  scholar  Manuel  Orozco  y  Berra.  Probably  no  Mexican  historian 
of  modern  times  has  been  so  generally  held  in  high  esteem  both  by  his  coun- 
trymen and  by  scholars  everywhere.  Enjoying  the  fullest  facilities,  with  the 
confidence  of  the  government,  and  of  all  who  held  in  possession  materials  for 
history;  with  a  sound  mind,  a  facile  pen,  and  a  generous  sympathy  for  the 
just  and  humane  on  all  questions  relating  to  society  and  civilization,  he  was 
a  man  of  whose  name  his  country  may  well  be  proud. 

Most  important  in  writing  the  present  chapter,  and  a  work  I  have  freely 
used,  is  his  Noticia  Histdrica  de  la  Conjuracion  del  Marques  del  Valle,  Aiios  de 
1565-1568,  Mex.  1853,  8vo,  xii.  72,  505  pp.  It  contains  an  historical  ac- 
count of  the  affair  which  has  hitherto  somewhat  improperly  been  known  as  the 
Martin  Cortes  conspiracy,  some  having  attributed  it  to  the  second  marques  del 
Valle.  A  sketch  of  his  early  life  is  also  given,  accompanied  by  copies  of  the 
legal  processes  against  the  persons  implicated,  including  the  deposed  viceroy, 
the  marques  de  Falces.  I  notice  that  the  greater  part  of  the  legal  proceed- 
ings, many  of  the  answers  of  witnesses,  and  the  pleadings  of  the  accusation 
and  defence  are  omitted,  probably  on  the  ground  that  they  would  have 


636 


THE  XVILA-CORTES  CONSPIRACY. 


thrown  but  little  light  upon  the  subject.  More  valuable  is  an  extract  giving 
the  confessions  of  the  prisoners  and  the  sentences  decreed  against  them, 
together  with  interesting  acts  ^and  documents,  in  which  the  original  orthog- 
raphy and  punctuation  are  retained.  The  editor  also  gives  foot-notes  wher- 
ever he  regarded  them  necessary.  At  the  end  of  the  volume  is  a  ballad  or 
romance  in  verse,  the  subject  of  which  is  the  execution  of  the  two  brothers 
Av'Aa,,  written  about  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

Subsequently  Orozco  y  Berra's  studies  were  directed  to  scientific  subjects, 
and  he  published  several  valuable  treatises  on  ethnography,  hydrography, 
and  kindred  topics.  Still  later,  however,  as  the  fruit  of  many  years  of  dili- 
gent researches  during  his  leisure  hours,  a  work  appeared  which  entitles  him 
to  be  numbered  among  the  distinguished  historians  of  his  country.  It  bears 
the  title  Histoj'ia  Antigua  y  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico,  Mexico,  1880,  8vo,  4 
vols.,  pp.  ix.  584,  603,  527,  694,  and  comprises  four  parts:  La  Civilizacion, 
El  Hombre  Prehistdrico  en  Mexico,  Historia  Antigua,  and  Conquista  de  Mex- 
ico, based  on  the  best  authorities  extant.  The  first  three  divisions  give  an 
interesting  description  of  the  general  condition  of  ancient  Mexico  and  part 
of  Central  America,  of  the  rites,  religion,  social  and  intellectual  standing;  the 
prehistorical  inhabitants,  their  relations  to  those  of  the  Old  World;  the  his- 
tory of  the  difiierent  regions,  beginning  with  the  early  traditions  of  the  Mayas, 
and  ending  with  the  Anahuac  empire  previous  to  its  overthrow  by  the  Span- 
iards. Numerous  foot-notes  are  given  in  support  of  the  text;  also  interesting 
bibliographical  notices,  and  essays  on  ancient  laws,  taken  from  unpublished 
documents,  and  on  hieroglyphic  writings  and  chronology  of  the  Aztecs  and 
Mayas,  all  of  which  gives  indubitable  evidence  of  the  author's  painstaking 
labor.  The  fourth  volume,  remarkable,  like  the  third  part,  for  a  great  num- 
ber of  explanatory  notes,  begins  with  the  earliest  expeditions,  from  which 
originated  the  final  conquest  of  the  Mexican  empire,  and  concludes  with  the 
departure  of  Cristobal  de  Tapia. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  narrative  of  this  eventful  period  should  have 
been  given  so  largely  in  extracts,  rather  than  in  the  author's  own  words.  His 
interpretations  are  usually  fair,  and  his  criticisms  on  Prescott  and  others 
searching  and  pertinent.  Perhaps  for  the  early  part  of  the  conquest  he  is  in- 
clined to  favor  unduly  the  somewhat  prejudiced  narrative  of  Las  Casas,  and 
the  statements  of  various  persons  made  during  the  residencia  of  Cortes  are 
frequently  given  more  credit  than  they  deserve,  though  here  the  letters  of 
the  conqueror  himself  and  the  versions  of  Bernal  Diaz,  Herrera,  Gomara,  and 
other  standard  chroniclers  have  been  used,  and  also  the  native  records.  Taken 
as  a  whole,  it  is  a  work  reflecting  the  highest  credit  both  on  the  author,  and 
on  the  government  which  in  just  appreciation  facilitated  its  publication. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 
1568-1580. 

Temporary  Government  of  the  Audiencia — John  Hawkins  Invades 
Vera  Cruz — His  Defeat  and  Expulsion — Fate  of  the  English 
Prisoners — Viceroy  Martin  Enriquez  de  Almansa — Drake's  Oper- 
ations— Foreign  Raids — Yucatan,  its  Government  and  Indian 
Affairs  —  First  Acts  of  Enriquez  —  Organization  of  Military 
Forces — Campaigns  against  the  Chichimecs — Presidios  and  Mova- 
ble Block-houses — Matlalzahuatl  Epidemic  and  its  Havoc — Fam- 
ine—Inundation— Recall  of  Enriquez — His  Government  Policy— 
His  Death. 

The  tyrannical  visitadores  having  been  divested  of 
power,  the  audiencia  resumed  the  reins  of  government, 
and  profiting  by  past  experience  adopted  a  mild  policy 
which  gradually  allayed  public  fears.  With  restored 
confidence  the  people  returned  to  their  vocations,  and 
soon  nothing  was  left  to  remind  them  of  the  late  horrors 
but  the  black  dungeons  of  Munoz  and  the  pillar  on  the 
salt-sown  ground  where  Alonso  de  Avila's  house  had 
stood.  This  happy  state  of  things  continued  until  the 
arrival  of  the  fourth  viceroy.  Previous  to  the  coming 
of  this  official,  however,  there  was  quite  a  flutter  of 
excitement  at  the  capital,  owing  to  the  seizure  of  the 
island  of  Sacrificios,  opposite  the  castle  of  San  Juan 
de  Ulua,  by  the  famous  English  corsair,  John  Haw- 
kins, with  nine  armed  ships,  on  the  14th  of  September, 
1568.^  Hawkins  surprised  the  garrison  and  captured 
the  fort.  Among  the  prisoners  were  the  king's  treas- 
urer and  factor.    He  then  removed  the  artillery  and 

^  Miles  Philips,  one  of  the  men,  gives  the  16th  as  the  date  ef  their  enter- 
ing the  port.    Discourse,  in  Haklvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  471. 

637) 


638 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


fortified  his  camp  without  opposition.^  His  ships 
were  much  damaged,  having  been  long  from  home 
trading  on  the  coasts  of  Spanish  America.  Needing 
water  and  stores  he  resolved  to  take  this  port,  after 
first  securing  every  vessel  in  the  vicinity,  that  the 
people  of  Vera  Cruz  might  not  receive  warning  of  his 
approach.  The  gentle  pirate  was  at  present  fatigued 
and  desired  rest.  He  would  hurt  no  one  if  left  alone. 
Indeed,  he  assured  the  commandant  of  the  port,  Her- 
nando Delgadillo,  and  the  other  officials  that  he 
intended  them  no  harm,  having  captured  the  place 
only  as  a  matter  of  form.  He  wished  them  to  supply 
him  with  water  and  provisions,  promising  to  pay  in 
money  and  merchandise.  The  king's  officials,  how- 
ever, declined  these  irregular  overtures,  and  would 
make  no  arrangements  without  orders  from  Mexico. 
The  audiencia  finally  agreed  to  furnish  Hawkins  what 
he  required  on  the  terms  proposed,  with  the  under- 
standing that  none  of  Hawkins'  men  should  enter 
Vera  Cruz,  or  leave  Sacrificios  for  the  interior. 

Thus  all  was  going  on  well  with  Captain  Hawkins, 
who  could  ride  up  and  down  the  ocean's  highways  and 
rob  at  pleasure,  never  waiting  for  cover  of  the  night, 
and  who  now  demanded  charity  from  the  injured 
natioD  with  an  air  of  peace  and  innocence  truly  re- 
freshing. But  alas !  the  daring  navigator  was  in  some 
way  so  out  of  his  reckoning  that  he  could  not  calcu- 
late his  eclipse.  His  negotiations  with  the  Vera  Cruz 
officials  were  scarcely  ended  when  a  Spanish  fleet  of 
thirteen  vessels  came  in  sight.  The  poor  pirate  was 
taken  at  a  terrible  disadvantage.  His  cargoes  were 
valued  at  £1,800,000;  he  had  beached  several  of  his 
ships  for  repairs,  and  was  in  no  humor  to  kill  the 
people  who  were  coming  toward  him;  yet  he  must 
open  fire  on  the  Spanish  fleet. 

Now  it  happened  that  the  new  arrival  had  on  board 

2  He  was  *  miiy  gran  soldado  y  marinero,  y  en  su  procecler  muy  hidalgo;  * 
with  him  was  his  relative  Francis  Drake.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  257,  and  note 
40.  For  a  full  account  of  the  piratical  expeditions,  see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii. 
this  series. 


PIRATES  AT  VERA  CRUZ. 


639 


the  last  appointed  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  Martin 
Enriquez  de  Almansa,  knight  of  Santiago,  brother  of 
the  marques  de  Alcanices  and  the  marchioness  de 
Poza.  He  was,  moreover,  connected  with  the  highest 
nobihty  of  Spain,  among  whom  was  the  famous  duque 
de  Candia,  who  became  the  second  general  of  the 
Jesuits,  as  successor  to  Ignatius  de  Loyola,  and  after 
his  death  was  canonized  as  St  Francis  Borgia.  He  bore 
the  reputation  of  a  man  of  sterling  character,  whose 
amiable  and  charitable  disposition^  was  united  with 
firmness,  and  who  possessed  good  administrative  abil- 
ities. Enriquez  was  much  alarmed  at  seeing  his  mas- 
ter's dominion  in  the  hands  of  a  foreigner.  He  wished 
to  bring  the  fleet  into  port;  he  had  been  long  confined 
on  shipboard  and  he  desired  to  land.  Moreover  he 
had  come  to  rule  at  Mexico,  and  not  to  be  shot  at 
Vera  Cruz.  Hence,  when  Hawkins  sent  the  Spanish 
commander  word  that  he  had  no  intention  of  inflicting 
injury  on  any  one,  least  of  all  on  honest  and  courteous 
Spanish  gentlemen ;  that  he  had  only  fired  from  habit, 
or  by  way  of  bull-dog  salute;  that  he  had  permission 
of  the  audiencia  to  purchase  at  that  port  certain  neces- 
saries; and  that  as  soon  as  his  ships  were  repaired 
he  would  gladly  depart — Enriquez  listened.  The 
commander  answered  bluntly  that  he  would  hold  no 
intercourse  whatever  with  Hawkins  until  he  should 
be  allowed  peaceably  to  enter  the  port.*  Enriquez, 
however,  who  thought  a  viceroy's  wits  should  equal  at 
least  those  of  a  pirate,  was  quite  ready  to  enter  into 
negotiations.  Then  Hawkins  said  that  if  the  Span- 
iards  would  pledge  him  their  honor  and  good  faith  to 
permit  him  to  depart  in  peace  as  soon  as  he  should 
have  completed  his  repairs,  they  might  enter  unmo- 
lested.   The  viceroy  agreed,  and  an  exchange  of  host- 

^  During  his  residence  in  Mexico  he  won  himself  the  name  of  a  good 
Christian,  giving  alms  to  the  poor  without  ostentation.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist., 
270;  Torquemada,  i.  638;  Mex.,  Not.  Ciudad,  70;  Datos  Biog.,  in  Cartas  de 
Indias,  754-5.  He  was  very  strict,  and  exalted  the  viceregal  office,  which  till 
his  time  had  been  a  plain,  unassuming  one.  Torquemada,  i.  647. 

*  '  En  lo  demas  le  hariaa  comodidad  y  le  despacharian. '  Peralta,  Not, 
Hist.,  263. 


640 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


ages  was  made.  Hawkins  selected  ten  of  his  chief 
officers  and  sent  them  elegantly  attired  to  the  Spanish 
flag-ship/  The  viceroy  dressed  up  as  gentlemen  an 
equal  number  of  men  of  the  lowest  class  and  de- 
spatched them  to  Hawkins'  quarters.  After  the  stip- 
ulations had  been  concluded  and  proclaimed,  the 
Spaniards  entered  the  port,  and  the  two  fleets,  as 
Hawkins  tells  us,  saluted  one  another,  according  to 
naval  custom.^ 

This  was  the  24th  of  September.  All  right  now, 
thought  Hawkins:  the  word  of  a  Spanish  nobleman 
is  as  good  as  his  bond,  if  either  is  worth  anything. 
Agustin  de  Villanueva  Cervantes,  however,  he  of 
whom  I  have  often  spoken  in  connection  with  the 
late  troubles  of  Mexico,  and  who  was  now  a  prisoner 
in  the  hands  of  the  English,  well  knowing  the  quality 
of  Spanish  honor  and  good  faith  when  pledged  to  a 
pirate,  on  seeing  the  kind  of  hostages  given  by  his 
countrymen,  trembled  for  his  own  safety,  it  being  evi- 
dent that  the  Spaniards  were  determined  on  treachery. 
Yet  when  Hawkins  for  some  purpose  sent  to  the 
Spanish  commander  Robert  Barret,  master  of  one  of 
his  vessels,  a  gentleman  of  fine  appearance,  and  one 
who  understood  Castilian,  and  he  did  not  return  be- 
cause the  viceroy  detained  him,  Hawkins'  suspicions 
were  not  even  then  aroused,  for  he  thought  that 
Barret  perhaps  had  been  kept  to  dinner.  Presently, 
however,  he  was  enlightened,  as  there  slowly  dropped 
down  upon  him  a  Spanish  store-ship,  passing  the  line 
agreed  upon  beyond  which  no  vessel  of  the  viceroy's 
fleet  was  to  cross,  and  opened  a  lively  fire  on  his  camp. 
Turning  to  the  Spanish  hostages,  whg^  expected  to  be 
immediately  cut  in  pieces,  he  asked  with  an  air  of 
injured  innocence,  ^^Is  this  the  way  Spaniards  keep 
their  word?"  Then  to  Villanueva,  "I  tell  you  this 
act  of  your  commander  will  cost  your  people  more 

^Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  265,  says  he  knew  two  of  the  officers,  one  being  a 
relative  of  the  earl  of  York,  and  the  other  a  connection  of  the  queen. 
^Hawkins,  in  Haklvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  624. 


ESCAPE  OF  HAWKINS. 


641 


than  all  my  ships  and  their  contents  are  worth." 
And  he  made  good  his  word,  though  I  doubt  not  he 
would  have  robbed  and  murdered  all  the  same  in  any 
event.  Other  vessels  followed  closely  the  store-ship; 
Hawkins  brought  all  his  guns  to  bear,  and  a  bloody 
engagement  ensued,  in  which  there  was  great  loss  of 
life  on  both  sides.  The  Englishmen  had  the  better 
of  it  for  a  time,  it  was  said,  and  until  the  Spaniards 
employed  against  them  fire-ships.  The  actual  position 
of  the  English  vessels,  how  many  were  on  the  beach, 
and  how  many  afloat,  is  not  stated;  but  it  is  certain 
that  after  all  the  depredations  of  the  Spaniards  there 
were  two  left,  the  flag-ship  Minion  and  the  Judith^  on 
board  of  which  took  refuge  those  of  the  remnant  of 
the  English  force  who  were  able  in  the  end  to  eflfect 
their  escape.  About  three  hundred  thus  saved  them- 
selves. Hawkins  left  the  Spanish  hostages  unharmed, 
knowing  that  if  he  killed  them  his  own,  worth  ten  to 
one  of  the  others,  must  die  also.  Luckily  the  flag- 
ship, which  carried  all  the  silver  and  the  most  valu- 
able goods,  was  not  destroyed,  and  on  her  Hawkins 
made  his  escape  through  a  passage  between  reefs, 
where  no  vessel  had  ever  been  before,  followed  by 
the  Judith^  in  command  of  Francis  Drake.  In  his 
camp  were  taken  many  English  prisoners,  but  in  the 
captured  vessels  only  negroes,  of  whom  there  were 
many.  These  were  distributed  among  the  captors, 
and  afterward  sold  at  the  rate  of  three  hundred  ducats 
each.  The  store-ship  that  headed  the  attack  was  de- 
stroyed; also  some  other  Spanish  vessels,  and  quite  a 
number  of  soldiers  on  ship-board  perished.^ 

'  '  Two  great  shippes  of  the  Spaniards  sunke,  and  one  burnt.  *  The  Span- 
iards could  not  do  much  harm  with  their  ships,  but  did  much  havoc  with  the 
artillery  of  the  English.  The  Minion  shifted  for  herself,  and  Hawkins  with 
great  difl&culty  got  on  her;  most  of  the  men  on  the  Jesus  followed  the  Minim 
in  the  boat,  and  those  who  could  not  were  slain.  Of  the  ships  only  the  Min- 
ion,  John  Hampton  master,  and  the  Judith,  of  50  tons,  commanded  by  Fran- 
cis Drake,  got  away.  All  the  English  that  were  not  slain  or  did  not  manage 
to  escape  were  taken  prisoners,  and  cruelly  treated.  Some  who  were 
captured  on  shore,  *  they  tooke  and  hung  them  up  by  the  armes  upon  high 
postes  until  the  blood  burst  out  of  their  fingers'  ends.'  Of  those  sufferers 
one  Copeton  and  others,  when  the  narrator  wrote  his  account,  were  still 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  41 


642 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


The  Enghsh  prisoners  were  forwarded  to  Mexico, 
where  they  arrived  wounded  and  in  sorry  pHght. 
Being  protestants,  and  therefore  profane,  the  govern- 
ment confined  them  in  a  house  outside  the  sacred  pre- 
cincts of  the  city.  A  few  boys  among  them  were 
sent  to  convents  to  be  converted.  Some  time  after- 
ward, at  the  petition  of  certain  persons  in  Mexico,  a 
few  of  the  prisoners  were  distributed.^ 

A  few  months  later  there  were  brought  to  Mexico 

living  in  England,  bearing  on  tlieir  persons  the  marks  of  the  cruelties  they 
had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  Philips'  Discourse,  in  Haklvyt's 
Vov.,  iii.  472-3.  According  to  John  Hortop,  one  of  the  expedition,  the 
Spanish  vice-admiral's  ship  had  most  of  300  men  killed  or  blown  overboard 
with  powder.  The  admiral's  was  also  on  fire  half  an  hour,  and  was  struck 
over  60  times;  many  of  her  men  were  killed  and  wounded;  four  other  Span- 
ish ships  were  sunk.  The  number  of  fighting  men  that  came  in  the  Spanish 
fleet,  and  that  joined  them  from  the  mainland,  made  together  1,500,  of 
whom  540  were  slain,  as  ajjpeared  in  a  letter  sent  to  Mexico.  Captain  Bland 
attempted  to  sail  out  with  his  ship,  but  her  main-mast  was  struck  down;  he 
then  with  his  men  took  to  the  pinnace,  set  fire  to  his  vessel,  and  went  on 
board  the  Jesus  to  join  Hawkins,  whom  he  told  that  he  had  intended  to  run 
back  and  attempt  to  fire  the  Spanish  fleet.  Night  came  on,  when  Hawkins 
ordered  the  Minion  to  come  under  the  lee  of  the  Jesus,  and  Drake  to  come  in 
with  the  J udith,  and  lay  the  Minion  aboard  to  take  in  men  and  everything 
needful,  and  to  go  out,  which  was  done.  As  soon  as  the  wind  came  off  the 
shore  Hawkins  set  sail  and  passed  out  of  the  port.  He  went  in  search  of  the 
Panuco  River.  From  want  of  provisions  the  men  suffered,  and  became  dis- 
satisfied. Finally  a  portion  of  them  were  landed  with  some  money  and  a 
quantity  of  Rouen  cloth.  Hortop' s  Trauailes,  in  HaUvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  487-91. 
Another  account  has  it  that  Viceroy  Enriquez  landed,  and  went  on  to  Mexico 
without  fear  of  fraud  on  the  part  of  the  English.  But  Lujan,  who  com- 
manded the  fleet,  believed  them  to  be  pirates,  when  he  saw  the  number  that 
with  arms  in  their  hands  ran  about  the  streets;  he  then  ordered  a  charge  upon 
the  crowd  on  the  beach,  which  caused  a  great  slaughter  among  them,  and  his 
ships  opened  fire  upon  those  of  the  enemy,  who,  while  unprepared  for  a  fight, 
made  a  brave  defence.  During  the  action  the  famous  Francis  Drake  escaped, 
and  embarking  on  a  ship  that  held  the  greater  part  of  the  gold  plundered 
by  those  pirates,  he  hurriedly  fled  to  the  ocean.  Hawkins  resisted  des- 
perately almost  the  whole  day,  until  convinced  that  he  could  hold  out  no 
longer  he  set  fire  to  his  flag-ship,  and  under  cover  of  the  darkness  fled  in  the 
vice-admiral's  ship,  which  was  followed  by  another,  leaving  the  rest  of  his 
squadron  to  become  a  prize  to  the  Spaniards.  Maixh  y  Labor es,  Hist.  Marina, 
ii.  310.  The  other  authorities  that  I  have  seen,  including  Hawkins,  and 
excepting  Panes,  are  agreed  that  Viceroy  Enriquez  conducted  the  negotiations 
with,  and  the  military  operations  against,  Hawkins,  before  departing  for 
Mexico.  Icazbalceta  leans  to  the  belief  that  Enriquez  had  departed  for  the 
capital  within  seven  days  after  his  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  that  it  was  the 
general  of  the  fleet  who  ordered  and  directed  the  attack.  Doc.  Hist.,  in  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ep.,  ii.  498.  Hawkins  uses  these  words:  'With  a 
writing  from  the  viceroy  signed  with  his  hande  and  sealed  with  his  seale  of 
all  the  conditions  concluded.'  In  Haklvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  523. 

^ '  Yo  lleve  a  mi  casa  seis,  entrellos  el  que  dizian  era  pariente  de  la  reyna 
y  el  maestro;  tilvelos  muchos  dias,  y  9ierto  que  lo  de  nobles  se  les  echaba 
bien  de  ver.'  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  271. 


FAIE  OF  THE  PIRATES.  643 

from  tlie  port  of  Pdnuco  upward  of  one  hundred  En- 
glishmen, who  had  been  captured  in  a  hostile  region 
by  the  people  of  the  country.  Singularly  enough 
they  were  of  those  who  had  fled  with  Hawkins  on  his 
flag-ship.  When  after  his  narrow  escape  the  English- 
man had  reached  a  point  twenty-five  leagues  north  of 
Pdnuco  Kiver,  he  found  his  overloaded  ship  in  danger 
of  sinking.  So  he  landed  one  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
among  whom  were  Miles  Philips  and  Job  Hortop, 
and  twenty  boys,  besides  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
cargo.  It  was  the  8th  of  October.  The  men  were 
furnished  with  arms,  and  directed  to  stay  there  until 
Hawkins  could  return  for  them  with  seaworthy  ves- 
sels.   Thence  he  went  to  England.^ 

After  much  suflering  from  hunger  and  diseases, 
and  losses  at  the  hands  of  natives,  the  men  left  by 
Hawkins  concluded  to  change  their  quarters.  Turning 
southward  they  marched  seven  days  and  nights  till 
they  reached  Panuco,  in  a  deplorable  condition.  There 
a  force  came  out  against  them,  to  which  they  oflered 
no  resistance.  It  is  said  that  the  captors  treated  them 
more  cruelly,^'^  and  finally  sent  them  to  Mexico  to 
join  their  former  comrades. 

'  '  Este,  dizen,  fue  el  pringipio  del  Draque,  a  quien  ayudd  con  dineros  para 
venir  a  vengar  el  agravio  que  los  espanoles  le  abian  hecho.'  Peralta,  Not. 
Hist.,  272.  March  y  Labores,  Hist.  Marina,  ii.  310,  in  this  connection  says 
that  the  ship  which  followed  Hawkins  went  to  pieces  in  the  Panuco  River, 
and  her  crew  of  70  men  was  taken  to  Mexico  and  humanely  treated.  Haw- 
kins, after  losing  many  of  his  shipmates,  from  wounds  and  hunger,  escaped 
through  the  Bahama  Channel  between  Florida  and  the  Lucayas,  and  sorrow- 
stricken,  arrived  in  England,  where  Drake  had  preceded  him.  As  a  climax 
to  his  misfortunes  he  could  not  recover  from  Drake  any  portion  of  the  gold 
intrusted  to  him.  There  was  little  honor  among  these  thieves.  Drake 
thought  he  could  better  employ  it  in  fitting  out  the  vessels  wherewith  he 
became  afterward  the  terror  of  the  Spanish  American  coasts  in  both  the  At- 
lantic and  Pacific  seas.  If  there  be  truth  in  the  latter  part  of  this  statement, 
time  must  have  obliterated  in  Hawkins  all  ill  feeling  toward  Drake,  for  in 
1595  they  planned  a  joint  expedition  against  the  Spanish  colonies  in  America, 
mentioned  above  by  Peralta,  and  of  which  an  account  is  given  elsewhere. 
See,  also,  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  85-9;  Datos  Biog.,  in 
Cartas  de  Indias,  754. 

*  Atandoles  las  manos  y  llevandolos  al  pueblo  atropellando  con  los 
caballos . . .  los  metieron  en  cargeles  y  prisiones,  y  dieron  a  uno  d  a  dos  tor- 
mento.'  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  274-5.  Hortop,  one  of  the  party,  says  nothing 
of  cruel  treatment  at  Panuco.  But  he  does  state  that  the  viceroy  in  Mexico 
wanted  to  hang  them,  and  was  dissuaded  from  it.  Haklvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  492. 


644 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ- 


Several  of  the  members  of  Hawkins'  expedition 


under  the  tender  mercies  of  the  inquisition,  after  it 
was  formally  established  there,  and  made  to  undergo 
most  terrible  suffering  a  number  were  burned  to 
death.    What  could  savages  do  more  ? 

They  were  followed  within  a  year  by  Job  Hortop  and  several  others. 
After  escaping  death  by  shipwreck  and  hanging,  the  latter  were  surrendered 
to  the  casa  de  contratacion  of  Seville.  Hortop's  Trauailes,  in  Halclvyt's  Voy., 
iii.  494. 

^2  Of  the  prisoners  in  Spain,  Barret,  Hortop,  Gilbert,  and  two  others  out 
of  seven,  who  had  attempted  to  escape,  were  retaken.  After  horrible  cruel- 
ties, Barret  and  Gilbert  were  burned  alive,  and  the  others  sentenced  to  diflfer- 
ent  terms  of  service  in  the  galleys;  Hortop  served  12  years  in  the  galleys 
and  seven  more  of  common  imprisonment,  till  1590,  when  he  made  his 
escape  to  England.  The  others  in  Mexico  were  kept  in  close  solitary  con- 
finement about  18  months,  and  tortured  on  the  rack,  or  otherwise  tor- 
mented. Several  died  under  the  inflictions.  Finally  the  day  of  their  trial 
arrived,  when  they  were  carried  to  the  court  wearing  sambenitos,  a  rope 
round  the  neck,  a  taper  in  the  hand,  and  there  sentenced,  one  to  receive 
300  lashes  on  the  bare  back  and  10  years  in  the  galleys,  the  rest  to  be 
given  from  200  to  100  lashes,  and  service  in  the  galleys  from  eight  to  six 
years.  A  few,  among  them  Miles  Philips,  escaped  the  lash,  but  had  to  serve 
in  the  convents  from  three  to  five  years,  wearing  the  sambenitos.  Three  were 
sentenced  to  death  by  burning,  and  suffered  their  penalty  publicly.  The  flog- 
gings above  spoken  of  were  inflicted  on  good  Friday,  in  1575.  The  victims 
were  paraded  through  the  principal  streets  on  horseback,  and  called  English 
dogs,  Lutherans,  heretics,  enemies  of  God,  and  the  like.  The  stripes  were 
laid  on  with  all  the  fierceness  that  bigotry  and  brutality  could  prompt.  Later 
they  were  sent  to  the  galleys  of  Spain.  Philips  and  six  companions  served 
only  part  of  their  terms,  and  managed  to  escape  to  Spain,  and  thence  to 
England.  Horto'p's  Trauailes,  in  Halclvyt^s  Voy.,  iii.  494;  Philip's  Discourse, 
in  Id. ,  iii.  479-87.  Spanish  historians,  with  the  exception  of  Juan  Suarez  de 
Peralta,  from  whose  apparently  impartial  account  I  have  copiously  drawn, 
and  March  y  Labores,  whose  information  is  meagre  and  evidently  biassed  by 
a  spirit  of  nationality,  have  omitted  to  give  a  detailed  narrative  of  Hawkins' 
visit  to  Vera  Cruz.  One  of  the  Spanish  writers,  who  could  not  have  been 
ignorant  of  the  particulars,  disposes  of  the  subject  in  a  few  words:  'Llegd  al 
puerto  de  San  Juan  de  Ulva' — Viceroy  Enriquez — 'dondo  tuvo  dares,  y  toma- 
res  con  vn  ingles  llamado  Juan  de  Acle.'  Torquemada,  i.  638.  Another  gives 
Hawkins'  name  in  one  place  Juan  de  Aquines,  and  in  another  Jaun  de  Aqui- 
nes  Acle.  He  is  not  very  positive  as  to  the  number  of  ships  on  either  side, 
and  disposes  of  the  whole  thing  in  a  very  off-hand  manner:  *Lo  desbarat6  y 
ech6  de  la  Isla.'  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  10;  Id.,  Teatro  Mex.,  77.  This  last 
writer,  however,  adds  that  the  200  prisoners  were  sent  to  the  Santa  Marta 
quarries  to  work  in  getting  stone  for  Mexico,  which  does  not  exactly  bear  out 
the  assertion  of  March  y  Labores  that  the  prisoners  from  Panuco  were  treated 
'con  humanidad.'  Another  misnames  the  English  chief  Jaween.  Alegre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  150.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  188,  speaks  of  the  viceroy's 
course  in  the  matter  as  one  that  did  honor  to  the  inception  of  his  rule.  The 
name  of  Aquines  is  clearly  a  corruption  of  Hawkins,  Juan  Aquines  Acle 
meaning  perhaps  John  Hawkins,  Esquire!  See,  also,  Icazhalceta,  Doc.  Hist.,  in 
Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletm,  2da  ^p.,  ii.  493.  Luther-loving  corsairs  and  smug- 
glers in  whom  no  faith  could  be  placed  deserve  to  have  little  said  of  them.  A 


ADVENTURES  OF  FRANCIS  DRAKE. 


645 


Life  on  the  ocean;  how  glorious  it  was  all  along 
through  the  sixteenth  century !  So  little  of  the  world 
was  known;  all  was  so  magnificently  strange;  one  might 
at  any  moment  stumble  upon  pearl  islands,  golden 
shores,  Amazon  lands,  and  life-restoring  waters.  And 
then  morals  were  so  easy,  and  liberty  iso  broad.  Talk 
about  the  iron  inquisition,  the  coercion  of  opinion, 
and  the  restrictions  laid  on  commerce.  Were  there 
not  islands  and  continents,  wealthy,  defenceless  places, 
that  the  strong  might  rob,  and  have  the  learned  and 
pious  to  find  excuses  for  them  in  return  for  a  share? 
And  then  might  not  the  robbers  be  righteously  robbed ; 
just  as  the  big  fish  eat  the  little  fish,  to  the  eternal 
glory  of  the  creator?  Such  was  the  order  of  things, 
and  Francis  Drake  availed  himself  of  his  high  priv- 
ileges. Narrowly  escaping  with  his  head  from  Vera 
Cruz  in  1568,  in  1572  he  successfully  attempted  the 
capture  of  some  silver  on  its  way  from  Vera  Cruz  to 
Nombre  de  Dios.  He  also  attacked  the  latter  town 
and  obtained  a  little  plunder,  after  which  he  sailed  for 
England. A  few  years  later  he  fitted  out  an  expedi- 
tion at  Falmouth,  and  sailed  in  December  1577  to 
pick  up  what  he  could  find  of  anybody's  property  any- 
where. In  1578,  after  having  played  havoc  on  the 
Spaniards  in  the  south  Atlantic,  he  entered  the  Pa- 
cific, captured  vessels  off  the  Central  American  coast, 
and  about  the  middle  of  April  made  his  appearance 
in  the  Golden  Hind  at  Huatulco,  in  Oajaca,  which 
place  he  sacked.^*    This  accomplished,  he  sailed  the 

modern  Mexican  writer  has  accused  Hawkins  of  depredations  in  Vera  Cruz: 
'  Ecsigiendo  fuertes  tributos  a  sus  habitantes,  y  aun  saqueando  las  principales 
casas  de  comercio.'  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apuntes  Hist.  V.  Cruz,  264.  I  cannot 
find  the  authority  on  which  he  bases  his  assertion.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
English  had  neither  time  before,  nor  opportunity  after,  the  arrival  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  to  sack  the  town.  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  44,  merely  says  that 
Enriquez  dislodged  from  Sacrificios  some  English  corsairs  that  had  occupied 
it  to  injure  vessels  arriving  and  departing. 
13  DroM's  Life,  6,  7. 

1* '  Not  forgetting  to  take  with  them  a  Pot  as  big  as  a  Bushel  full  of  Ryals 
of  Plate,  with  a  Chain  of  Gold,  and  other  Jewels  that  they  found  in  the  Town.  * 
Id.,  106.  Cooke's  account,  Drake's  World  Encompassed,  183,  says  they  also 
took  away  two  negroes  of  three  that  were  being  tried,  on  Drake's  arrival,  for 
an  attempt  to  burn  the  town- 


646 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


next  day  for  the  north,  with  a  view  of  discovering  a 
northern  passage  to  the  Atlantic.  Finding  that  im- 
possible, he  returned  south,  crossed  to  the  Asiatic  sea, 
doubled  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  in  November 
1580  reached  Plymouth,  England.  Besides  his  ser- 
vices to  his  country  on  European  coasts,  and  at  the 
destruction  of  the  invincible  armada,  Drake  made  other 
voyages  to  the  Spanish  main  after  booty.  So  that  it 
may  be  safely  said  that  the  punishment  inflicted  on 
Hawkins  and  Drake  in  1568  at  Vera  Cruz  was  effect- 
ively avenged  on  Spain  and  her  subjects. 

French  pirates  also  made  raids  on  the  coasts  of  New 
Spain,^^  notably  that  of  Yucatan.  In  1561  the  French 
attacked  the  town  of  Campeche  and  plundered  it,  doing 
also  other  damage;  but  they  were  soon  after  driven 
away  and  the  plunder  was  recovered.  Soon  after- 
ward came  rumors  of  fresh  preparations  by  the  French 
for  a  descent.  The  governor,  Diego  de  Santillan,  on 
receipt  of  orders  from  the  crown  to  be  on  the  watch 
for  a  powerful  expedition,  which,  according  to  a  report 
from  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  Paris,  was  fitting  out 
to  raid  upon  the  Spanish  coasts  in  the  Indies,  lost  no 
time  in  visiting  all  the  ports  within  his  government, 
and  making  every  possible  preparation  to  meet  the 
filibusters,  should  they  come.  Some  part  of  the  ex- 
pedition, if  not  the  whole  of  it,  made  its  appearance 
off  the  coast,  for  in  May  1571  some  Frenchmen  landed 
at  the  port  of  Sisal,  and  meeting  with  no  resistance, 
they  went  as  far  as  the  town  of  Hunucma,  four  leagues 
inland  and  on  the  road  to  Merida.  There  being  none 
bat  the  natives  to  oppose  them,  they  secured  the 
plaza,  and  then  plundered  the  Franciscan  convent  of 

Drake's  acts  against  Spain,  her  American  colonies  and  commerce,  are 
fully  detailed  in  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.,  of  this  series. 

^•^It  may  be  that  Spain  invited  aggression.  June  6,  1556,  the  crown  for- 
bade its  subjects  to  trade  with  French  corsairs  under  heavy  penalties.  Puga, 
Ceduhirio,  187.  Apprehensions  of  French  encroachments  had  existed  since 
1541,  and  the  court  then  adopted  measures  to  meet  the  emergency.  Florida, 
Col.  Doc,  103-11,  114-18. 

^^The  king  was  in  1566  asked  for  protection  against  'los  enemigos  fran- 
ceses  luteranos '  and  other  possible  assailants.  Carta  del  Cdbildo  al  Rey,  in 
Cartas  de  Indias,  397. 


FILIBUSTERS  IN  YUCATAN. 


647 


its  silver  plate  and  ornaments/^  and  committed  other 
outrages.  They  did  not  venture  farther  into  the  in- 
terior, but  took  the  cacique  and  other  chiefs  away  for 
ransom.  The  news  reached  Merida,  whereupon  the 
governor  at  once  despatched  to  Hunucma  Captain 
Juan  Arevalo  de  Loaisa  with  a  company  of  soldiers, 
who  on  arrival  found  that  the  raiders  had  already 
retired  with  the  plunder  and  prisoners  to  their  ship, 
and  put  to  sea.  The  Spaniards  followed  the  coast, 
and  guarded  the  port  eighteen  days,  the  enemy  stand- 
ing off,  though  in  sight.  Upon  reporting  this  to  the 
governor,  Arevalo  and  Juan  Garzon  were  ordered  to 
embark  on  a  vessel  in  pursuit;  seeing  which,  the 
enemy  went  away  to  the  island  of  Cozumel.  The 
governor  then  despatched  against  them  Gomez  de 
Castrillo,  one  of  the  old  conquerors  of  Yucatan,  who 
approached  the  island  cautiously,  surprised  the  French, 
and  after  a  hard  fight  in  which  many  were  killed,  the 
Spaniards  took  the  remainder  prisoners.  This  hap- 
pened on  the  eve  of  corpus  christi.  Castrillo  took 
his  prisoners  and  the  rescued  silver  to  Merida,  thence 
sending  the  Frenchmen  to  Mexico,  where  the  govern- 
ment did  not  deal  leniently  with  them.^^ 

In  1575  English  filibusters  landed  on  the  coast 
near  Merida,  marched  into  the  interior  as  far  as  the 
town  of  Dzmul,  and  after  sacking,  set  fire  to  the 
place.  In  1596  William  Parker,  or  Park,  after  leav- 
ing his  ship  at  anchor  six  leagues  from  Campeche, 
landed  with  a  force  of  fifty-six  men,  as  he  affirmed, 
from  a  pirogue,  at  3  A.  m.,  near  the  convent  of  San 
Francisco,  and  took  the  town.    Some  of  the  inhabi- 

'  Franceses  hereges . . .  profanaron  el  Santo  Caliz,  bebiendo  sacrilegamente 
en  el  y  vltrajaron  las  imagines.'  CogoUndo,  Hist.  Yuc,  334. 

It  was  said  that  in  Mexico  '  auian  quemado  algunos  por  Luteranos. ' 
CogoUudo,  Hist.  Yuc,  334.  Some  of  the  prisoners  were  Calvinists.  Ancona, 
Hbit.  Yuc,  ii.  94^6.  Such  raiders,  when  their  governments  were  at  war  with 
that  of  Spain,  claimed  to  be  privateers,  and  were  protected  by  the  laws  of 
nations.  But  if  their  sovereigns  were  at  peace  then  they  were  pirates  and 
treated  as  such,  that  is  to  say,  hanged.  In  1572  was  captured  at  Campeche 
and  hanged  at  Vera  Cruz,  in  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  the  famous  freebooter,  the 
Count  de  Santi  Estevan.  Carrillo,  OrUjen  de  Behce,  in  Soc  Mex.  Geog.,  Boktin, 
3a  ep.,  iv.  257,  261. 


648 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


tants  escaped,  and  some  were  taken  prisoners.  But 
the  former  soon  rallied,  and  by  10  o'clock  fell  upon  the 
raiders,^^  whose  commander,  luckily  for  the  town,  was 
severely  wounded,  and  several  of  his  men  were  killed. 
Indeed,  it  would  have  gone  hard  with  him  had  he 
not  bound  his  prisoners  arm  to  arm,  and  used  them 
as  a  barricade,  under  cover  of  which  to  retreat  to  his 
boat.^^  He  then  boarded  a  Spanish  vessel  laden  with 
goods  and  the  king's  tribute  in  silver,  and  took  all 
the  valuables,  worth  £5,000  to  his  ship.  The  maraud- 
ers after  that  visited  an  Indian  town,  where  they 
captured  a  quantity  of  logwood.  They  then  departed ; 
but  were  not  long  afterward  overhauled  by  two  Span- 
ish armed  ships,  when  one  of  their  vessels,  with  a 
captain  Hess  and  thirteen  others,  was  taken,  the  cap- 
tives being  executed. 

In  1597  a  powerful  British  squadron  made  a  descent 
on  the  island  of  Cozumel,  and  held  it  for  a  time,  but, 
finding  the  Spaniards  prepared  for  defence,  it  was 
obliged  to  withdraw.^'^  A  second  attempt  in  1606 
and  a  third  in  1601  failed.  In  1602  a  Spanish  vessel 
was  captured.  No  further  attacks  were  made  for 
several  years. 

Before  closing  with  Yucatan  I  will  give  briefly  the 
history  of  the  province  during  the  second  half  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Under  the  present  government 
was  an  area  of  about  one  hundred  leagues  from  east 

2"  It  is  claimed  that  there  were  500  Spaniards  in  the  place,  and  in  two 
towns  close  by  8,000  Indians.  Parker,  in  Haklvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  602-3.  The 
estimate  of  the  former  was  doubtless  an  error,  for  the  Spanish  population  was 
then  small. 

The  filibusters  ungenerously  told  the  Spaniards  that  their  townsman, 
Juan  Venturate,  had  been  their  guide.  Without  other  evidence  the  nxan  was 
sentenced  to  death.  One  author  says  he  was  shot  on  the  spot;  another  that 
he  '  con  tenazas  encendias  fu6  despedazado; '  a  third  has  it,  '  a  morir  atena- 
zado.'  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc,  420,  422;  Calero,  in  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  790;  Ancona, 
Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  133;  Yuc.  Estad.,  1853,  248-9. 

22  A  party  of  English  freebooters  on  the  4th  of  March,  1597,  landed  at 
Cape  Catoche,  and  burned  all  the  establishments  and  houses  of  the  flourishing 
town  of  Chancenote,  having  first  plundered  it.  Carrillo,  Origen  de  Belice, 
in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  3a  ep.,  iv.  258. 

23  gy  ^jjQ  coast  of  Campeche  had  become  a  general  rendezvous  and 
hiding-place  for  English  and  Butch  pirates.  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  131-6. 


ANNALS  OF  YUCATAN. 


649 


to  west,  including  all  the  peninsula,  together  with 
Tabasco,  and  narrowing  to  twenty-five  leagues  in 
width  in  the  south-western  part."* 

The  civil  government,  after  Adelantado  Montejo's 
departure  for  Spain,  and  the  discontinuance  of  his 
privileges,  was  in  charge  of  alcaldes  may  ores,  provided 
first  by  the  audiencia  of  Mexico,  next  by  that  of  Los 
Confines,  and  then  again  by  that  of  Mexico,  em- 
bracing the  period  between  1550  and  1561,  till  the 
arrival  of  Doctor  Quijada"^  on  the  10th  of  January, 
1562,  commissioned  direct  from  the  crown.  The  rule 
of  this  official  was  one  of  continued  trouble  with 
his  subjects  and  the  church  about  encomiendas  and 
alleged  ill  treatment  of  the  Indians  by  the  friars. 
Complaints  were  lodged  against  him  at  court,  and 
though  he  had  been  appointed  for  six  years,  a  succes- 
sor presented  himself  in  Merida  when  Quijada  least 
expected  him.  History  has  no  great  virtue  nor  vice 
to  attach  to  his  name.    He  was  succeeded  by  Luis 

2*  There  were  in  it,  toward  the  end  of  this  period,  five  towns  of  Spaniards, 
namely,  the  city  of  Merida,  the  capital  of  the  civil  and  episcopal  govern- 
ments, with  from  300  to  400  vecinos,  a  cathedral,  and  a  Franciscan  convent; 
the  villa  de  Valladolid,  or  Vallid,  with  some  50  vecinos,  a  parish  church,  and 
a  convent  of  Franciscans.  In  this  and  the  preceding  there  were  some  Mex- 
icans that  came  with  the  conquerors;  the  villa  de  San  Francisco  de  Campeche, 
with  about  80  vecinos;  the  villa  de  Salamanca,  near  the  gulf  of  Honduras, 
with  about  20  vecinos;  and  Victoria  de  Tabasco,  with  about  50  vecinos.  The 
number  of  principal  Indian  towns  was  about  200,  besides  the  smaller  ones 
under  them.  In  15G3  the  total  number  of  tribute-payers  was  officially  com- 
puted at  50,000.  Quixada,  Carta  al  Bey,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  386-7.  Tabas- 
co's large  population  at  the  time  of  the  conqviest  had  become  reduced  to 
about  1,000  tributaries  in  the  latter  part  of  the  century.  Mex.  Informes,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xv.  453-7. 

2^  The  following  were  the  alcaldes  may  ores,  in  the  order  given:  1.  Gaspar 
Juarez  de  Avila,  sent  out  about  1552  from  Mexico,  who  ruled  some  two  years. 
During  his  term  there  came  from  Peru  a  number  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro's  rebels, 
who^  committed  some  depredations,  but  were  finally  captured  and  punished. 
2.  Alvaro  de  Caravajal,  appointed  from  Guatemala,  served  from  1554  to 
1558.    3.  Alonso  Ortiz  de  Argeta,  or  Argueta,  who  ruled  about  18  months. 

4.  Juan  de  Paredes,  who  governed  two  years.  Jofre  de  Loaisa  came  from  the 
Audiencia  de  Los  Confines  as  visitador,  and  the  government  reverted  to  the 
alcalde  of  Merida  in  1562.  There  are  a  few  discrepancies  in  the  authorities 
about  the  respective  periods  of  service,  which  are  of  no  special  importance. 

5.  Doctor  Diego  de  Quijada.  Paredes,  Pel.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  xiv.  201;  Coyolludo,  H/M.  Yuc,  322;  Castilla,  Dice  Hist.  Yuc,  i.  69. 
Tabasco  was  many  years  governed  directly  from  Yucatan,  till  the  king  ap- 
pointed an  alcalde  mayor  for  that  district;  but  even  then  the  governor  of 
Yucatan  retained  a  certain  authority  over  that  officer.  Cojolludo,  Hist.  Yuc, 
225;  Ponce,  Pel,  in  Col.  Doc  Inid.,  Iviii.  453. 


650 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


Cespedes  de  Oviedo,  the  first  of  the  Spanish  nobihty 
sent  to  rule  the  peninsula,  with  the  title  of  governor. 
He  added  no  honor  to  his  name  or  station.  The  power 
of  the  ruler  was  made  superior  to  what  it  had  been 
under  the  alcaldes  may  ores,  even  to  the  appointing  of 
a  lieutenant-general  letmdo,  or  one  versed  in  law.^^ 

The  acts  of  the  several  governors  present  little  of 
general  interest.  With  rare  exceptions  they  were  in 
a  chronic  state  of  dissension  with  the  church,  arising 
from  the  undue  assumption  of  power  by  the  friars  or 
the  episcopal  authority,  and  at  times  with  the  enco- 
menderos  in  regard  to  the  tenure  of  their  Indians. 
The  same  troubles  were  experienced  here  on  this  sub- 
ject as  in  Mexico.  Of  the  first  governor,  Cespedes, 
it  was  said,  however,  that  by  his  malignant  tongue  he 
had  created  ill  feeling  in  the  community,  and  particu- 
larly between  the  ayuntamiento  of  Merida  and  the 
bishop. 

26  The  following  is  a  list  of  the  governors  to  the  end  of  the  century  and 
the  respective  terms,  in  the  order  they  are  named:  Luis  Cespedes  de  Oviedo, 
1565-71;  Diego  de  Santillan,  1571-2,  who  resigned  the  office  in  disgust, 
and  was  sent  to  a  better  position;  Francisco  Velazquez  Guijon,  1572-7; 
Guillen  de  las  Casas,  1577-83;  Francisco  Solis,  otherwise  appearing  as 
Francisco  Sales  Osorio,  formerly  governor  of  Porto  Rico,  1583-6;  Antonio 
de  Voz  Mediano,  against  the  four  years'  term,  1586-93;  Alonso  Ordonez  de 
Nevares,  1593  to  July  7,  1594,  when  he  died,  and  Diego  de  la  Cerda  waa 
appointed  by  the  ayuntamiento  of  Merida  alcalde  and  justicia  mayor  to  hold 
the  government  ad  interim;  Carlos  de  Samano  y  Quinones,  appointed  by  the 
viceroy  of  Mexico,  ruled  from  June  15,  1596,  to  1597;  Diego  Fernandez  de 
Velasco,  a  son  of  the  conde  de  Niebla,  1597  to  August  11,  1604.  Cogolludo, 
Hist.  Yuc,  338-442;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  80-130. 

A  word  with  regard  Fray  Diego  Lopez  de  CogoUudo,  author  of  Historia 
de  Yucathan,  Madrid,  1688,  1  vol.  fol.,  760  pages,  so  often  quoted  in  this 
history.  He  was  one  of  the  old  monkish  chroniclers  who  carefully  recorded 
every  circumstance,  however  minute,  that  came  to  their  knowledge.  His 
history  begins  with  the  conquest  and  is  brought  down  to  1655,  He  was  a 
Franciscan  friar  and  filled  high  positions  of  his  order  in  the  province  of  Yuca- 
tan. His  facilities  for  acquiring  facts  on  the  civil  and  religious  history  of 
that  country  were  great.  The  results  of  his  researches  among  the  papers  of 
the  different  Franciscan  convents  are  very  valuable,  for  except  the  govern- 
ment archives  there  are  no  other  records  of  Yucatan  aflfairs.  He  had  access 
to  those  archives  also,  and  frequently  made  use  of  them.  At  the  time  he 
consulted  them  both  sets  of  documents  must  have  been,  to  a  certain  extent, 
incomplete,  for  not  infrequently  he  speaks  of  his  inability  to  fix  dates,  not- 
withstanding a  careful  search.  The  work  is  therefore  both  valuable  and  re- 
liable, although  some  allowance  must  be  made  for  the  prejudices  of  a  Fran- 
ciscan in  favor  of  his  order  when  he  describes  the  differences  that  frequently 
existed  between  it  and  the  episcopal  authority,  and  constantly  between  the 
church  in»,general,  and  his  order  in  particular,  and  the  civil  power. 

^'  Toral,  Carta  al  Rey,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  242-5;  Mdrida,  Carta  del 


OIDOR  LOPEZ. 


651 


Governor  Santillan's  short  term  deserves  a  passing 
notice.  To  his  efficiency  was  due  the  defence  of  the 
territory  at  the  critical  period  described  elsewhere  in 
this  chapter.  He  left  a  good  name  in  the  country. 
The  chief  Spanish  authority  was  aided  in  the  several 
districts,  at  first  by  the  caciques  subject  to  his  com- 
mission, and  in  later  times  by  such  officials  as  the 
chief  provincial  ruler  appointed,  and  by  the  respective 
local  alcaldes  and  ayuntamientos.  The  code  of  laws 
under  which  they  ruled  and  administered  justice  was 
strict  and  harsh;  flogging  and  branding  for  adultery, 
bigamy,  and  other  offences  were  in  order.  Religious 
rites  were  never  neglected. 

It  is  said  that  the  natives  in  many  localities,  not- 
withstanding all  the  efforts  of  the  government  and 
church  toward  their  conversion,  still  clung  to  their 
idolatrous  rites.  Little  progress  would  have  been 
attained  but  for  the  timely  arrival  in  1552  of  Oidor 
Tomas  Lopez,  sent  as  visitador  by  the  audiencia  of 
Guatemala.  He  enacted  in  the  king's  name  certain 
laws  for  the  protection  of  the  natives  from  abuse  by 
the  secular  authorities,  enjoining  on  the  Spaniards, 
particularly  the  encomenderos,  the  conduct  proper 
among  themselves,  and  toward  the  natives,  for  whose 
government  special  rules  were  laid  down.  The  code, 
taken  as  a  whole,  was  a  confused  mixture  of  civil  and 
religious  prescripts,  in  which  the  missionaries  were 
given  an  undue  authority  over  the  natives,  and  even 
a  superiority  over  the  encomenderos.  It  authorized 
them  to  lower  the  tributes,  placed  the  friars  over  the 
caciques,  making  them  the  official  advisers  of  the 
ayuntamientos;  in  a  word,  the  civil  authorities  were 
l^owerless  to  adopt  any  action  without  the  consent  of 
the  friars.    His  ordinances  on  police  and  other  civil 

2^  The  salaries  now  paid  by  the  king  were  as  follows:  governor,  1,000 
pesos  de  minas,  equivalent  to  1,200  dollars,  and  500  ducats  for  contingent 
expenses;  teniente  general,  500  ducats;  contador  and  treasurer,  200,000  mara- 
vedls  each.  A  number  of  the  best  encomiendas  becoming  vacant  reverted  to 
the  crown.  Calle,  Mem.  y.  Not.,  84-5.  In  1571  the  people  suffered  severely 
from  famine.  Fancourt's  Hist.  Yuc,  173. 


652  RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 

matters  were,  however,  very  beneficial  to  the  natives, 
who  were  to  be  taught  to  raise  cattle  and  learn  trades. 
But  there  was  one  injunction,  which,  though  well 
meant,  tended  ito  isolate  the  Mayas  from  the  other 
races  in  the  country,  namely,  that  negroes,  mestizos, 
and  even  Spaniards  might  not  settle  in  the  native 
towns,  or  mix  with  the  inhabitants  in  passing  through 
them.^^  During  Governor  Solis'  term  a  cacique  of 
Campeche,  named  Don  Francisco,  revolted.  Solis 
marched  against  him,  and  captured  him  and  two  of  his 
lieutenants,  who  were  tried,  convicted,  and  executed. 

In  1583  Oidor  Diego  Garcia  de  Palacio  came  to 
Yucatan  clothed  with  plenary  powers  from  the  audi- 
encia  of  Mexico,  as  visitador  for  Yucatan,  Cozumel, 
and  Tabasco.  He  was  to  act  independently  of  the 
governor,  and  to  correct  existing  abuses,  chiefly  those 
against  the  natives,  and  which  tended  to  keep  alive  in 
them  the  spirit  of  discontent.  It  is  said  that  he  acted 
with  much  prudence  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
ftudiencia.  Some  Indian  chiefs,  accused  of  relapse  into 
idolatry,  he  sentenced  to  hard  labor  in  Habana  and 
San  Juan  de  Ulua.  One  of  those  assigned  to  the  last- 
named  place,  Andres  Cocom,  escaped  and  took  refuge 
in  the  forests  of  Campeche.  Here  he  incited  the 
natives  to  revolt,  calling  himself  king  and  exacting- 
tributes.  The  governor  hastened  to  the  spot  with  his 
lieutenant  and  a  strong  force.  Cocom  and  his  chiefs 
were  taken  and  put  to  death,  whereupon  peace  was 
restored.  In  1597  Juan  de  Contreras  made  a  second 
raid  on  Contoy  Island,  aided  by  Juan  Chan,  cacique 
of  Chancenote,  and  his  people,  to  bring  away  some 
fugitives  and  idolaters.^*^  The  same  year  Palomar,  lieu- 
tenant-governor, sentenced  to  death  the  chief,  Andres 
Chi,  who  had  been  acting  the  part  of  a  new  Moses 

29  That  system,  which  later  obtained  the  royal  sanction,  added  to  other 
measures,  perpetuated  the  antipathy  so  natural  between  the  conquering  race 
and  the  conquered.  'Fue  un  obstaculo  constante  para  su  amalgamiento. ' 
Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  74.  Lopez'  ordinances  may  be  found  in  CogoUudo, 
Hist.  Yuc,  292-305. 

'^^  His  first  expedition,  also  successful,  was  in  1592.  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc. 
409. 


RETURN  OF  VICEROY  TO  SPAIN. 


653 


with  the  view  of  bringing  about  the  independence  of 
the  region  of  Nachi  Cocom,  but  his  scheme  failed,  and 
he  became  a  victim  of  the  ruthless  European. 

The  decree  of  Governor  Mediano,  that  no  advance 
exceeding  twelve  reals  should  be  made  to  any  native, 
was  made  stronger  by  Governor  Ordonez,  who  ordered 
that  no  advance  whatever  should  be  allowed. The 
measure  met  with  much  opposition,  but  the  governor 
refused  to  repeal  his  order.  The  enforcement  of  it  was 
indeed  necessary,  because  under  the  then  existing  sys- 
tem the  Indians  would  receive  advances  from  several 
speculators  at  once,  and  when  the  time  came  they 
could  not  pay;  and  to  avoid  the  consequences  they 
would  either  hide  in  the  woods  or  emigrate  to  Peten, 
and  never  return.  With  all  these  drawbacks  the  busi- 
ness had  been  a  profitable  one,  and  its  suppression 
caused  a  great  excitement,  which  ended  in  a  manner 
unexpected.  Governor  Ordonez  expired  on  the  7th 
of  July,  1594. 

Fernandez  de  Bracamonte  discovered  the  indigo 
plant  in  Yucatan  in  1550,  and  the  Spaniards  soon 
devoted  themselves  to  its  cultivation,  as  a  staple  for 
trade.^^ 

The  natives  held  in  encomienda  by  the  king  in  1551 
yielded  only  three  thousand  pesos  de  minas  yearly, 
and  the  expenses  of  collection  slightly  exceeded  that 
amount. 

Scrofulous  maladies  had  become  wide-spread  among 

This  advance  was  given  the  Indians  as  the  value  of  several  products 
to  be  delivered  at  the  time  they  gathered  the  crops,  or  at  the  time  agreed  on. 
The  A^alue  was  rated  by  the  speculators  very  low,  on  the  pretext  that  they 
had  to  wait  one  or  two  years  to  be  reimbursed;  hence  the  misery  of  the 
natives  became  greater  with  every  year.  The  governor's  measure  raised  a 
great  clamor,  and  he  was  accused  by  the  speculators,  in  which  they  are  par- 
tially supported  by  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc,  413,  of  attempting  te  kill  by  fam- 
ine the  'pobres  espanoles,'  who  had  no  other  means  of  obtaining  a  livelihood. 
Ancona,  Hist.  Ytcc,  ii.  126. 

It  flourished  several  years  under  royal  encouragement;  but  later  it  was 
made  to  appear  that  the  preparation  was  injurious  to  the  health  of  the 
natives,  whereupon  the  king  forbade  the  employment  of  them  at  the  indigo- 
works.  The  cultivation  thereafter  was  continued  only  upon  a  small  scale. 
Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc,  375. 

^^The  collection  was  very  difficult.  Paredes,  JRel,  in  Packeco  &nd  Carde- 
nas, Col.  Doc,  xiv.  X93-200. 


654 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


the  natives,  and  could  not  be  eradicated.  The  Indians 
called  them  castellanzoh,  accusing  the  Spaniards  of 
having  imported  them.^*  According  to  a  report  of  the 
Franciscan  comisario,  there  was  in  1588,  at  Mani,  a 
hospital  at  which  sufferers  from  scrofula  and  other 
diseases  were  attended  by  a  brotherhood.^^ 

After  having  given  orders  for  the  better  protection 
of  Vera  Cruz,  Viceroy  Enriquez  de  Almansa  pro- 
ceeded to  the  city  of  Mexico  on  the  5th  of  November, 
1568,  and  at  once  took  formal  possession  of  his  office 
with  the  usual  pomp  and  royal  display.  He  had 
entered  the  capital  with  some  suspicion  caused  by 
certain  reports  sent  to  Spain,  but  soon  became  aware 
that  there  was  no  ground  for  apprehension,^^  and  he 
now  took  steps  to  afford  consolation  to  the  numerous 
families  that  had  suffered  so  severely  at  the  hands  of 
Munoz.^^ 

Owing  to  the  attacks  on  the  coasts  by  pirates,  which 
were  likely  to  be  repeated,  and  the  raids  of  the  hostile 
Chichimecs,  the  need  of  a  regularly  organized  army 
became  apparent.  New  Spain  up  to  this  time  had 
maintained  no  permanent  force  under  arms,  relying  on 
the  encomenderos  and  other  Spaniards,  and  on  the 
friendly  Indian  auxiliaries,  called  into  active  service 
as  emergencies  required.  In  1568  a  company  of 
halberdiers  was  organized,  which  proved  no  more  than 
able  to  support  the  viceroy's  authority.  A  little  later 
were  formed  two  compamas  de  palacio,  to  uphold 
his  dignity.    There  were  also  detached  companies  in 

^*It  seems  the  Spaniards  gave  it  to  the  natives,  *con  todos  sus  muebles  y 
raices.'  Ponce,  Bel,  in  Col  Doc.  Ined.,  Iviii.  69-70. 

Additional  authorities  consulted  on  Yucatan  are  CasaSy  Carta  al  Rey, 
in  Cm'tas  de  Indias,  364;  Steiphens'  Yuc,  ii.  264-7;  Cei^eray  ApuntaCy  in  Sac. 
Mex.  Geog.,  Bolet'm,  2da  ep.  iv.  397;  Registro  Yuc,  ii.  52-9. 

Nevertheless,  he  speaks,  April  28,  1572,  of  the  false  alarms  constantly- 
spread  about  revolts;  sometimes  the  Indians  were  on  the  eve  of  an  outbreak; 
at  other  times  the  mestizos  and  mulattoes,  or  the  negroes,  threatened  trouble. 
In  some  instances  they  had  it  that  the  Indians  together  with  the  mestizos  and 
mulattoes  were  plotting  an  uprising.  Cartas  de  Indias,  283. 

'  Apagd  las  cenizas  que  aun  estaban  calientes,  de  los  disturbios  y  lances 
pasados.'  Granados,  Tardea,  289-90, 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  CHICHIMECS. 


655 


Vera  Cruz,  Isla  del  Cdrmen,  Acapulco,  and  San  Bias, 
to  check  smuggling,  and  for  defence  against  piratical 
assaults.  Other  forces  were  specially  organized  and 
employed  in  guarding  the  northern  frontier  against 
the  Chichimecs.^^  Through  the  regions  occupied  by 
those  wild  tribes  was  the  highway  to  Nueva  Galicia, 
Nueva  Yizcaya,  and  the  other  districts  operated  on 
by  the  Spanish  trading  expeditions.  The  Chichimecs 
often  plundered  the  wagons  laden  with  silver,  killing 
numbers  of  white  persons  and  their  Indian  friends. 
For  many  years  these  marauders  had  carried  things 
with  a  high  hand.  To  check  them  a  strong  force  was 
organized  by  Viceroy  Enriquez  and  despatched  under 
Alcalde  Mayor  Juan  Torre  de  Lagunas,  and  the 
viceroy  in  person  with  another  force  marched  to  his 
assistance.  The  results  of  the  campaign  were  wholly 
satisfactory;  the  Chichimecs,  being  routed  from  their 
strongholds  with  heavy  casualties,  were  obliged  to 
seek  a  refuge  in  the  extensive  deserts  of  the  interior. 
A  large  number  of  their  children  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  victors,  and  were  taken  to  Mexico  and  given 
in  charge  of  families  to  rear. 

Several  presidios  or  military  outposts  were  placed 
at  proper  distances  on  the  load  northward,  so  that 
by  1570  had  been  established,  besides  the  to^vns  of 
San  Miguel  and  Lagos,  the  presidios  of  Ojuelos,  Por- 
tezuelo,  San  Felipe,  Jerez,  and  Celaya,  and  the  for- 
mation of  settlements  round  them  was  encouraged.^^ 
Enriquez  wrote  the  king^^  that  the  mode  proposed  by 

A  royal  order  of  1574  enjoined  that  regular  accounts  should  be  kept, 
and  no  charge  made  on  soldiers'  drafts.  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  UlL,  v.  385-8. 
Another  of  1588,  reiterated  in  1G12,  1618,  and  1621,  forbade  the  enlistment 
or  employment  in  any  presidio  of  men  or  officers  bom  or  residing  in  the  city 
or  town  where  the  presidio  was.  The  number  of  officers  and  men  to  be 
effective  and  serviceable.  Recap.  Ind.,  i.  599. 

Unless  the  Indians  were  kept  in  subjection  by  armed  forces  the  mis- 
sionaries labored  in  vain;  they  either  failed  or  became  martyrs;  and  where 
they  made  any  progress  it  was  very  slow,  and  amid  much  hardship  and  loss 
of  life.  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf.,  443.  The  presence  of  soldiers  was  to  bring 
the  natives  together  in  towns,  where  they  could  be  taught  clearing  and  irri- 
gating fields,  and  building.  Bspinosa,  Cr6n.,  459.  Arlegui,  Glir6n.  Zac.,  i.  298, 
claims  truly  that  the  presidios  established  before  1594  availed  but  little  to 
protect  the  road  to  the  Zacatecas  mines. 

Letter  of  October  31,  1576,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  S25-7. 


656 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


the  crown  for  making  settlements  was  impracticable 
unless  the  settlers  were  given  Indians  to  serve  them. 
The  settlers  could  not  live  otherwise,  for  the  Indians 
would  not  go  of  their  own  will,  or,  if  they  did,  they 
would  neglect  to  cultivate  the  soil.  All  efforts  to  bring 
the  wild  northern  nomads  to  a  civilized  life  had  been 
unsuccessful.  Before  long  it  became  evident  that  the 
measures  adopted  were  of  little  avail.  The  Chichi- 
mecs  were  soon  again  overrunning  the  country,  mur- 
dering and  driving  off  stock  from  places  but  one  or 
two  leagues  distant  from  Zacatecas.  The  town  of 
Llerena,  in  the  Sombrerete  mines,  would  have  been 
defenceless  and  the  mines  abandoned  but  for  the  force 
of  soldiers  furnished  by  the  government. 

After  a  consultation  with  the  audiencia  it  was  con- 
cluded that  the  only  means  of  stopping  the  depreda- 
tions was  to  carry  the  war  to  the  camp  of  the  enemy, 
and  by  fire  and  sword  to  destroy  all  male  natives  over 
fifteen  years  of  age.  Heretofore  only  the  leaders 
when  captured  had  been  killed,  the  others  having  been 
sentenced  to  service,  from  which  they  soon  escaped 
and  became  worse  than  before.  Kegular  soldiers  with 
sufficient  pay  would  be  needed,  and  three  hundred  and 
fifty  pesos  per  annum  for  a  private  was  not  enough 
to  feed  and  clothe  him,  and  enable  him  to  keep  the 
requisite  number  of  horses,  that  is,  more  than  three 
for  each  man.  The  thing  to  do  was  to  tax  the  mines  of 
Guanajuato,  Guadalajara,  Zacatecas,  Sombrerete,  and 
San  Martin,  all  of  which  were  in  the  tierra  de  guerm. 
The  prisoners  of  fifteen  years  and  under,  the  viceroy 
suggested,  should  be  transported  to  Campeche  or 
Habana,  so  that  they  could  never  return.  A  few  had 
been  already  despatched  to  Campeche  to  be  utilized 
in  the  quarries. 

If  all  the  Spaniards  in  the  country  were  to  jointly  attack  the  hostile 
tribes,  the  subjection  could  not  be  accomplished.  Nothing  but  a  war  of 
extermination  would  do.  In  the  mean  time  the  only  course  left  was  to  guard 
the  highways,  and  severely  punish  all  guilty  of  hostile  acts.  Still,  the  best 
means  would  be  to  maintain  friendly  relations  if  possible.  Letter  of  Sept.  25, 
1580,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  in.  490-1. 


PORTABLE  FORTS. 


657 


The  plan  finally  adopted  proved  partially  effective, 
though  expensive.  Strong  houses  were  erected  at 
convenient  distances,  where  travellers  and  their  stock 
and  goods  could  rest  securely.  A  military  escort  was 
furnished  to  each  train,  and  each  party,  armed  with  a 
few  arquebuses,  was  provided  with  a  fortified  wagon, 
or  small  movable  block -house,  to  which  the  women 
and  children  retreated  in  case  of  attack.  Even  this 
mode  of  protection  was  insufficient  in  some  instances. 
There  was  one  case  which  deserves  mention.  A  train 
of  sixty  wagons  carrying  $30,000  worth  of  cloth  was 
attacked  and  the  escort  defeated.  A  Spanish  girl, 
pretending  to  be  pleased  with  her  capture,  told  the 
Indians  that  there  was  another  wagon  behind  con- 
taining more  cloth.  No  sooner  had  they  turned  to  go 
in  search  of  it  than  she  sprang  into  a  movable  fort 
which  belonged  to  the  train,  and  in  which  were  two 
arquebuses  and  a  sick  man,  and  after  starting  the  team 
she  managed  the  guns  so  effectually  as  to  escape. 

The  chief  difficulty  in  the  way  of  a  satisfactory 
arrangement  with  the  Chichimecs,  and  a  serious  one, 
lay  in  their  division  into  so  many  bands,  without  a 
general  leader.  A  religious  writer,  Ribas,  assures  us 
that  recourse  was  had  at  last  to  the  missionaries  to 
reduce  some  of  them  to  friendship. 

The  valley  of  And^huac  was  not  to  be  spared  for  any 
length  of  time  from  one  calamity  or  another.  Within 
a  few  years  pestilence,  floods,  and  famine  had  visited 
it,  and  again,  from  1575  to  1580,  the  evils  continued. 
The  relentless  matlalzahuatl,  the  greatest  scourge  that 
ever  assailed  any  community,  broke  out  in  the  first- 
named  year,  for  the  fourth  time  since  the  Spanish 
conquest,  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  whence  it  spread 
over  the  whole  kingdom  of  New  Spain.  The  Indians 
were  the  only  direct  victims;  priests  and  nurses  suc- 
cumbed from  fatigue  and  other  causes.    The  general 

Herrera,  dec.  viii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxii. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  42 


658 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


symptoms  were :  violent  headache  followed  by  a  tena- 
cious fever,  and  a  burning  internal  heat.  The  patient 
could  bear  no  covering,  the  lightest  sheet  causing 
great  torment.  The  only  relief  was  to  roll  on  the 
cold  ground,  until  death  ended  the  suffering,  about  the 
seventh  day.  The  medical  profession  was  unable  to 
control  the  unknown  malady.  Bleeding  was  usually 
resorted  to.^^  As  the  churches  could  not  afford  suffi- 
cient graves,  it  became  necessary  to  open  great  ditches, 
and  to  consecrate  entire  fields  for  that  purpose.  Not 
only  houses  but  whole  towns  were  left  without  inhabi- 
tants. Many  thousands  of  all  ages  and  both  sexes 
could  procure  no  attendance,  and  perished  from  hun- 
ger, thirst,  and  the  effects  of  the  cruel  disease. 

The  viceroy  and  archbishop,  as  well  as  the  other 
authorities,  the  clergy,  both  secular  and  regular,  and 
the  people,  particularly  the  rich,  exerted  themselves 
in  providing  infirmaries,  medicines,  food,  and  clothing. 
Archbishop  Moya  was  tireless  in  his  efforts,  con- 
stantly visiting  the  sick,  and  seeing  that  they  had 
spiritual  consolation;  for  this  he  permitted  the  priests 
of  the  religious  orders  to  administer  the  sacrament, 
notwithstanding  which  many  thousands  died  without 
receiving  the  rite,  their  bodies  being  left  in  the  huts, 
or  on  the  fields  and  public  roads,  until  some  charitable 
person  came  to  inter  them.  In  the  months  of  August 
and  September  the  disease  was  most  virulent. 

The  year  1576  began  without  any  prospect  of 
abatement;  nor  did  the  epidemic  at  all  diminish 
throughout  that  year,  nor  during  a  part  of  1577. 
Prayers  were  constantly  made,  privately  and  publicly, 
and  every  device  that  the  clergy  could  think  of  was 
resorted  to  in  vain.  At  last,  in  their  despair,  the 
image  of  the  virgen  de  los  Remedios  was  brought  to 
to  the  city  in  solemn  procession  from  its  shrine  in  Ta- 
cuba,  by  the  viceroy,  the  audiencia,  ayuntamiento,  and 

Viceroy  Enriquez  in  his  report  to  the  king  of  August  31,  1576,  says  the 
disease  was  still  raging,  and  attributes  it  to  scanty  rains  and  severe  heat;  the 
epidemic  was  the  same  as  that  which  prevailed  in  1544  and  1555,  when  the 
havoc  had  been  fearful.    No  Spaniards  were  affected.  Cartas  de  Indias,  331. 


FLOODS  AND  EPIDEMICS. 


659 


the  most  prominent  citizens,  all  with  lighted  tapers 
in  their  hands.  For  nine  days  consecutively  masses 
were  chanted,  prayers  sent  up,  and  offerings  made  to 
the  virgin,  invoking  her  intercession  with  the  son,  for 
mercy  upon  the  anguished  community.^*  When  the 
disease  had  spent  itself,  and  half  the  natives  were 
dead,  then  it  was  affirmed  that  the  prayers  had  been 
heard.  In  Michoacan  the  suffering  was  not  so  great 
owing  to  the  hospitals  already  provided  by  Bishop 
Quiroga  and  others.  In  some  cases  the  Indians 
were  accused  of  attempting  wilfully  to  contaminate 
the  Spaniards  with  the  disease,  either  by  throwing 
dead  bodies  into  the  ditches  of  running  water,  or  by 
mixing  diseased  blood  with  the  bread  they  made  for 
the  white  families.  The  Indians  were  furious  because 
only  they  were  taken.  The  mortality  is  said  to  have 
exceeded  2,000,000  souls. 

After  the  disappearance  of  the  epidemic  there  was 
a  scarcity  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  the  fields  having 
been  so  long  deserted,  and  the  survivors  among  the 
poor  would  have  suffered  from  famine  but  for  the 
efforts  of  the  more  favored.  The  viceroy  temporarily 
exempted  the  Indians  from  the  payment  of  tributes, 
and  caused  the  public  granaries  to  be  as  well  supplied 
as  possible,  in  order  that  the  poor  might  purchase 
their  corn  and  wheat  at  reasonable  prices. 

In  1580,  after  a  succession  of  heavy  rains,  the  lake  of 
Mexico  flooded  a  large  portion  of  the  valley,  including 
the  capital.  The  viceroy,  after  a  consultation  with  the 
ayuntamiento  and  with  persons  having  a  knowledge 
of  hydrostatics,  ordered  the  drainage  of  the  lakes  sur- 

**  We  are  told  that  those  prayers  were  heard;  the  pestilence  soon  after 
began  to  diminish,  and  finally  disappeared.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  110. 
*  Y  luego  cesd  la  peste.'  Vetancvrt,  Chrdn.  Prov.  S.  Evang.,  130. 

Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.,  516-18.  This  same  authority  says  that  in 
the  city  of  Tlascala  died  100,000.  The  Jesuit  priest,  Juan  Sanchez,  an  eye- 
witness, asserted  that  more  than  two  thirds  of  the  Indian  population  perished, 
Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  36,  107.  See  also  Sahagun,  Hist.  Gen.,  iii.  3235; 
Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  392-3,  515;  Torquemada,  i.  642-3;  Fhrenda,  Hist. 
Prov.  Jesus,  252-9;  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  362;  Panes,  Virreyes,  in  Id., 
89.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  x.  1152,  estimates  that  the  Indian  population  of 
New  Spain  was  now  reduced  to  about  1,700,000  souls. 


660 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


rounding  the  city;  and  the  lowlands  of  the  Huehue- 
toca,  distant  about  ten  leagues,  were  chosen  as  the 
most  suitable  place  into  which  to  carry  the  water 

In  the  midst  of  the  viceroy's  efforts  at  drainage, 
orders  arrived  from  the  court  at  Madrid  relieving 
him  of  his  office,  pursuant  to  his  repeated  requests, 
during  the  past  four  years,  on  the  plea  of  ill  health, 
and  transferring  him  to  Peru  with  the  same  rank  and 
powers/'^  He  surrendered  the  government  to  his  suc- 
cessor October  4,  1580. 

Suggestions  had  been  made  between  1570  and  1580 
to  Philip  and  his  council,  probably  by  command, 
for  the  better  government  of  the  Indies.  It  was 
urged  that  viceroys  should  hold  office  no  longer  than 
twelve  years,  and  oidores,  alcaldes  de  corte,  and  other 
judicial  officers,  as  well  as  the  chief  treasury  officials, 
only  six ;  and  that  all,  without  exception,  should  have 
their  official  conduct  strictly  investigated  at  the  end 
of  their  respective  terms. No  more  corregidores  or 
lieutenants  of  such  officers  should  be  appointed,^^  but 
in  place  of  them  twelve  alcaldes  mayores,  to  reside  in 
the  chief  cities,  and  yearly  visit  the  towns  in  their 
respective  districts,  without  ostentation  and  without 
laying  burdens  on  the  inhabitants.^^ 

Nothing  more  was  done  toward  it.  Ce'peda,  Bel,  i.  6.  The  Indians 
were  accused  of  attempting  some  time  before  1572  to  overflow  the  city;  'but 
they  which  should  haue  bene  the  doers  of  it  were  hanged:  and  euer  since  the 
city  hath  bene  well  watched  both  day  and  night.'  Hawks'  Rely  in  Haklvyt's 
Voy.,  iii.  463. 

*^  A  previous  request  having  been  denied  him,  he  repeated  it  in  October 
1576,  alleging  the  same  cause.  EnriqueZy  Carta  al  Bey,  in  Cartas  de  Indiat, 
335,  and  fac-sim.  T. 

*^In  1570  it  was  urged  among  other  things  that  the  viceroy  should  be 
directed  to  visit  in  person  the  chief  town  of  each  district  or  province,  to  make 
sure  that  the  local  authorities  were  true  to  their  duties,  for  residencias,  as 
then  practised,  were  mere  farces;  the  officials  who  had  robbed  the  Indians 
always  used  the  friars  and  others  to  intercede  with  the  victims  that  they 
might  prefer  no  charges;  restitution  was  therefore  never  made:  'les  echan 
frailes  6  ahutatos  e  otras  personas,  para  que  les  rueguen  que  no  les  pidau 
coso  alguna  en  residencia.*  Rohles^  Memoriales,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col, 
Doc,  xi.  5. 

They  were  in  the  habit  of  robbing  the  natives.  Escobar,  Carta,  Felipe  IT. , 
in  Id.,  xi.  194. 

^®  A  royal  order  of  October  2,  1575,  forbade  the  oidores  to  take  with  them 
on  such  visits  their  wives,  members  of  their  own  or  of  other  families;  or  more 


DUTIES  OF  A  VICEROY. 


661 


In  a  memorandum  for  the  guidance  of  his  successor, 
Enriquez  sets  forth  the  difficulties  to  be  encountered 
by  the  viceroy.  The  work  that  in  Spain  is  divided 
among  several  officers,  in  Mexico  has  to  be  done  by 
the  viceroy,  both  in  secular  and  ecclesiastic  affairs. 
He  may  not  ignore  any  portion  nor  intrust  it  to 
another  without  incurring  obloquy  or  giving  rise  to 
complaint.  All  look  to  him  for  the  promotion  of 
their  interests  and  the  redress  of  their  grievances; 
even  their  family  bickerings  are  brought  to  him,  and 
nothing  but  his  personal  action  in  each  case  seems  to 
avail.  Indeed,  he  is  expected  to  be  the  father  of  the 
people,  the  patron  of  monasteries  and  hospitals,  the 
protector  of  the  poor,  and  particularly  of  the  widows 
and  orphans  of  the  conquerors  and  the  old  servants 
of  the  king,  all  of  whom  would  suffer  were  it  not  for 
the  relief  afforded  them  by  the  viceroy.  The  office 
was  by  no  means  the  sinecure  that  in  Spain  it  was 
supposed  to  be. 

Experience  had  taught  him  the  necessity  of  exact- 
ing obedience  from  the  governed,  respect  from  the 
officers,  and  of  tolerating  no  bad  example  among  the 
officials.  To  hold  public  office  in  Mexico,  he  declared, 
had  come  to  be  unbefitting  an  honest  man.^^  Enri- 
quez himself  had  done  fairly  well.  He  maintained 
at  all  times  cordial  relations  with  the  oidores,  and 
recommended  the  same  course  to  his  successor,  to 
strengthen  the  hands  of  the  government. He  fos- 

servants  than  were  actually  indispensable.  Prov.  Real.,  in  Pacheco  and  Car- 
denas, Col  Doc.,  xix.  32-5. 

^^In  1576  much  stress  was  laid  on  the  situation  of  Bernardino  de  Alhornoz, 
70  years  old,  very  poor,  and  with  many  marriageable  daughters;  he  had  been 
many  years  a  faithful  servant  of  the  crown,  as  commander  of  the  arsenal  and 
as  royal  treasurer.  It  was  thought  the  king  should  reward  the  old  man  so 
that  he  could  marry  off  one  or  more  of  his  daughters.  The  viceroy  uses  quaint 
language.  '  V.  M.  sera  seruido  de  hazelle  alguna  merced  con  que  pueda  echar 
alguna  hijade  su  casa.'  Enriquez,  Carta  al  Rey.,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  332. 

^2 '  Por  lo  cual  suelo  yo  decir,  que,  gobernar  a  esta  tierra,  lo  tengo  por 
infelicidad  en  un  hombre  honrado.'  Henriquez,  Instruc.,  in  Pacheco  and  Car- 
denas, Col.  Doc,  iii.  480-99. 

^^The  crown  had,  July  4,  1570,  directed  the  oidores  to  obey  all  orders  of 
the  viceroy,  even  if  not  meeting  with  their  approval,  unless  they  were  evi- 
dently of  a  nature  to  bring  on  a  rovolt  or  other  disturbance  in  the  country. 
Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xviii.  435-7. 


662 


RULE  OF  VICEROY  ENRIQUEZ. 


tered  public  instruction  in  every  possible  way.  One 
of  the  peculiarities  of  his  policy  was  the  consideration 
he  always  extended  to  Spaniards  born  in  Mexico,  con- 
trary to  traditional  ideas,  believing  them  entitled  to 
hold  positions  of  trust  in  the  government,  recognizing 
the  fact  that  to  refuse  them  was  an  insult  to  their 
integrity  and  patriotism.  Indeed,  when  their  claims 
were  ignored,  they  invariably  carried  their  grievances 
to  the  foot  of  the  throne.  He  wished  his  policy  in 
this  respect  to  be  continued. 

During  the  rule  of  Enriquez  the  semi-centennial  of 
the  Aztec  empire's  destruction  was  celebrated  with 
great  pomp  and  rejoicing  by  all  classes,  more  particu- 
larly by  the  natives,  all  but  the  Aztecs  themselves.^ 

The  same  year  part  of  the  fleet  from  Spain  was 
wrecked  in  passing  the  sound  to  enter  the  gulf  of 
Mexico.  Pour  of  the  ships  were  stranded  on  the 
coast  of  Tabasco.^^ 

The  outgoing  ruler  met  his  successor  at  Otumba, 
where  they  held  conferences  on  the  general  affairs  of 
the  country,  after  which  the  latter  repaired  to  Mexico, 
Enriquez  tarrying  in  Otumba  several  months  until  the 
season  arrived  for  his  departure. 

^*  They  spontaneously  added  to  the  amusements  of  Spanish  origin  many 
others  that  had  been  in  vogue  in  ancient  Mexico.  Gavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  193-4. 

The  crews  and  passengers  and  most  of  the  cargoes  were  saved,  CogO' 
Undo,  Hist.  Yiic,  334-5. 

He  presided  at  Peru  until  about  1583,  when  he  died,  and  his  remains 
were  interred  in  the  convent  of  San  Francisco  at  Lima.  At  his  death,  says 
Torquemada,  many  birds  of  prey  appeared  over  his  house,  which  was  ac- 
counted for  by  each  one  to  suit  himself:  '  No  s6  qu6  quiso  significar  este  acto; 
Dios  to  sabe,  que  sabe  todas  las  cosas.'  Possibly  Torquemada  could  not  forgive 
Enriquez'  sternness  toward  the  chief  of  the  Franciscans  in  Mexico  upon  a 
certain  occasion. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 
1550-1600. 

Archbishop  Alonso  de  Montotaii — Jealousy  between  the  Secular  and 
Regular  Clergy — Royal  Support  oe  the  Friars — Differences  be- 
tween THE  Friars  and  the  Civil  Power — Father  Geronimo  de  Men- 
dieta  Defends  the  Religious — His  Works — Position  of  the  Friars 

AND  THEIR  INFLUENCE  W^ITH   THE  NATIVES — PERSONS  EXCLUDED  FROM 

THE  Priesthood — Religious  Riot  in  Mexico — The  Sacramental  Dis- 
pute— First'  an^d  Second  Ecclesiastic  Councils  of  Mexico — Arch- 
bishop Montufar's  Death — The  Inquisition  —  Its  Establishment, 
Privileges,  Objects,  and  Acts — Father  Landa's  Treatment  of  Idol- 
aters— Archbishop  Moya  de  Contreras — Third  Ecclesiastic  Coun- 
cil AND  ITS  Acts — Archbishop  Montufar's  Departure — Alonso  Fer- 
nandez DE  Bon  ILL  A  Succeeds  Him — Other  Dioceses  in  the  Country 

AND  THEIR  HiSTORY. 

The  vacancy  in  the  see  of  Mexico  caused  by  the 
death  of  Zumdrraga  was,  on  the  13th  of  June,  1551, 
filled  by  the  appointment  of  Alonso  de  Montiifar  as 
archbishop.^  He  was  a  prominent  Dominican,  twice 
prior  of  the  convent  of  Santa  Cruz  de  Granada ;  like- 
wise a  doctor  of  the  university  there  and  a  censor  of 
the  inquisition.^  It  is  said  that  his  acceptance  of  this 
see  was  solely  with  the  view  to  benefit  the  native 
races,  and  to  that  end  he  brought  out  with  him  ten 
Franciscan  friars  and  as  many  of  his  own  order, 

^  This  appointment  was  made  by  Charles  V.  at  the  recommendation  of  the 
marques  de  Mondejar,  to  whom  Montiifar  had  been  father-confessor.  It  was 
officially  made  known  to  the  audiencia  of  Mexico  Sept.  4,  1551.  The  conse- 
cration took  place  in  1553,  and  the  archbishop  came  out  to  Mexico  the  follow- 
ing year.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  31-2. 

^  He  was  a  native  of  Loja,  and  took  the  habit  of  his  order  in  May  1512, 
at  the  age  of  fifteen.  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.,  510-12;  Gondlios  Prov.^ 
MS.,  r  y  2''  214;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  114-15;  Fanes,  in  Mon.  Domin, 
Esp.,  MS.,  82;  Alcedo,  v.  540. 

/663) 


664 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


among  whom  two  were  eminent.  Notwithstanding 
his  good-will  toward  this  as  well  as  other  orders,  the 
fact  remains  that  he  was  a  Dominican,  of  whom  the 
Franciscans  in  particular  were  very  jealous. 

Further  than  this,  the  time  had  come  when  the 
interests  of  the  secular  clergy  must  clash  with  those 
of  the  regular  orders.  Owing  to  the  scarcity  of 
ecclesiastics  during  the  earlier  occupation  of  New 
Spain,  the  monastic  orders  acquired  undue  powers 
and  privileges.  When  the  number  of  bishoprics  was 
increased,  and  a  more  thorough  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment organized,  the  church  viewed  with  jealousy  this 
encroachment  on  her  prerogatives,  and  was  displeased 
that  Franciscans,  Dominicans,  and  Augustinians  should 
exercise  jurisdiction  independent  of  her  authority.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  orders  tenaciously  maintained  what 
they  claimed  to  be  their  rights,  and  by  their  assertion 
of  judicial  authority,  especially  in  the  prohibition  or 
sanction  of  marriages,^  occasioned  the  church  much 
annoyance.  Thus  arose  dissension  between  the  two 
parties,  which  in  time  developed  into  a  bitter  feud, 
during  which  acrimonious  recriminations,  scandals, 
and  an  unchristian  spirit  too  frequently  disgraced  the 
action  of  both  sides.  Clergymen  and  friars  each 
accused  the  other  of  neglect  of  duty;  bishops  were 
charged  with  abandoning  their  posts,*  and  members 

2  At  the  solicitation  of  the  bishop  the  crown  had,  in  1552 — not  1554  as 
Beaumont  has  it — forbidden  friars  from  exercising  judicial  authority  in  mar- 
riage cases,  and  at  the  same  time  accused  them  of  usurpation  of  powers.  The 
Mexican  provincial  council  of  1555  decreed  the  above  prohibition,  and  forbade 
the  founding  of  convents  and  churches  by  the  religious  orders.  This  gave 
rise  to  much  disturbance  in  the  church,  stopped  only  in  1557  by  the  powerful 
arm  of  the  royal  authority,  favoring  the  claims  of  those  orders.  Beaumont^ 
Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  380-3,  452-3,  463-8;  Puga,  Cedulario,  193-212;  C^dula,  in 
Frov.  del  S.  Evang.,  No.  4,  MS.,  108-12. 

*  The  Franciscan  comisario  general  for  the  Indies  complained  to  the  king 
that  the  aged  bishop  of  Michoacan  passed  much  of  his  time  in  Mexico  caus- 
ing disturbances,  and  during  the  15  years  of  his  episcopate  he  had  neither 
ordained  any  priests,  nor  preached,  confessed,  baptized,  or  confirmed  any 
Indian.  Mena,  Gob.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xi.  190-1.  Under  a 
brief  of  Pope  Gregory  XIII.,  Feb.  28,  1568,  issued  by  the  king's  request, 
bishops  elect  for  the  Indies  were  not  to  receive  emoluments  of  office  till  they 
actually  resided  in  their  dioceses;  the  emoluments  during  vacancies  were  to 
accrue  to  the  respective  churches.  Upon  the  king's  authorities  was  enjoined 
the  exact  fulfilment  of  the  brief;  and  deans  and  chapters  of  cathedrals  were 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  FRIARS. 


665 


of  the  orders,  with  returning  to  Spain,  rich  in  silver 
and  gold,  to  buy  preferment. 

The  treatment  of  the  natives,  the  questions  of 
tribute  and  tithes,  and  the  administering  of  the  sac- 
raments alike  afibrded  ground  for  angry  dispute,^  but 
of  these  the  bitterest  was  the  question  of  tithes.  The 
church  demanded  the  payment  of  tithes  to  the  bishop 
of  each  diocese,  by  all  residents  within  its  limits,  Ind- 
ians inclusive.  The  archbishop  of  Mexico  in  a  letter 
of  May  15,  1556,  to  the  royal  council,  had  asked  that 
Indians  should  pay  tithes,  or  rather  a  tax,  for  the 
time  being,  to  be  levied  at  the  rate  of  one  out  of  every 
fifteen.  But  the  crown  would  allow  no  such  taxation 
of  natives.^  The  regular  orders,  while  not  opposed  to 
such  a  source  of  revenue,  objected  to  the  bishops  re- 
ceiving income  thus  derived,  and  claimed  it  for  them- 
selves as  Levites  serving  with  the  pope's  license — a 
doctrine  which  the  ecclesiastical  prelates  abhorred.^ 
They  endeavored,  however,  to  explain  the  origin  of 
their  differences  with  the  church  in  this  respect,^  and 
proposed  to  leave  the  question  of  tithes  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  king,  and  their  right  to  protect  Indians 
from  abuses,  as  well  as  their  privileges  generally,  to 
arbitrators,  but  these  proposals  were  not  regarded.^ 

specially  requested  not  to  give  the  bishops  elect  any  of  the  emoluments  col- 
lected till  they  had  actually  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  their  episcoj)al 
duties.  This  same  thing  had  been  decreed  in  1561.  No  archbishop  or  bishop 
was  to  go  to  Spain  without  the  king's  permission.  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iv. 
484-6,  491;  Reco-p.  de  Ind.,  i.  54-5. 

^  In  1 556  the  complaints  of  the  archbishop  of  Mexico  were  loud  and  bitter 
against  the  religious  orders,  for  their  assumption  of  power  in  the  treatment  of 
Indians,  and  for  their  disregard  of  his  authority.  He  asserted  that  the  three 
orders  had  banded  to  effect  their  purposes  of  laying  before  the  court  false 
charges  against  him,  the  bishops,  and  the  oidores.  The  demands  of  the  orders, 
he  said,  were  both  unreasonable  and  unjust.  The  same  year  the  king  repri- 
manded the  three  religious  orders  for  their  disputes.  Arzobispado,  Rel.,  in 
Paclueco  and  Cardenas^  Col.  Doc,  iv.  491-530. 

®  Philip  II.,  on  promulgating  the  order  of  the  council  of  Trent  upon  pay- 
ment of  tithes  by  the  faithful,  expressly  exempted  the  Indians.  Puga,  Cedii- 
lario,  194^5;  Torquemada,  iii.  263. 

^  Mich.  Pr&v.  S.  Nicolas,  38. 

^Feb.  25,  1561.  Peiia  et  ah,  Carta  alRey,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  147-51. 

^Martin  Cortes,  the  marquis,  recommended  in  1563  that  tithes  should  be 
abolished,  and  that  the  king  should  support  the  friars  in  general,  excepting 
those  living  in  towns  given  in  encomienda,  who  should  be  supported  by  the 
respective  encomenderos,  on  condition  that  none  of  them  should  receive  other 


666 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


Nor  did  the  pertinacious  and  meddlesome  friars  con- 
fine themselves  to  throwing  down  the  gauntlet  to  the 
church.  In  political  matters  also  they  became  aggres- 
sive, and  consequent  hostility  arose  between  them 
and  the  local  authorities.  In  Indian  towns  they 
attempted  to  control  elections  and  thereby  the  muni- 
cipal governments;  but  above  all  they  devoted  their 
anxious  care  and  attention  to  the  question  of  tributes, 
and  the  distribution  of  the  surplus  proceeds,  of  which 
they  were  eager  to  have  a  share.  It  is  true  that  they 
had  often  winked  at  the  rascalities  of  alcaldes  mayores 
and  corregidores ;  but  then  they  hoped  to  have  their 
reward,  and  when  this  did  not  correspond  with  their 
expectations,  wrath  and  enmity  were  displayed  on  both 
sides. Nevertheless,  the  foothold  they  had  gained 
was  strong,  and  they  struggled  to  maintain  it.  In 
1564  the  visitador  Valderrama  represented  to  Phihp 
that  the  orders  were  striving  to  keep  the  control  they 
had  hitherto  possessed,  not  only  in  spiritual  but  in 
temporal  affairs,  which  would  be  no  difficult  matter, 
since  their  influence  with  the  viceroy  was  so  great 
he  expressed  fears  that  whatever  he  might  arrange 
about  Indians  and  tributes  would,  after  he  left  Mex- 
ico, be  undone  by  the  artful  friars  concealing  tribute- 
payers  or  reporting  them  as  dead.^^  The  friars,  he 
added,  decidedly  opposed  the  counting  of  the  Ind- 
ians, and  went  so  far  as  to  proclaim  from  the  pulpit 
that  the  epidemic  then  raging    was  a  punishment  for 

emolument  for  services.  Many  of  the  less  scrupulous  secured  a  maintenance 
for  their  relatives  out  of  what  they  obtained  from  the  Indians.  The  visitador, 
Valderrama,  confirmed  the  statement  with  these  words,  '  y  tambien  algo  en 
parientes  y  otras  cosillas. '  Cortes  quaintly  remarks,  '  esta  invencion,  de  cobrar 
de  tributes,  la  inventd  algun  fraile. '  According  to  his  computation  the  whole 
expense  the  king  would  incur  could  not  much  exceed  70,000  pesos,  allowing 
each  friar  100  pesos  a  year — 70  pesos  really  sufficed — and  also  a  small  addi- 
tional sum  to  cover  the  cost  of  wine,  oil,  and  church  eflfects.  Cortis,  Carta^  in 
Paclteco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  454-7;  Valderrama,  Cartas^  Id.^  iv.  360. 

Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  455-6. 

'  Ora  sea  diciendo  que  son  muertos  los  tributaries,  ora  escondiendolos,  6 
por  otros  muchos  caminos  que  ellos  saben.'  Valderrama,  Cartas  {Feb.  ^4* 
1564),  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  365,  372. 

It  was  not  a  dangerous  one.  Mendieta  attributed  it  to  the  anger  of  God, 
when  the  visitador  had  the  Indians  counted,  and  their  tribute  augmented. 
Valderrama,  Cartas,  Id.,  iv.  360;  Mendieta,  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  ii.  515. 


GERONIMO  DE  MENDIETA. 


667 


enforcing  that  measure.  Indians  serving  in  convents 
and  churches  were  exempt  from  tribute;  and  if  the 
friars  could  have  their  way  the  king  would  soon  have 
no  tributaries.  They  did  not  openly  say  that  the  king 
had  no  right  to  collect  tributes,  but  they  believed  it 
all  the  same.  Some  of  the  friars  were  indeed  good, 
intelligent  men;  but  the  ignorant,  whose  number  was 
large,  claimed  that  all  the  benefits  accruing  from  Ind- 
ians belonged  by  right  to  the  church  and  orders,  and 
they  did  not  scruple  at  tricks  to  sustain  this  view. 

Among  the  defenders  of  the  religious  orders  none 
was  more  distinguished  than  the  Franciscan  father, 
Geronimo  de  Mendieta.  This  eminent  personage  was 
a  native  of  Victoria  in  the  Basque  province  of  Gui- 
piizcoa,  and  one  of  forty  brothers,  all  by  the  same 
father.  He  took  the  habit  in  Bilbao  and  came  to  New 
Spain  in  1554;  completed  his  studies  in  Xochimilco, 
and  learned  the  Mexican  language.  He  never  preached, 
being  a  stutterer;  but  with  his  pen  he  was  a  master 
of  eloquence  and  sound  reasoning,  and  was  regarded 
by  his  brethren  and  others  as  the  Cicero  of  the  prov- 
ince. Whensoever  an  address  had  to  be  prepared  to 
the  king  or  his  council,  the  viceroy  or  other  person- 
ages, or  to  the  superiors  of  his  order,  the  preparation 
was  invariably  intrusted  to  him.  He  thus  won  the 
regard  of  many  prelates,  who  sought  his  companion- 
ship. He  accompanied  Father  Miguel  Navarro  in 
1569  to  the  general  chapter  of  his  order  held  in 
France,  and  suffered  much  hardship  on  the  journey. 
In  1573  he  returned  with  a  reenforcement  of  friars. 
During  his  stay  in  Spain  he  dwelt  in  Castro  de  Urdia- 
les,  and  had  resolved  to  end  his  days  there,  but  holy 
obedience  demanded  his  return.  He  filled  several  of 
the  highest  offices  of  trust,  and  was  remarkable  for 
the  strict  performance  of  his  duties,  his  ceaseless 
efforts  for  the  better  government  of  the  Indies^  and 
his  humility. 

He  died  after  a  lingering  illness  at  the  Franciscan  convent  in  Mexico, 
May  9,  1604.  Torquemada,  iii.  561-3;  Mendieta^  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 


663 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


In  1562  Father  Mendieta  addressed  a  letter  to 
Padre  Francisco  de  Bustamante,  the  comisario  general 
of  his  order/*  in  which  he  makes  a  vigorous  defence 
of  the  regular  orders,  and  attributes  the  evils  existing 
in  the  country  to  the  interference  with  the  authority 
and  privileges  of  friars  by  bishops  and  oidores. 
Against  the  audiencia  he  inveighs  with  much  sever- 
ity/^ and  considers  that  the  viceregal  power  should  be 

Doc,  ii.;  Mendieta,  in  Prov.  8.  Evang.,  MS.,  No.  16,  201-26;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist. 
Oeog.,  V.  238.  Fray  Gerdnimo  de  Mendieta  was  the  author  of  several  works, 
of  which  I  enumerate  the  following:  Carta  al  Rey  Don  Felipe  desde  Toluca  en 
8  de  Octuhre  de  1565,  sobre  gobernadon  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  fol.  9  pp.  This 
letter  is  said  to  have  been  forwarded  in  duplicate  or  triplicate  by  diflferent 
conveyances.  The  present  copy  is  specially  recommended,  January  20,  1570, 
by  the  provincial  and  definitorio  of  the  Santo  Evangelio  (Franciscan  province), 
to  which  the  author  belonged.  It  contains  24  articles  expressive  of  the  king's 
duty  to  provide  the  best  possible  government  for  the  Indians,  including  the 
religious  instruction  of  the  natives  and  their  amelioration  in  general.  Aside 
from  the  author's  excessive  preference  for  the  religious,  and  manifest  preju- 
dice against  the  secular  clergy,  his  letter  is  commendable  as  embodying  much 
wisdom.  Correspotidencia  con  varios  personages  desde  1570  d  1572  sohri 
asuntos  de  Nueva  Espana  6  Indias,  MS.,  fol.  26  pp.,  contains  six  letters  from 
Father  Mendieta  to  Licenciado  Juan  de  Ovando,  of  the  royal  council  in  the 
holy  and  general  inquisition,  and  visitador  of  the  said  royal  council;  one  fron? 
Ovando  to  him;  and  one  from  Mendieta  to  the  comisario  general  of  the  Indie? 
for  the  Franciscan  order.  The  first  letter  is  highly  important,  wherein  he 
gives  his  views  on  three  points  upon  which  Ovando  had  doubts,  namely: 
1.  How  to  bring  about  harmony  and  good  understanding  between  bishops  and 
friars  in  the  Indies.  2.  How  to  get  tithes  from  the  Indians  without  oppress- 
ing them.  3.  How  Spaniards  were  to  form  settlements  in  the  Indies  without 
injuring  the  natives.  His  views  are  expressed  in  a  clear,  unbiassed  manner. 
Another  letter,  the  third  alluded  to,  sets  forth  the  best  mode,  in  his  opinion, 
to  rule  the  religious  order  of  Saint  Francis  in  the  Indies,  for  obtaining  the 
greatest  good  from  it.  Ovando 's  letter  expresses  his  high  regard  for  Men- 
dieta's  advice,  and  calls  for  more  of  it.  But  his  most  noted  work  was  Historia 
Eclesidstica  Indiana,  Mexico,  1870,  1  vol.  8vo,  790  pp.,  preceded  by  45  pages 
of  matter  pertinent  to  the  author  and  his  work,  the  whole  carefully  edited 
by  Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta.  It  is  properly  a  history  of  the  conversion  of  the 
Indians  of  New  Spain,  from  the  time  of  the  conquest  to  about  the  close  of  the 
sixteenth  century;  but  as  the  earlier  friars  and  prelates  played  so  important  a 
part  in  public  affairs,  the  volume  also  gives  much  valuable  information  on  such 
matters  not  to  be  found  elsewhere  except,  perhaps,  at  second  hand.  Icazbal- 
ceta added  to  the  value  of  the  book  by  a  notice  of  the  author  and  his  work, 
careful  and  exhaustive  as  are  all  such  notices  by  him;  and  by  an  elaborate  col- 
lation of  Mendieta's  Historia  and  Torquemada's  Monarquia  Indiana,  showing 
how  extensively  and  openly  the  latter  plagiarized  from  the  former.  Mendieta's 
production,  finished  in  1596,  remained  in  obscurity  274  years.  He  had  sent 
the  manuscript  to  Spain  for  publication,  but  it  never. appeared  till  Icazbalceta, 
as  he  tells  us,  discovered  it  in  the  library  of  Bartolom6  Jose  Gallardo  just 
deceased,  and  issued  it  at  his  own  expense,  fo^  which  he  should  receive  due 
credit.  The  editor  gives,  moreover,  the  authorities  that  Mendieta  availed 
himself  of  in  the  preparation  of  his  work,  some  of  whom  have  reached  us  only 
in  name,  and  the  later  ones  that  took  advantage  of  his  labors,  among  whom 
the  most  noted  is  Torquemada. 

Mendieta,  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  515-44. 

'  Porque  es  verdad  [coram  Deo)  que  es  tanta  la  desdrden,  y  tantos  los 


POSITION  OF  THE  FRIARS. 


669 


supreme,  subject  only  to  the  throne/^  Carried  away 
by  excessive  zeal  in  the  friars'  cause,  he  exhibits 
likewise  great  animosity  toward  the  public  officials 
In  general — Viceroy  Yelasco  only  excepted — and  all 
Spaniards  living  in  Mexico  who  were  not  friars.  He 
speaks  of  the  discontent  prev^ailing  among  the  religious 
orders,  all  members  of  whom,  he  asserts,  were  anxious 
to  abandon  a  field  in  which  their  services  were  consid- 
ered no  longer  useful.  Things  had  come  to  such  a 
pass,  in  his  opinion,  that  the  friar  had  lost  all  heart 
for  his  work,^^  the  old  fervor  having  died  away,  both 
on  the  part  of  the  missionaries  and  the  recently  con- 
verted natives. 

The  position  of  the  friars  during  this  period  was, 
indeed,  an  unenviable  one,  and  so  effectively  had  the 
church  and  audiencia  represented  them  to  the  throne 
that  certain  cedulas  were  issued  against  them  which 
caused  serious  loss  of  influence.  In  fact,  both  Span- 
iards and  Indians  openly  displayed  their  lack  of  rev- 
erence.^^ Even  Bishop  Quiroga,  who  had  been  a 
warm  supporter  of  the  orders,  now  as  warmly  de- 
fended his  prerogatives  in  this  ecclesiastical  warfare, 
and  would  have  closed  the  Augustinian  convents 

males  que  de  ella  se  siguen,  que  yo  tuviera  por  mas  seguro  para  la  conciencia 
de  S.  M.  dejar  a  estos  naturales  penitus  sin  justicia  ni  hombre  que  la  adminis- 
trara,  que  habersela  dado  de  la  arte  y  manera  que  ahora  la  tienen.'  Id.,  532. 

*  No  sea  reino  diviso  con  muchas  cabezas . . .  Quiero  decir  que  su  visorey, 
pues  su  nombre  y  titulo  denota  que  es  imagen  del  rey  y  que  tiene  las  veces  y 
lugar  del  rey,  de  facto  lo  sea,  y  no  lo  supedite,  ni  apoque,  ni  deshaga  lo  que 
el  hace . , .  otro  que  el  mismo  rey. '  Id. ,  530. 

'  Dicen  que  ya  ni  aun  conf esar  ni  predicar,  sino  meterse  en  un  rincon,  y 
lo  ponen  por  obra.'  Id.,  517;  Prov.  del  S.  Evang.,  MS.,  No.  16,  201-6.  The 
Franciscan  friar  Mena  also  reported  to  the  king,  relative  to  the  existing  man- 
agement of  affairs,  that  '  si  en  esto  no  se  pone  remedio,  tengase  por  cierto, 
que  los  religiosos  dejaran  la  tierra.'  Menu,  GoUerno,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col  Doc,  xi.  190,  192.  And  he  adds  that  it  would  be  well  if  the  king  sent 
for  the  archbishop  and  retained  him  in  Spain,  as  had  been  done  with  Las 
Casas,  and  thus  prevent  him  from  doing  further  mischief. 

Martin  Cortes,  writing  in  October  1563,  says:  *Desde  que  comenzaron  a 
venir  estas  cedulas,  estaban  los  espanoles  tan  contentos,  y  les  habian  per  dido 
el  respeto . . .  diciendo  y  dando  a  entender  a  los  indios  que  habian  de  quitar 
todos  los  frailes  desta  tierra, '  and  adds  that  the  consequence  was  that  many 
Indians  *  les  perdian  el  respeto  y  reverencia  que  les  solian  tener. '  Carta,  in 
Pax:heco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  454r-5.  'Aora  estan  tan  predicados 
que  el  fraile  no  tiene  q  entremeterse  en  sus  negocios,  ni  que  dezirles  como 
ban  de  viuir.'  Franciscanos,  Ahandono,  in  Prov.  S.  Evang.,  No.  12,  169-70. 


670 


CHUUCH  GOVERNMENT. 


within  his  diocese  but  for  the  interference  of  the 
king.^^  One  of  the  greatest  grievances  which  the  reg- 
ular orders  complained  of  was  the  refusal  of  the  arch- 
bishop and  bishops  to  ordain  members  of  their  orders. 
Efficient  priests  were  becoming  scarce  in  the  religious 
orders,  and  aged  men,  whose  mental  faculties  and 
physical  strength  were  unequal  to  the  task,  had  almost 
exclusive  charge  of  Indian  conversion.  The  provin- 
cials of  the  orders  brought  their  complaints  before  the 
crown,  which  expressed  its  displeasure  to  the  secular 
prelates  and  ordered  the  ordination  of  friars  when 
required,  except  such  as  were  mestizos  or  persons 
who  should  not  be  considered  suitable.  Nor  was 
this  last  prohibition  unnecessary.  Although  as  a  body 
the  friars  were  exemplary  in  their  moral  conduct, 
there  were  unfortunately  among  their  number  mem- 
bers whose  behavior  brought  opprobrium  upon  the 
orders  and  required  efficacious  treatment. 

Another  ground  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  the 

A  royal  cedula  of  July  11,  1562,  directed  the  bishop  not  to  molest  the 
Augustinians  in  the  possession  of  their  convents.  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v. 
469-71,  521,  574-89. 

^'^In  1555  the  king  forbade  the  indiscriminate  ordaining  of  Spaniards  and 
half-breeds.  Puga,  Cedulario,  153,  190;  Romero,  Not.  Mich.,  in  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog. ,  Boletin,  viii.  540,  states  that  Pablo  Caltzontzin,  a  son  of  the  last  king 
of  Michoacan,  was  the  first  Indian  who  received  sacred  orders  in  Mexico. 

Yet  it  was  deemed  expedient,  for  the  honor  of  the  church,  that  repri- 
mands or  punishments  of  offenders  of  the  cloth  should  be  secretly  inflicted, 
so  that  not  even  the  Spaniards  should  know  of  them.  This  had  been  recom- 
mended by  Martin  Cortes  in  1563.  The  king  went  further  in  1565,  for  by 
his  cedula  of  June  6th,  received  the  next  year  in  Mexico,  it  was  ordered  that 
the  regular  orders  should  be  respected,  and  the  investigation  and  punishment 
of  their  offences,  unless  they  had  been  committed  with  great  publicity  and 
scandal,  be  left  to  their  own  prelates;  and  only  in  the  event  of  the  latter 
refusing  to  heed  the  complaint  of  the  royal  judicial  authorities  should  the 
cases  be  sent  to  the  crown.  Cortds,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
iv.  457;  Recop.  Ind.,  i.  123;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  36;  Zamora, 
Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  v.  332;  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  569-78.  The  archbishop, 
Moya,  at  a  later  date,  furnished  the  crown  with  a  list  of  the  clergymen  of  all 
ranks  existing  in  his  diocese,  accompanied  with  a  memorandum  of  the  quali- 
fications, character,  and  conduct  of  each.  Some  of  them  were  set  down  as 
unworthy  of  the  priesthood  for  immorality,  misbehavior,  or  ignorance;  others 
were  praised.  A  number  were  natives  of  Mexico,  even  among  the  dignitaries, 
canons,  and  stipendiaries  of  the  crown.  There  were  then  3  dignitaries,  10 
canons,  6  full  stipendiaries,  and  one  who  received  only  a  half  ration.  Moya  y 
Contreras,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  195-218.  In  1588  archbishops  and  bishops  of 
the  Indies  were  permitted  to  ordain  as  priests  mestizos  residing  in  their  re- 
spective dioceses  and  having  a  moral  character  and  education.  Women  of  the 
same  class,  of  approved  moral  conduct,  were  allowed  to  enter  as  nuns. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  FACTIONS. 


671 


reofular  orders  was  the  exclusion  of  their  ordained 
members  from  the  right  of  administering  the  sacra- 
ments, and  their  being  Hmited  to  the  celebration  of 
mass  and  the  instruction  of  the  Indians.  Their  con- 
sciousness of  the  prominent  part  they  had  taken  in 
conversion,  their  sincere  zeal,  and  their  ardent  desire 
to  maintain  the  superior  influence  over  the  natives 
which  they  had  once  possessed,  naturally  combined 
to  make  them  claim  the  privilege  of  administering  the 
most  solemn  rites.  Apart  from  what  they  deemed 
injustice,  to  be  debarred  from  the  performance  of  the 
higher  ceremonies  lowered  their  position  in  the  eyes 
of  converts.  Their  representations  to  the  throne  with 
regard  to  this  matter  had  the  desired  effect,  and  at  the 
request  of  Philip,  Pope  Pius  issued  a  bull,  on  the  24th 
of  March,  1567,  granting  to  the  religious  orders  the 
privilege  of  administering  the  sacraments  in  Indian 
towns. 

I  may  further  illustrate  the  feeling  which  existed 
at  this  time  between  the  ecclesiastical  factions  and 
their  respective  supporters,  by  describing  a  tumult 
which  occurred  in  the  city  of  Mexico  in  1569,  occa- 
sioned by  the  interference  of  the  clergymen  at  a  pro- 
cession of  the  Franciscan  friars.  On  the  virgin's  day 
it  had  long  been  the  custom  of  this  order  to  march  in 
solemn  procession  to  the  church  of  Santa  Maria  de  la 
Pedonda,  and  there  celebrate  mass ;  but  in  this  year 
the  secular  clergy  opposed  the  performance.  The 
Indian  followers  of  the  friars,  becoming  incensed, 
began  to  throw  stones  at  those  who  interrupted  their 
procession,  which  led  to  a  volley  of  similar  missiles 
from  natives  on  the  other  side.  The  result  was  a 
general  disturbance,  in  which  stones  and  other  weap- 

22  Having  passed  the  council,  it  was,  l>y  royal  order  of  January  15,  1568, 
pul)lished  in  Mexico,  though  it  had  been  made  known  to  the  clergy  the  pre- 
vious year.  Toral,  Cartas  al  Real  Cons.  (May  15,  1558,  Feb.  20,  1559),  in 
Cartas  de  Ind.,  132^,  and  fac-sim.  M,;  Pena,  et  al,  Carta  al  Rey,  in  ic?., 
144-6,  and  fac-sim.  N;  Puga,  Cedulario,  189-90,  211;  Torquemada,  iii.  265-8; 
Beauraont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  519-20;  Bvla  Confirm,  et  Novae,  1-22;  Recap. 
Ind.,  i.  116;  Rehgiosos,  etc.,  in  Prov.  del  S.  Evang.,  MS.,  No.  3,  93-4;  Ordenes 
de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  27;  Dejensa  de  la  Verdad,  6,  7. 


672 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


ons  were  freely  used,  and  several  persons  seriously 
injured.  The  clergymen  and  their  defenders  were 
defeated.  The  public  excitement  became  great,  and 
the  viceroy  had  to  exercise  all  his  prudence. 

But  with  regard  to  the  sacraments,  the  secular 
clergy  would  not  yet  yield  the  point,  and  so  steady  a 
pressure  was  maintained,  that  on  the  31st  of  March, 
1583,  the  king  issued  an  order  commanding  the  friars 
to  surrender.  Archbishop  Moya,  to  enforce  the  order 
and  at  the  same  time  show  proper  respect  for  the 
orders,  invited  their  prelates  to  meet  him  at  his  house, 
where  he  courteously  reminded  them  of  the  king's 
benevolent  intentions,  and  asked  them  to  choose  such 
houses  as  they  would  prefer  for  their  conventual 
abodes;  to  which  they  answered  that  they  wished 
first  to  hear  further  from  the  king  and  their  superiors, 
and  begged  for  time  to  ascertain  the  views  of  the 
other  members  of  their  orders.  Their  request  was 
granted. On  the  23d  of  October  the  three  orders 
formally  made  known  their  purpose  of  appealing  to 
the  crown.  The  archbishop  then  resolved  to  suspend 
the  execution  of  the  royal  cedula,  except  in  urgent 
cases,  till  the  king's  pleasure  was  again  learned  on  the 
subject.  The  audiencia  did  the  same  upon  the  petition 
of  the  three  orders,  who  forthwith  appointed  proctors 
to  present  their  case  to  the  king.^^  The  result  of 
their  pleadings  appeared  in  a  royal  decree  of  1585,  to 
the  effect  that  friars  acting  as  curates  were  to  admin- 
ister the  sacraments  to  both  Indians  and  Spaniards 

23  Torquemada,  i.  638^0j  Zamacois,  Hist.  MdJ.,  v.  150-1;  El  Museo  Mex.y 
482. 

2*  Some  of  the  friars  well  -understood  the  justice  of  the  royal  measures,  but 
found  it  difficult  to  yield.  *  Por  condes9ender  con  la  maior  cantidad  nacidos 
en  estas  partes,  y  venidos  de  esas,  que  gustan  de  mandar  siendo  prelados  y 
biuiendo  li9en9iosamente  como  hasta  aqui,  no  osan  publicar  su  sentimiento.* 
Moya  y  Contreras,  Carta  al  Rey  (Oct.  26,  1583),  in  Cartas  de  Ind.,  334-7. 

^^The  Dominicans,  friars  Gabriel  de  San  Jose  and  Cristobal  de  Septil- 
veda,  who  were  then  in  Spain;  the  Franciscans,  friars  Buenaventura  de  Pare- 
des  and  Pedro  Mellendes;  the  Augustinians,  friars  Diego  de  Soria  and 
Gerdnimo  de  Morante.  The  last  four  named  embarked,  and  after  being  ship- 
wrecked, finally  reached  their  destination  in  the  New  Spain  fleet  of  1584. 
With  the  aid  of  the  abbe  of  Burgundy,  who  had  been  visitador  in  New 
Spain,  the  proctors  were  presented  at  court.  Orijalua,  Chr6n.  S.  Augicstin, 
172-5. 


ARCHBISHOP  MONTtlFAR. 


673 


dwelling  with  them.^^  This  decree  was  to  have  a 
temporary  elFect  until  the  issue  of  a  final  decision. 

It  was  during  Montufar's  occupation  of  the  archi- 
episcopal  seat,  and  under  his  direction,  that  the  first 
ecclesiastical  council  proper  was  held  in  Mexico.^^ 
The  efforts  of  the  missionary  friars  at  their  conven- 
tion in  1526  to  establish  rules  for  the  guidance  of 
ecclesiastics  had,  from  the  w^ant  of  an  organized  gov- 
ernment and  the  spiritual  condition  of  the  natives, 
been  attended  with  few  results;  and  after  the  lapse 
of  thirty  years,  and  the  extension  of  the  church,  the 
necessity  of  a  provincial  synod  became  urgent.  The 
archbishop  therefore  formally  convoked  a  synodical 
council,  and  it  began  its  labors  on  the  1 7th  of  Novem- 
ber 1555.  This  council,  over  which  Montiifar  pre- 
sided, was  attended  by  the  bishops  of  Tlascala,  Chiapas, 
Michoacan,  and  Oajaca,  by  the  viceroy  and  royal  au- 
diencia,  and  by  a  number  of  other  officials  both  ecclesi- 
astic and  civil.^^ 

At  this  meeting  ninety-three  chapters  of  declara- 
tions and  rules  adapted  to  the  requirements  of  the 
period  were  passed.  The  aim  was  to  regulate  the 
conversion  of  the  natives,  and  defend  them  from  irreg- 
ular exaction  of  tribute;  to  reform  society  and  the 
mode  of  life  followed  by  many  of  the  clergy,  to  whom 
gambling,  mercantile  pursuits,  and  the  practice  of 
usury  were  forbidden  under  heavy  punishments;  and 

26  *  Le  an  de  hazer  no  ex  voto  charitatis,  como  alM  lo  platicais,  sino  de  jus- 
ticia  y  obligacion.'  Grijalua,  Chr6n.  S.  Augustin,  176;  Torquemada,  i.  649. 

The  council  of  friars  held  in  1526  has  been  called  by  some  an  ecclesi- 
astical council  and  regarded  as  the  first.  But  this  term,  applied  to  that  con- 
vention is  inaccurate.  Bishop  Zumarraga  had  also  held  an  ecclesiastical  meet- 
ing in  1539,  at  which  the  bishops  of  Oajaca  and  Michoacan,  and  the  prelates 
of  the  different  orders  attended.  Among  other  questions  was  discussed  that 
of  confirmation  of  the  natives,  which  was  again  brought  forward  in  1546  at 
a  meeting  called  by  Visitador  Tello  de  Sandoval. 

28  The  names  of  the  bishops  were  respectively:  Martin  Sarmiento  de  Hoja- 
castro,  Tomds  de  Casillas,  Vasco  de  Quiroga,  and  Juan  Lopez  de  Zdrate. 
The  last-named  prelate  died  during  the  session.  The  bishop  of  Guatemala  was 
represented  by  the  clergyman  Diego  de  Carbajal.  There  were  also  present 
the  dean  and  chapter  of  the  metropolitan  church,  as  also  those  of  the  cathe- 
drals of  Tlascala,  Guadalajara,  and  Yucatan,  the  prelates  of  the  several  relig- 
ious orders,  and  the  corregidor  and  members  of  the  city  council  of  Mexico. 
Concilios  Prov.,  MS.,  No.  1,  191-239;  No.  3,  298-326,  363-86;  Id.,  1555  y 
1565,  pp.  iv.-vi.,  35-184. 

HiBT.  Mex  .  Vol.  II.  iZ 


674 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


to  systematize  the  administration  of  the  archbishopric 
and  parochial  churches.^^ 

In  1565  a  second  ecclesiastical  council  was  con- 
voked by  the  archbishop,  the  chief  object  being  the 
recognition  of  the  acts  promulgated  by  the  ecumenical 
council  of  Trent  in  1563.  The  suffragan  bishops  who 
attended  it  were  those  of  Chiapas,  Yucatan,  Tlascala, 
Nueva  Galicia,  and  Oajaca.^^  Twenty-eight  chapters 
were  enacted,  many  of  them  constituting  amendments 
of  declarations  passed  at  the  previous  council,  which 
had  proved  in  a  great  measure  to  be  but  a  mere  dis- 
play of  authority  without  effect.^^ 

On  the  7th  of  March  1572  the  venerable  Arch- 
bishop Montufar  died  at  an  advanced  age,  after  a 
painful  and  lingering  illness  of  eighteen  months,^^  and 
was  buried  in  the  Dominican  convent.  The  fatherly 
solicitude  which  he  had  ever  displayed  for  his  flock 
caused  his  death  to  be  deeply  regretted.^^  He  had 
devoted  himself  earnestly  to  the  duties  of  his  calling, 
and  never  lost  sight  of  the  fact  that  the  church  in 
New  Spain  needed  much  reformation  and  a  more 

^^Condlios  Prov.,  MS.,  No.  1. 
The  bishop  of  Michoacan  was  represented  by  a  proctor.    There  were 
present  also  the  visitador  general,  Valderrama,  the  oidores,  the  king's  treasury 
officials,  the  dean,  chapter,  and  vicars  of  the  archbishopric,  and  the  alcaldes 
and  regidores  of  the  city.  Id.,  i.  160-9;  Id.,  1555-65,  vi.-vii.  185-212. 

21  Priests  were  forbidden  to  charge  fees  for  the  administration  of  the  sacra- 
ments to  Indians,  and  it  is  noticeable  that  again  the  tendency  of  the  clergy  to 
lend  money  at  usury  and  engage  in  trading  speculations  is  exposed.  Among 
other  enactments  that  which  exempted  the  natives  from  the  payment  of 
tithes  may  be  mentioned.  The  chapters  were  published  on  the  11th  of  No- 
vember 1565,  and  on  the  12th  of  December  following  the  archbishop  and 
bishops  decreed  the  fulfilment  of  them.  Id. 

^■^The  above  date  is  given  by  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  17,  24-6,  who  claims 
that  the  writers,  Davila  Padilla,  Gonzalez  D^vila,  Vetancurt,  Eguiara,  Loren- 
zana,  Beristain,  and  others  are  in  error  in  assigning  the  year  1569  as  the  date 
of  Montufar's  death.  Sosa  founds  his  assertion  on  the  fact  that  several  acts 
of  the  ecclesiastic  chapter  of  Mexico  down  to  Sept.  3,  1571,  show  that  there 
was  an  archbishop  in  Mexico,  and  he  could  be  none  other  than  Montufar. 
He  also  furnishes  a  copy  of  his  portrait,  which  exists  in  the  gallery  of  the 
cathedral.  At  the  foot  there  is  an  inscription  of  the  artist,  who  also  states 
that  Montufar  died  in  1569,  at  the  age  of  80  years.  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist. 
Fvnd.,  509-11,  gives  92  years  as  his  age. 

23  During  his  long  archiepiscopal  career  he  never  ceased  to  be  an  humble 
friar,  and  his  charity  was  limited  only  by  the  means  at  his  command.  Ddvila 
Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.,  Id. 


THE  INQUISITION. 


675 


regular  organization.  While  he  steadily  opposed  the 
encroachments  of  the  regular  orders,  he  was  not  blind 
to  the  shortcomings  of  the  secular  clergy  and  the 
abuses  which  prevailed  in  his  see.  In  his  administra- 
tion he  ever  sought  the  advice  of  men  prominent  for 
their  excellence  and  sound  judgment.  In  the  Fran- 
ciscan lay  brother  Pedro  de  Gante  he  reposed  great 
confidence^  and  with  open  candor  acknowledged  him 
as  his  trustworthy  guide,  being  wont  to  say  that 
Gante  and  not  himself  was  the  true  archbishop  of 
Mexico.  Another  of  his  advisers  was  his  old  friend 
and  companion,  Father  Bartolome  de  Ledesma. 
Named  assistant  in  the  administration  of  the  archdio- 
cese, Ledesma  shared  largely  in  its  duties  during  the 
last  twelve  years  of  Montufar's  episcopate.  In  the 
same  year  that  Montiifar  died  Pedro  de  Moya  y  Con- 
treras  had  been  made  coadjutor  of  the  archbishop, 
with  the  right  of  succession. 

Toward  the  close  of  Montufar's  rule  the  tribunal 
of  the  inquisition  was  formally  established  in  New 
Spain.  During  the  earlier  years  of  the  conquest  there 
existed  representatives  only  of  the  institution,  the 
first  of  whom  was  the  Franciscan  missionary  Valen- 
cia. When  the  Dominicans  arrived,  superiors  of  their 
order  acted  as  agents  of  that  court,  and  still  later  in- 
quisitors, rightly  so  called,  were  officially  appointed.^* 
By  a  decree  of  the  inquisition  general  of  Spain,  dated 
the  27th  of  June  1535,  the  ecclesiastical  court  was 
empowered  to  exercise  jurisdiction  and  inflict  punish- 
ment in  all  cases  where  heresy  was  concerned,  but 
it  was  rarely  deemed  necessary  to  display  imposing 
severity.^^    In  1558,  however,  Robert  Tomson,  an 

3*A  c^dula  of  Charles  v.,  dated  1531,  invested  the  visitador  Juan  deVi- 
Ua-Seuor  with  power  to  act  in  matters  concerning  the  inquisition.  Beaumont ^ 
Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  413-17.  Tello  de  Sandoval  was  made  inquisitor  in  1540. 
Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  279-80. 

A  chief  of  Tezcuco,  Carlos  de  Mendoza,  was  burned  by  order  of  Bishop 
Zumdrraga  for  having  made  sacrifices  to  idols.  Upon  this  becoming  known 
in  Spain,  the  inquisition  was  forbidden  to  proceed  against  Indians.  Peralta. 
Not.  Hist.,  279. 


676 


CHURCH  GO\^ERNMENT. 


Englishman,  and  Agustin  Boacio,  a  Genoese,  after 
a  long  imprisonment,  were  conducted  through  the 
streets  of  Mexico,  in  the  presence  of  thousands  of 
spectators,  and  compelled  in  sambenito  to  do  penance 
on  a  high  scaffold  on  which  they  received  sentence. 

While  officially  constituted  representatives  of  the 
inquisition  were  thus  not  immoderately  exercising  the 
terrible  power  with  which  they  were  invested,  it  is 
painful  to  note  that  friars,  carrying  out  their  aggressive 
system,  laid  hands  upon  its  prerogatives.  When  from 
the  gloom  of  the  past  the  outline  of  a  repulsive  figure 
can  be  well  marked,  I  cannot  regard  it  as  the  shade 
of  a  companionless  Frankenstein.  The  saintly  Landa, 
provincial  of  the  Franciscans,  became  aware  in  1562 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  ancient  city  of  Mam  in 
Yucatan  still  retained  some  veneration  for  the  wor- 
ship of  their  forefathers.  But  more  than  this,  his 
investigations  satisfied  him  that  the  bodies  of  rene- 
gades had  been  buried  in  consecrated  ground.  Their 
remains  were  disinterred  and  scattered  in  the  neigh- 
boring woods.  The  idolatrous  propensity  must  be 
stopped,  and  what  more  effective  method  could  be 
adopted  than  the  Spanish  inquisition?  So  Landa 
determined  to  celebrate  the  event  by  a  kind  of  in- 
formal rattling  of  the  machinery,  and  called  upon  the 
sheriff  and  prominent  Spaniards  of  the  province  to 
assist  him.  They  readily  responded  and  the  ceremony 
was  witnessed  by  a  multitude  of  native  Americans.^^ 

The  badge  consisted  of  half  a  yard  of  yellow  cloth  with  a  hole  in  the 
middle  to  pass  the  head  through,  one  flap  hanging  before,  and  the  other  be- 
hind; on  each  flap  was  sewn  a  red  cross  of  Saint  Andrew.  Boacio  was  con- 
demned to  perpetual  imprisonment  in  Spain;  Tomson  for  a  term  of  three  years. 
Both  penitents  had  to  wear  the  sambenito.  I  have  not  discovered  Boacio's 
off"ence;  he  was  brought  from  Zacatecas.  Tomson,  by  his  own  account, 
expressed  himself  at  a  dinner-table  on  religious  subjects  and  as  a  disciple  of 
Luther.  He  served  his  term  in  Seville,  and  afterward,  being  already  'recon- 
ciliado  con  la  iglesia,'  married  a  wealthy  young  lady  from  Mexico  whose 
affection  rewarded  him  for  his  past  sufferings.  Boacio  escaped  at  the  Azores, 
where  the  ship  conveying  him  and  Tomson  touched  for  supplies.  Tomson,  in 
HaJdvyVs  Voy.,  iii.  450-1. 

^'  For  particulars  regarding  this  city  see  Native  Races,  iv.  220,  v.  634,  this 
series. 

Many  of  the  captured  offenders  evaded  public  cremation  by  hanging 
themselves.    Their  bodies  were  thrown  into  the  forests  to  be  food  for  wild 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  THE  TRIBUNAL. 


677 


Thus  for  a  time  the  rule  of  the  rack  was  quite 
benignant.  But  when  a  generation  had  passed  away 
and  Christianity  had  planted  firmly  her  foothold  in 
the  conquered  country,  apostasy  was  regarded  as  with- 
out excuse.  Moreover,  the  land  was  full  of  adven- 
turers who  scoffed  at  religion  and  interfered  with  the 
work  of  conversion.  Philip  was  a  most  Catholic  king, 
and  with  the  effect  of  Luther's  preaching  before  him 
he  would,  if  possible,  save  his  American  dominions 
from  the  sanguinary  religious  wars  then  desolating 
Europe.  Thus  it  came  about  that  a  regular  tribunal 
of  the  inquisition  was  sent  out  to  New  Spain  in  1571, 
there  to  be  received  with  demonstrations  of  joy  and 

beasts.  CogoUudo  says  nothing  about  the  punishment  inflicted  on  the  cul- 
prits who  did  not  hang  themselves.  But  he  assures  us  that  for  many  years 
after  that  bright  example  of  Christian  charity,  cases  of  idolatry  were  never 
again  heard  of.  The  blessed  father  was  called  cruel,  but  what  of  that? 
Doctor  Don  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Aguilar,  whoever  he  might  be,  held  a  very  dif- 
ferent opinion  on  his  action  in  the  report  he  made  against  the  idolaters  of  the 
country.  CogoLlvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  309-10.  The  visitador  Vivanco  reported  to 
the  crown  in  1563  that  the  provincial  had  the  victims  subjected  to  the  torture 
of  cord  and  water;  triced  up  with  weights  of  from  50  to  75  pounds  attached 
to  their  feet,  and  then  flogged;  he  also  had  their  flesh  burned  with  flames  or 
with  hot  wax;  he  made  them  sufi"er  in  various  other  cruel  ways,  all  without 
any  trial  having  been  given  them.  The  result  was  that  the  unfortunates  in 
their  horrible  agony  would  confess  oflences  they  had  never  committed,  among 
them  idolatrous  rites.  In  this  way  many  idols  were  brought  to  light  which 
they  had  possessed  before  their  conversion,  and  whose  existence  they  had 
almost  forgotten.  Many  Indians  perished,  and  others  were  maimed  for  life. 
These  cruelties  were  continued  till  Bishop  Toral  arrived  in  August  and  stopped 
them.  Petitioners  begged  in  the  name  of  humanity  and  of  the  hapless  suf- 
ferers that  such  miscreant  tormentors  should  be  punished,  and  taken  away 
from  Yucatan.  Bibanco,  Carta  al  Rey,  in  Cartas  de  Ind.,  392-6.  The  alcalde 
mayor  in  his  report  corroborates  much  of  the  above,  of  course  covering  his 
own  procedure,  and  adding  that  upwards  of  2,000,000  idols  were  found,  some 
old  and  others  new,  besmeared  with  blood.  Six  Indians  hanged  themselves 
and  two  others  committed  suicide  in  prison.  Quixada,  Carta  al  Key,  Miirch  15 ^ 
1563,  in  Cartas  de  Ind.,  382-3.  E-odriguez  Vivanco,  official  defender  of 
the  Indians,  supported  their  complaints  that  the  charge  of  apostaBy  had 
not  been  well  founded,  and  that  the  proceedings  had  been  excessively  cruel: 
'  hagan  aUd,  penitencia  Fr  Diego  de  Landa  y  sus  companeros,  del  mal  que 
hizieron  en  nosotros,  que  hasta  la  quarta  genera9ion  se  acordardn  nuestros 
descendientes  de  la  gran  persecucion  que  por  ellos  nos  vino.'  Yucatan,  Carta 
de  los  indios  gohernad.  de  varias  prov.,  al  Rey,  in  Cartas  de  Ind.,  407-10. 
However,  in  1567  ten  caciques  prayed  the  king  to  give  them  Franciscans,  for 
whom  they  expressed  a  strong  preference,  that  being  the  order  from  which 
they  first  received  baptism.  Carta  de  diez  caciques  d  S.  M.  al  Rey,  in  Cartas 
de  Ind.,  367-8,  and  fac-sim.  U.  I  cannot  find  that  the  complaints  were 
heeded  or  the  grievances  redressed;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  seen  that  the  man 
complained  against  was  placed  in  a  higher  position  than  ever.  Calle  gives  a 
royal  order  of  July  25,  1586,  prescribing  means  to  be  taken  for  the  extirpa- 
tion of  idolatry  among  the  Indians. 


678 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


pomp,  covering  a  wide-spread  feeling  of  apprehension 
and  horror.^^  The  chief  inquisitor  was  Doctor  Pedro 
de  Moya  y  Contreras,  the  same  who  some  years  later 
became  archbishop  of  Mexico  and  afterward  viceroy 
of  New  Spain.  The  first  appointee  to  the  office  had 
been  the  licenciado  Juan  de  Cervantes,  but  he  died 
on  the  passage  from  Spain,  whereupon  Moya  suc- 
ceeded him,  and  installed  the  court  on  the  11th  of 
November  of  the  same  year,  in  the  large  buildings 
of  Juan  Velazquez  de  Salazar,  the  dean  of  Mexico. 
Alonso  Fernandez  de  Bonilla  was  the  first  fiscal  or 
prosecuting  officer  of  the  court,*^  who  in  1583  became 
chief  inquisitor. 

The  tribunal  had  jurisdiction  over  all  Catholics 
who  by  deed  or  word  gave  signs  of  harboring  heret- 
ical or  schismatical  opinions;  and  also  over  such  per- 
sons not  Catholics  as  attempted  to  proselyte,  or  uttered 
heretical  sentiments,  or  were  known  to  be  hostile  to 
the  church.  Foreign  Protestants  brought  within  its 
reach,  and  all  ofifenders  against  the  laws  of  the  church, 
were  also  fit  subjects  for  its  tender  mercies.  And 
probably  nothing  better  proves  the  honesty  of  the 
king  and  the  good  faith  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities 
than  the  fact  that  Indians  were  made  exempt,  except 
in  extreme  cases,  on  the  ground  that  they,  as  a  race, 
were  insufficiently  instructed  in  the  tenets  of  the 
faith,  and  therefore  liable  to  fall,  without  malice,  into 
error.^^    In  so  fresh  a  field  full  of  reckless  adven- 

Peralta  rejoices  at  the  installation  of  the  holy  office:  *para  que  se  per- 
petuase  en  la  tierra,  defendi^ndola  de  la  mala  seta  luterana,  y  que  castigase 
los  que  se  hallasen  con  culpa  de  abella  admitido  6  tuviesen  algunas  ynsinias 
della.'  Not.  Hist.,  281.  He  would  hardly  have  dared  to  express  any  other 
sentiments.  Torquemada,  i.  G48,  regards  it  as  very  efficient  and  useful  to  the 
country,  which  was  '  contaminadisima  de  Judios,  y  Hereges,  en  especial  de 
Gente  Portuguesa.'  The  court  was  founded  'sin  ruido  de  martillo,  y  con  muy 
grande  opinion ...  la  Inquisicion  es  vn  f  reno  para  desalmados,  y  libras  de  len- 
gua. '  3Ioya,  Carta  al  Rey. ,  in  Cartas  de  Indias. 

*^The  third  inquisitor  was  Pedro  Ramirez  Granero,  who  in  1574  was  made 
archbishop  of  Charcas.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.^  ii.  32;  Mendieta,  Hist. 
Ecles.,  371. 

*^  Robertson  and  others  who  have  followed  him  are  rebuked  by  Zamacois, 
Hist.  JSUj.,  V.  159-65,  for  their  assertions  on  this  point.  It  is  untrue,  the 
latter  alleges,  that  the  Indians  were  declared  incapable  of  committing  heresy, 
for  a  number  of  them  were  admitted  to  the  Catholic  priesthood;  and  quoting 


auto-de-fe:. 


679 


turers,  intermingled  with  Moorish,  J ewish,  and  other 
elements,  the  tribunal  could  not  fail  to  obtain  subjects, 
and  a  number  were  soon  arraigned.  The  first  auto-de- 
fe  decreed  by  the  court  was  in  1574,  and  took  place 
in  the  small  plaza  of  the  marques  del  Valle,  between 
the  door  of  the  principal  church  and  the  marquis' 
buildings.  According  to  Torquemada,  the  victims 
numbered  sixty-three,  of  whom  five  were  burned.  It 
was  a  most  dramatic  affair,  attended  by  thousands  of 
spectators  from  far  and  near.^^ 

The  next  public  aflPair  of  the  kind  was  in  1575,  when 
the  number  of  penitentes  was  smaller.  From  that  year 
till  1593  there  took  place  seven  ^more,  making  nine 
from  the  installation  of  the  court.  The  tenth  occurred 
on  the  8th  of  December,  1595,  and  of  this  I  will  give 
a  desoription.  Preparations  on  a  grand  scale  were 
made  to  present  to  the  authorities  and  people  a  spec- 
tacle worthy  of  the  cause.  To  increase  the  solemnity 
of  the  occasion,  the  day  fixed  upon  was  that  of  the 
immaculate  conception;  and  the  place,  the  chief  plaza 
with  its  extensive  appointments  of  railings  covered 
with  platforms,  and  thousands  of  seats  or  benches 
arranged  as  in  an  amphitheatre,  which  was  used  after 
the  celebration  as  a  bull-ring. 

The  time  having  arrived,  the  viceroy,  conde  de 
Monterey,  accompanied  by  the  justices  and  officers 
of  the  audiencia,  the  royal  treasury  officials,  military 
officers,  and  other  members  of  his  suite  repaired  to 
the  inquisition  building,  where  the  inquisitors  Barto- 

from  Abbe  de  Nuix,  adds:  'It  is  not  necessary  to  possess  more  talent  to  be  a 
bad  heretic  than  a  good  priest. '  Zaniacois^bitterly  inveighs  against  writers 
that  have  accused  Spaniards  in  general  for  the  acts  of  the  inquisition  when 
in  their  own  countries  at  that  period,  and  also  much  later,  the  torture  and 
other  acts  of  brutality  were  in  common  practice.  In  evidence  of  which  he 
quotes  well-known  events  in  the  history  of  England  and  her  American  colonies, 
of  France,  Germany,  Portugal,  and  Russia, 

Torquemada,  iii.  377-9.  Philips  says  three  were  burned;  another  has 
it  two  only.  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  281.  This  author  adds,  '  era  de  ver  la  jente 
que  acudid  a  vello  de  mas  de  oche  ita  lehuas. '  Gonzalez  Davila  gives  63  victims, 
of  whom  21  were  followers  of  Luther.  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  34.  The  number  may 
have  been  larger.  Those  who  received  sentence  on  good  Friday  of  that  year, 
including  the  men  of  Hawkins'  expedition  brought  from  Panuco,  were  71,  as 
Philips  has  it. 


68a 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


lom^  Lobo  Guerrero,  an  archbishop  elect,  and  Alonso 
de  Peralta,  subsequently  bishop  of  Charcas,  awaited 
them.  Sixty-seven  penitents  were  then  led  forth  from 
the  dungeons,  and  the  procession  marched  to  the 
plaza.  A  great  concourse  of  people,  from  far  and  near, 
followed  the  procession  and  occupied  windows  and 
squares  to  the  very  gate  and  houses  of  the  holy  office.*^ 
The  prisoners  appeared,  wearing  ropes  round  their 
necks,  and  conical  hats  on  which  were  painted  hellish 
flames,  and  with  green  candles  in  their  hands,  each 
v/ith  a  priest  at  his  side  exhorting  him  to  Christian 
fortitude.  They  were  marched  under  a  guard  of  the 
holy  office.  Among  those  doomed  to  suffer  were  per- 
sons convicted  of  the  following  offences:  Those  who 
had  become  reconciled  with  the  church  and  afterward 
relapsed  into  Judaism,  in  sambenitos,  and  with  famil- 
iars of  the  inquisition  at  their  side;  bigamists,  with 
similar  hats  descriptive  of  their  crime;  sorceresses 
with  white  hats  of  the  same  kind,  candles  and  ropes; 
blasphemers  with  gags  to  their  tongues,  marching 
together,  one  after  the  other,  with  heads  uncovered  and 
candles  in  their  hands.  First  among  them  came  those 
convicted  of  petty  offences,  followed  in  regular  order 
of  criminality  by  the  rest,  the  last  being  the  relapsed, 
the  dogmatists,  and  teachers  of  the  Mosaic  law,  who 
wore  the  tails  of  their  sambenitos  rolled  up  and 
wrapped  round  their  caps  to  signify  the  falsity  of  their 
doctrine.  On  arriving  at  their  platform  the  prison- 
ers were  made  to  sit  down,  the  relapsed,  the  readers 
of  Mosaic  law,  and  dogmatists  occupying  the  higher 
seats;  the  others  according  to  their  offences,  last 
being  the  statues  of  the  dead  and  absent  relapsed 
ones.  The  reconciled  and  other  penitents  occupied 
benches  in  the  plaza.  On  the  right  side  of  the  holy 
office  was  a  pulpit  from  which  preached  the  Francis- 
can friar  Ignacio  de  Santibanez,  archbishop  of  the 

'Fu6  cosa  maravillosa,  la  Gente,  que  concurrid  d  este  cdlebre,  y  famoso 
Auto,  y  la  que  estuvo  d  las  Ventanas,  y  Plazas,  hasta  la  Puerta,  y  Casaa  de 
el  Santo  Oficio,  para  v6r  este  singular  acompanamiento,  y  Procesion  de  loa 
Relaxados,  y  Penitenciados. '  Torquemada,  iii.  379-80. 


MOYA  Y  CONTRERAS. 


G81 


Philippines/*  Then  followed  the  usual  admonitions, 
opportunities  to  recant,  to  repent,  and  finally  the 
fierce  flames,  the  foretaste  of  eternal  torments. 

Before  the  installation  of  the  dread  tribunal  it  was 
not  known  that  the  country's  religion  was  in  danger 
from  Jews  or  heretics ;  had  the  number  of  dissenters 
been  large,  and  the  danger  imminent  from  any  action 
on  their  part,  the  community,  consisting  mostly  of 
Catholics,  would  have  taken  the  alarm,  and  the  ec- 
clesiastical court  have  laid  a  heavy  hand  on  the  ob- 
noxious members,  as  in  1558,  with  regard  to  Tomson 
and  Boacio.  It  is  indeed  remarkable  how  quickly 
after  the  court  went  into  existence  it  managed  to  find 
subjects  to  work  upon,  especially  among  the  Portu- 
guese, persecuted  for  reasons  foreign  to  religion.  The 
charges  made  were  often  without  the  slightest  foun- 
dation, personal  grievance  or  vindictiveness  alone 
prompting  the  informers.  Else  it  would  have  been 
impossible  for  the  court  to  pick  out  of  the  small  popu- 
lation of  Mexico  over  two  thousand  persons  who  had 
within  thirty  years  made  themselves  amenable  to 
punishment.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  had 
been  made  obligatory  upon  all  persons  to  report  to 
the  inquisition,  under  the  charge  of  secrecy,  every- 
thing heard  or  seen  that  savored  of  heresy  in  the 
witness'  estimation.  Hence  the  holy  office  before 
long  became  as  much  dreaded  as  had  been  the  Aztec 
war-god.  The  authority  of  the  inquisitorial  court 
was  paramount  to  all  others,  and  its  officers  and  ser- 
vants were  privileged.  Any  act  or  expression  against 
that  tribunal  or  its  supremacy  would  sooner  or  later 
reach  its  knowledge,  and  the  person  so  speaking  be 
made  to  feel  its  power 

Torquemada,  iii.  380,  after  an  elaborate  description  of  tlie  whole  affair, 
fails  to  give  the  number  of  each  class,  and  the  punishments  awarded.  Some 
of  them  were  as  a  matter  of  course  burned  alive.  Respecting  this  last  class, 
he  adds,  'cada  vno  de  estos  porfiados  Judios,  podia  ser  Rabino  en  vna  Sina- 
gogo.  Celebrose  con  grande  Magestad,  quedando  el  Pueblo,  eon  no  poco 
asombro  de  los  Ritos,  y  Ceremonias,  de  estos  Hereges  Judai9antes,  y  delitos 
graves,  que  alli  se  leieron. ' 

*^  A  case  in  point,  in  the  proceedings  in  Merida,  Yucatan,  and  in  Mexico 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


On  the  death  of  Montiifar  the  archbishopric  of 
Mexico  was  conferred  on  the  inquisitor  Moya  j  Con- 
treras,  and  if  zeal  and  abihty  alone  be  considered  he 
deserved  the  promotion.  There  are  some  interesting 
features  in  the  biography  of  this  remarkable  man. 
Beginning  his  career  as  a  page  of  Juan  de  Ovando, 
president  of  the  royal  council  of  the  Indies,  in  time  he 
became  his  private  secretary.  Having  completed  his 
studies  at  Salamanca  we  next  find  him  chancellor  of 
the  cathedral  of  the  Canary  Islands,  which  office  he 
held  UDtil  1570.  In  1571  he  was  ordained  a  presbyter 
in  Mexico,  having  formerly  filled  high  ecclesiastic  posi- 
tions in  the  Canaries,  Murcia,  and  Mexico  before  this. 
He  was  exceedingly  charitable,  and  it  is  told  of  him 
that  he  would  often  take  whatever  money  there  might 
be  at  his  disposal  and  give  it  to  the  poor,  regardless 
of  the  amount.*^ 

On  the  20th  of  October  1573  the  ecclesiastical 
chapter  placed  in  his  hands  the  administration  and 
government  which  had  been  in  their  charge  since 
Montufar's  death.  He  had  been  confirmed  in  the 
office  by  Gregory  XIII.  since  June  15th,  but  the  bulls 

against  'Nicolas  de  Aquino,  notario  deste  8*°  officio  en  M^rida  de  Jucatan,' 
and  against  Francisco  de  Velazquez  de  Xixon,  governor  of  Yucatan,  and 
Gomez  del  Castillo,  alcalde  ordinario  in  1575,  for  contempt,  resulting  from  the 
prosecution  and  imprisonment  of  Aquino  in  M^rida  by  the  alcalde  supported 
by  the  governor,  though  he  had  pleaded  his  privilege  of  a  servant  of  the  inqui- 
sition. The  case  was  not  terminated,  or  it  may  be  that  the  latter  portion  of 
the  proceedings  is  missing  or  lost.  In  this  case  the  inquisitors  were  the  licen- 
ciados  Coniella  and  Avalos,  and  the  notary  Pedro  de  los  Rios.  Aquino  et  al., 
Proceso  contra,  MS.,  1-141.  Other  authorities  consulted  upon  this  subject 
are:  Vazquez,  Chrdn.  de  Gvat.,  227;  Alaman,  Disert,,ii.  194;  Cavo,  Tres Siglos, 
i.  194-5;  Arrdniz,  Hist,  y  Crdn.,  77-9;  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mcj.,  i.  45-7;  Gaz. 
Mex.  {1784-5),  i.  77;  Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  236-7;  Diario  Mex.,  viii.  145j 
Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  244-5;  Salazar,  Mowirq.  de  Esp.,  ii.  85-6;  Escosura, 
Covjuracion,  i.  33-4;  Mora,  Mej.  Rev.,  iii.  232-6;  Codex.  Tell.  Rem.,  Kings- 
borough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  vi.  153;  Cartas  de  Ind.,  lob,  774;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex., 
28;  Guerra,  Rev.  N.  Esp.,  ii.  632;  Pensador,  Mex.,  39-50;  Dice.  Univ.,  iv. 
272-84;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ^p.  i.  209. 

On  one  occasion  when  his  pages  were  accused  of  purloining  some  articles, 
he  said  that  they  were  innocent,  for  the  things  had  been  taken  by  *un  ladron 
eecreto  que  Dios  tiene  en  esta  casa,  que  no  es  bien  que  sepais  quien  es;  baste 
deciroslo  yo.'  Sosa,  Episcob.,  27-32,  with  his  portrait;  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65, 
214-15;  Gonzalez Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,i.S5-^;  Datos Biog.,ia  Cartas  delndias, 
810;  fac-sim.  of  his  writing,  P,  and  of  his  signature  in  drawing,  viii.  A  number 
of  his  autograph  signatures  may  be  seen  in  Concilios  Prov.,  MS.  He  was  a 
native  of  Pedroche  in  the  bishopric  of  Cordova,  Spain,  and  descended  on  both 


ECCLESIASTICAL  COUNCILS. 


683 


had  not  coma  out,  and  in  fact  were  not  received  in 
Mexico  until  the  2 2d  of  November.  His  consecra- 
tion by  Bishop  Morales,  of  Puebla,  took  place  in 
the  old  cathedral  of  Mexico  on  the  8th  of  Decem- 
ber/^ 

Not  long  after  the  appointment  of  Moya  a  serious 
rupture  occurred  between  him  and  Enriquez.  The 
apparent  cause  was  trivial,  but  in  its  significance  seri- 
ous. The  underlying  stratum  of  discord  was  preg- 
nant with  future  contention  for  power  between  church 
and  state.  When  Moya  received  the  pallium  a  farce 
was  publicly  represented  in  which  figured  as  one  of 
the  characters  a  collector  of  the  excise. The  viceroy 
and  audiencia  interpreted  the  introduction  of  this 
character  as  the  expression  of  a  sarcastic  disapproval 
of  an  unpopular  impost  lately  established.  Stringent 
orders  were  issued  forbidding  the  production  of  such 
pieces  without  the  sanction  of  the  audiencia.  The 
blame  of  it  all  was  laid  upon  the  archbishop.  The  prel- 
ate's authority  was  ignored,  and  many  persons,  in- 
cluding such  as  enjoyed  ecclesiastical  privileges,  were 
arrested.  Henceforth  harmony  was  at  an  end,  and 
various  petty  insults  were  from  time  to  time  offered 
by  the  viceroy  to  the  archbishop.  Moya  naturally 
complained,  and  had  the  satisfaction  to  receive  the 
royal  approval  of  his  course,  an  approval  which  in 

sides  from  families  of  rank.  Moya  brought  from  Spain  a  little  girl  two 
years  of  age,  named  Micaela  de  los  Angeles,  supposed  to  have  been  of  royal 
blood,  and  appearing  as  his  niece.  She  was  brought  up  in  a  nunnery,  and  at 
the  age  of  13  became  insane.  The  utmost  care  was  taken  of  her  and  much 
money  expended  in  the  efforts  to  restore  her  reason,  but  without  avail.  Slgii- 
enza  y  Gdngora,  Parayso  Occ,  18. 

During  this  year,  while  Moya  was  still  archbishop  elect,  the  comer- 
stone  of  the  great  cathedral  was  laid  with  appropriate  ceremonies  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  viceroy  and  all  the  high  functionaries  of  church  and  state.  In 
the  erection  of  this  edifice  Moya  took  great  interest,  making  it  an  object  of 
constant  attention  during  the  last  months  of  his  sojourn  in  Mexico.  He 
donated  to  it  beautiful  paintings  that  he  had  brought  from  Spain,  chalices, 
and  costly  ornaments,  and  left  it  blazing  with  gold,  though  still  a-building ; 
he  also  gave  it  his  mitre  and  pastoral  staff,  together  with  a  much  venerated 
fragment  of  the  lignum  crucis. 

*^The  viceroy  had,  in  1573,  established  the  alcabala,  or  excise,  which 
merchants  had  till  then  been  exempt  from.  The  measure  was  very  un- 
popular, and  the  government  had  been  the  object  of  many  a  diatribe 
for  it. 


684 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


1584  made  itself  manifest  in  his  appointment  to  the 
vacant  viceroyalty.*^ 

The  results  of  the  previous  convocations  had  been 
not  altogether  satisfactory,  and  in  1585  the  third 
provincial  council  in  the  city  of  Mexico  took  place, 
summoned  on  the  30th  of  March  of  the  previous  year 
by  Archbishop  Moya.  It  was  formally  opened  Jan- 
uary 20th,  presided  over  by  the  archbishop,  who  was 
now  also  the  viceroy,  governor,  and  captain  general 
of  New  Spain,  as  well  as  visitador.  The  suffragan 
bishops  in  attendance  were :  Juan  de  Medina  Rincon, 
of  Michoacan;  Domingo  Arzola,  of  Nueva  Galicia; 
Diego  Romano,  of  Puebla;  Bartolomd  de  Ledesma, 
of  Oajaca;  Gomez  de  Cordoba,  of  Guatemala;  and 
Gregorio  de  Mental vo,  of  Yucatan. 

There  were  also  present  at  the  installation,  besides 
the  legal  advisers  and  other  officers  of  the  council,  the 
oidores  of  the  royal  audiencia,  namely,  doctors  Pedro 
Farfan,  Pedro  Sanchez  Paredes,  Francisco  de  Sande, 
Fernando  de  Robles,  and  Diego  Garcia  de  Palacio; 
the  alcalde  de  Chanchilleria,  Doctor  Santiago  del 
Riego,  and  the  fiscal,  Licenciado  Eugenie  de  Salazar. 
The  secretary  of  the  council  was  Doctor  Juan  de 
Salcedo,  dean  of  Mexico  and  professor  of  canonical 
law  in  the  university. 

The  labors  of  this  council  terminated  in  the  latter 
part  of  September.    Some  of  the  chief  measures 

On  another  occasion,  at  the  funeral  of  Francisco  de  Velasco,  the  brother 
of  the  second  viceroy,  in  Dec.  1574,  Enriquez  caused  the  prie-dieu  that  had 
been  placed  for  the  prelate  in  the  church  to  be  taken  away,  claiming  that  he 
was  the  sole  person  that  could  use  that  article.  Later  he  inflicted  the  same 
insult  on  the  bishop  of  Michoacan  at  the  Saint  Augustine  church,  though  on 
the  next  day  he  caused  the  prie-dieu  to  be  placed  for  him  in  the  church  of 
Santa  Catarina,  having  probably  been  reminded  that  the  bishop  had  a  brother 
who  was  a  member  of  the  royal  council.  Moya  accused  the  viceroy  and 
audiencia  of  a  marked  hostility  toward  him,  and  of  having  repeatedly  at- 
tempted to  weaken  his  authority  and  prestige.  Moya  y  ContreraSy  Carta,  in 
Cartas  de  Indias,  176-88. 

^•'The  bishop  of  Chiapas  was  not  present,  having  been  forced  to  return 
home,  owing  to  an  accident  on  the  journey.  The  bishop  of  Vera  Paz  had 
made  his  preparations  to  depart  for  Spain  and  could  not  delay  his  voyage. 
Ponce,  Rel.,  in  Col.  Doc.  In6d.,  Ivii.  46-7;  Torquemada,  i.  649;  ConciliosProv.f 
MS.,  No.  3,  50,  57;  Pap.  Var.,  xv.  pts.  2,  19-20,  22. 


CONCILIOS  PROVINCIALES. 


685 


enacted  by  it  were  an  ecclesiastic  code  of  discipline,  a 
newly  arranged  catechism,  and  many  other  rules  and 
regulations  to  improve  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  gov- 
ernment of  New  Spain.  The  proceedings  embraced 
five  hundred  and  seventy-six  paragraphs,  divided  into 
five  books  under  A^arious  titles.  Neither  those  of 
the  first  council  in  1555  nor  those  of  the  second  in 
1565,  whose  chief  end  had  been  to  recognize  and 
enforce  the  acts  of  the  ecumenical  council  of  Trent 
concluded  in  1563,  had  been  approved  by  the  holy 
see.  Owing  to  this,  all  the  chapters  of  the  two  pre- 
ceding councils  were  embodied  in  the  third,  so  as  to 
secure  the  pontifical  sanction  to  all.  It  was  also 
necessary  to  accommodate  the  exigencies  of  the  church 
to  the  peculiar  traits  of  Indian  character  and  admin- 
istration of  the  Indies;  hence  the  expediency  of  this 
provincial  synod.  The  bishops  wished  to  carry  out  at 
once  the  acts  passed,  but  the  viceroy,  in  obedience  to 
a  royal  order  of  May  13,  1585,  suspended  their  execu- 
tion till  the  king's  approval.  This  was  given  on  the 
18th  of  September,  1591,  when  the  viceroy,  audiencia, 
and  all  officials,  civil  or  ecclesiastic,  in  New  Spain, 
were  commanded  to  aid  in  every  possible  way  the  en- 
forcement of  the  decrees  passed  by  the  council.  That 
cedula  was  reiterated  February  2,  1593,  and  again 
February  9,  1621/' 

Concilios  Provinciales  Mexicanos,  MSS.,  4  parts,  fol.  Nos.  1-4,  bound 
in  parchment.  Being  the  original  records  and  minutes  of  the  three  ecclesias- 
tic councils  held  under  the  presidency  of  the  archbishop  of  Mexico  as  metropol- 
itan in  the  years  1555,  1565,  and  1585. 

No,  1,  320  folios,  gives  all  the  orders,  correspondence,  and  other  proceed- 
ings, as  well  as  the  chapters  or  acts  passed  by  the  three  councils,  and  every 
paper  connected  therewith  in  Spanish  or  Latin,  to  which  are  appended  the 
signatures  of  the  archbishops  and  bishops  who  took  part  therein;  also  the 
catechism  adopted  by  the  third  council. 

No.  2,  100  folios,  is  an  authenticated  copy  in  Spanish,  under  the  seal  of 
the  archbishopric  of  Mexico,  of  the  acts  passed  by  the  third  council  in  1585, 
with  the  autograph  signatures  of  Archbishop  Moya  and  the  suffragan  bishops 
of  Guatemala,  Yucatan,  Michoacan,  Nueva  Galicia,  Antequera,  or  Oajaca; 
countersigned  by  Doctor  Juan  de  Salcedo,  secretary  of  the  council. 

No.  3,  455  folios.  Correspondence,  edicts,  decrees,  in  Latin  and  Spanish, 
and  others  papers  relating  to  the  qualifications  and  duties  of  priests. 

No.  4,  354  folios.  Papers  that  the  third  council  consulted,  including 
copies  of  the  acts  of  the  first  council  of  Lima  in  1582,  and  that  of  Toledo  of 
1583. 

The  acts  of  the  first  council,  and  the  original  minutes,  as  well  as  those  of 


686 


CHUflCH  GOVERNMENT. 


Soon  after  the  closing  of  the  council  the  successor 
of  Moya  y  Contreras  in  the  viceroyalty  and  annexed 
offices  arrived.  His  release  from  those  duties  did  not, 
however,  relieve  him  from  those  of  visitador  of  the 
courts  till  he  completed  his  task  in  1586.  During  all 
this  time  he  never  lost  sight  of  the  grave  responsi- 
bilities of  the  archiepiscopal  office.  He  made  pastoral 
visits  over  a  large  part  of  his  district,  which  had  been 
till  then  deprived  of  that  benefit,  and  confirmed  great 
numbers  of  his  flock.  He  would  likewise  perform 
humbler  duties,  which  devolved  upon  others.  Once 
on  his  return  he  found  the  priests  whose  place  he  had 
taken  awaiting  him;  they  began  to  make  excuses,  to 
which  he  answered:  "Fathers,  it  does  not  surprise 
me ;  for  the  city  is  large ;  for  which  reason  I  must  also 
be  a  curate,  and  your  comrade  to  assist  you."  As 
soon  as  he  finished  his  work  as  visitador  he  made 
preparations  for  his  departure,  and  after  placing  the 
archdiocese  in  charge  of  the  notable  Dominican  friar 
Pedro  de  Pravia,  in  the  month  of  June  he  celebrated 
mass  and  bid  farewell  to  the  people  of  Mexico  whom 
he  had  called  together  for  that  purpose.     On  arrival 

two  subsequent  councils,  were  printed  in  Mexico  by  Juan  Pablo  Lombard©  in 
February  1556.  This  issue  appears  to  have  been  withdrawn  by  order;  and  to 
avert  recurrence  of  such  publications  without  the  royal  exequatur  having  been 
first  obtained,  the  king  directed  in  c^dula  of  Sept.  1,  1560,  reiterating  a  pre- 
vious order  of  Sept.  1,  1556,  that  prelates  before  printing  and  publishing  their 
synods  should  lay  them  before  the  council  of  the  Indies  for  the  royal  sanc- 
tion. ConcUlos  Prov.,  MS.,  No.  1,  265-6;  Puga,  Cedulario,  201. 

The  acts  of  the  second  council  were  not  published  till  Archbishop  Loren- 
zana  in  1769  issued  it  in  connection  with  that  of  the  first.  It  forms  a  4to  of 
396  pages,  containing  on  the  first  208  pages  the  chapters  of  the  respective 
meetings,  and  on  the  remainder  the  lives  of  all  the  bishops  in  New  Spain, 
together  with  an  account  of  the  founding  of  the  different  sees  and  other 
material.  The  acts  of  the  third  council  did  not  see  print  till  1622,  when  they 
were  issued  in  Latin  at  Mexico,  in  two  parts,  of  102  and  39  folios  respectively, 
the  first  containing  the  acts  or  chapters;  the  second,  the  ordinances  of  the 
council  as  confirmed  by  the  papal  court  on  October  27,  1589.  Another  Latin 
edition  appeared  at  Paris  in  1725,  599  pages  12mo,  with  biographical  sketches 
of  the  prelates  attending  the  council.  A  third  bears  the  imprint  Mexico  1770, 
in  two  parts,  of  328  and  141  pages,  with  biographical  additions,  issued  probably 
by  Lorenzana  as  a  complement  to  his  edition  of  the  first  councils.  All  of  these 
manuscript  and  rare  printed  sets  form  part  of  my  collection,  together  with  a 
number  of  catechisms,  ordinances,  and  other  matter,  issued  by  order  of  the 
councils,  or  in  connection  with  their  labors.  A  modern  edition  of  the  third 
council  acts,  in  Latin  and  Spanish,  appeared  at  Mexico  in  1859,  containing  a 
number  of  documents,  and  notes  by  the  Jesuit  Arrillaga. 

His  house  was  crowded  with  people  who  went  to  manifest  their  love 


LAS  CASAS  AGAIN. 


687 


at  Vera  Cruz  he  was  apprised  by  his  steward  that 
he  was  in  debt  to  the  amount  of  $20,000.  But  he 
had  not  to  wait  long  before  a  larger  sum  came  as  a 
donation,  which  enabled  him  to  pay  off  the  indebt- 
edness, and  to  make  gifts  to  the  hospitals  of  Vera 
Cruz  and  give  alms  to  the  poor.  Further  information 
on  this  interesting  man  will  appear  in  connection  with 
his  life  as  viceroy  of  Mexico.^^  Pedro  de  Prdvia  ad- 
ministered the  archbishopric  till  near  the  end  of  1589, 
when  he  died.  After  that  the  diocese  was  governed 
by  the  dean  and  chapter  sede  vacante. 

The  successor  appointed  to  fill  the  office  of  arch- 
bishop of  Mexico  was  the  bishop  elect  of  Nueva 
Galicia,  and  visitador  of  Peru,  Alonso  Fernandez  de 
Bonilla,  a  native  of  Cordova.  He  was  elected  on 
the  15th  of  March,  1592,  and  it  is  said  that  he  chose 
the  archdeacon  of  Mexico,  Juan  Cervantes,  for  gov- 
ernor of  the  archdiocese  during  his  absence,  which 
office  Cervantes  held  till  the  see  was  declared  vacant 
by  the  death  in  Peru  of  Bonilla  in  1596,  shortly  after 
his  consecration.  The  archbishop's  remains  were  in- 
terred in  Lima.^*  The  archdiocese  remained  vacant 
till  1601,  for,  though  the  friar  Garcia  de  Santa  Maria 
y  Mendoza,  of  the  order  of  St  Jerome,  was  chosen  to 
the  office  in  1600  and  accepted  it,  he  did  not  take 
possession  till  the  following  year,^^    By  this  time  the 

and  sorrow  at  his  departure,  carrying  gifts  and  mementos.  The  Indians 
hastened  to  kiss  his  hands,  and  the  negroes  placed  at  his  feet  a  plate  into 
which  they  threw  money  as  a  fund  for  his  comfort  on  the  journey.  This  was 
kept  up  night  and  day,  and  there  was  no  end  to  the  contributions.  The  con- 
course became  so  large  at  the  last  moment  that  the  authorities  had  finally  to 
place  guards  near  the  prelate's  person  from  fear  that  he  might  be  crushed. 
He  had  a  large  popular  escort  as  far  as  the  villa  of  Guadalupe.  Gutien^ez  de 
Luna,  Bwj.,  in  Sosa,  Episcop.,  37-8. 

For  additional  information  on  Moya  y  Contreras,  see  Peralta,  Not  Hist. , 
281-2;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  48-9;  Leyes,  Varias  AnoL,  7;  Vetancvrt,  TraL 
Ilex.,  23;  Dia7\  Mex.,  vii.  6;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  173,  175. 

Bonilla  had  been  dean  of  the  cathedral,  fiscal  of  the  inquisition,  and  on 
April  8,  1583,  became  chief  inquisitor.  Panes,  Virreys,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp., 
M.S.,  91;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Edes.,  i.  40-1;  Sosa,  Episcop.,  41-2;  Dice. 
Univ.,  iii.  396. 

Sosa,  Episcop.,  41-3,  with  his  portrait;  Panes,  Virreys,  in  Ifonum.  Dom. 
Esp.,  MS.,'  91;  Mex.  Hieroglyph,  Hist.,  157,  and  many  others.  See  also  Con- 
cilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  215-16,  340;  and  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  40-1, 


688 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


church  had  grown  to  large  proportions.  According  to 
reliable  contemporaneous  authority  there  were  in  New 
Spain  then  400  convents  of  the  several  orders,  and 
400  districts  in  charge  of  clergymen,  making  a  total 
of  800  ecclesiastic  ministries  for  the  administration 
of  the  sacraments  and  for  instruction  in  Christianity. 
Each  convent  and  each  parish  had  many  churches  in 
towns  and  hamlets,  which  were  likewise  visited  at 
certain  intervals,  and  where  Christian  doctrine  was 
taught  the  natives.^^  The  whole  was  now  under  six 
prelates,  the  youngest  of  whom  were  those  of  Yuca- 
tan and  Nueva  Galicia,  appointed  in  1541  and  1544 
respectively.  The  former  district  had  been  given  a 
bishop  in  Julian  Garces,  already  in  1519,^^  but  tha 
failure  of  settlers  to  occupy  it  caused  the  transfer  of 
Garces  to  Tlascala.  After  Montejo's  conquest  it  was 
included  in  the  adjoining  diocese  of  Chiapas,  and  the 
celebrated  Las  Casas  presented  himself  in  1545  to 
exact  recognition,  but  his  fiery  zeal  in  behalf  of  the 
enslaved  natives  roused  the  colonists,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  depart.  The  growing  importance  of  the 
peninsula  caused  it  to  be  erected  into  a  special  see,  by 
bull  of  December  16,  1561,^^  with  the  seat  in  Merida. 

The  prelacy  was  first  offered  to  the  Franciscan  Juan 
de  la  Puerta,  who  died  as  bishop  elect,^^  and  Francisco 
de  Toral,  provincial  of  the  same  order  at  Mexico,  was 
thereupon  chosen.^^    He  declined,  but  was  prevailed 

5®  The  Franciscan  province  of  the  Santo  Evang^lio  of  Mexico  alone  claimed 
over  1,000.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Edes.,  54-9;  Torquemada,  iii.  385-6. 
See  p.  296,  this  volume. 

^^Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  351;  MoreUi,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  201.  'Que  se 
nombrasse  de  Yucathkn,  y  Cozum6l.'  Cogolhido,  Hist.  Yucathan,  206.  Gon- 
zalez Ddvila,  Teatro  Edes.,  206,  211,  is  misleading  in  naming  a  bishop  as 
early  as  1541,  and  mentioning  that  the  church  was  by  bull  of  Oct.  23,  1570, 
erected  into  a  cathedral,  dedicated  to  San  Ildefonso. 

59  Torquemada,  iii.  384.  Calle  states  that  the  Franciscan  Juan  de  San 
Francisco  had  been  chosen  in  1541  to  govern  the  see  as  bishop,  without  wait- 
ing for  bulls.  If  he  ever  was  appointed  it  could  have  been  merely  as  rcpre- 
sentant  of  Las  Casas,  bishop  of  Chiapas.  Calle  continues  by  saying  that 
Puerta  received  his  appointment  on  June  17,  1555.  Mem.  y  Not.,  82.  Gonzalez 
Ddvila,  loc.  cit.,  follows,  but  appoints  Puerta  on  Feb.  20,  1552.  He  died 
without  consecration. 

*°  He  was  a  native  of  tibeda,  Spain,  and  long  labored  in  New  Spain,  which 
he  in  1553  represented  at  Salamanca  as  delegate.    He  returned  with  a  large 


LANDA  AND  IZQUIERDO. 


689 


upon  to  accept,  and  took  possession  in  1562.  His 
efforts  to  secure  the  prerogatives  of  his  office,  hitherto 
enjoyed  to  a  great  extent  by  friars,  caused  a  rupture, 
and  the  provincial,  Diego  de  Landa,  departed  in  hot 
haste  to  lay  his  complaints  before  the  court.  The 
result  was  unfavorable  to  Toral,  who,  after  vainly 
seeking  to  resign,  retired  to  the  convent  at  Mexico, 
where  he  died  in  April  1571. 

The  prelacy  was  then  conferred  on  Landa,  partly 
because  of  his  influential  connection,^^  and  partly  be- 
cause of  his  long  and  zealous  services  in  Yucatan. 
He  came  out  in  1573,  and  his  despotic  and  meddlesome 
disposition  soon  led  him  into  fresh  complications  with 
the  civil  authorities/^  his  Franciscan  co-laborers  being 
on  the  other  hand  allowed  a  liberty  that  degenerated 
into  abuse.  His  rule  was  short,  however,  for  he  died 
suddenly  in  April  1579,  leaving  a  high  reputation 
for  benevolence  and  piety  among  his  contemporaries, 
wdiich  to  us  appears  ineffaceably  stained  by  an  im- 
prudent severity  toward  idolaters,  and  by  his  reck- 
less destruction  of  aboriginal  documents  and  relics. 
He  was  the  Zumarraga  of  the  peninsula.  His  suc- 
cessor, Gregorio  Montalvo,  bishop  elect  of  Nicaragua, 
was  a  Dominican,^^  wdiich  in  itself  augured  well  for 
needed  reforms;  but  the  Franciscans  hampered  him 
on  every  side,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  hostility 
prevailing  between  the  two  orders.^*  In  1587  he  was 
promoted  to  the  see  of  Cuzco,  where  he  died  six 
years  later.    The  Franciscan  Juan  Izquierdo  suc- 

mission  of  friars,  and  while  holding  the  position  of  provincial,  the  appoint- 
ment of  bishop  reached  him,  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles,  i.  211-12.  He  took 
possession  August  15,  1562.  Although  Las  Casas  visited  Tabasco  in  1561, 
Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  626,  it  no  doubt  passed  about  this  time  under  Yuca- 
tan, both  ecclesiastically  and  politically.  A  c^dula  of  1559  ordered  the  audi- 
encia  to  report  on  the  expediency  of  erecting  this  province  into  a  separate 
see.  Puga^  Cedulario,  207.    The  report  was  unfavorable. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Calderon  family,  born  atCifuentes  in  1524. 

See  Sierra,  Consid.  sobre  el  origen,  etc.,  de  la  suhlevacion,  in  Ancona^ 
Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  102. 

^  He  was  a  native  of  Coca,  Segovia,  and  became  a  friar  in  1550,  displaying 
great  eloquence  and  administrative  ability. 

They  accused  him  of  severity  against  relapsed  idolaters,  who  were  sen- 
tenced to  exile  and  hard  labor  at  Vera  Cruz  and  other  places.  CogollvdOf 
Hist.  Yucathan,  398-9. 

HiBT.  Mf.x.,  Vol.  II.  41 


690 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


ceeded,  but  took  possession  only  in  1591,  ruling  har- 
moniously till  his  death  in  1602.  The  dedication  of 
the  cathedral  at  Merida,  one  of  the  finest  in  New 
Spain,  took  place  during  his  rule.^^ 


NuEVA  Galicia. 

^5  In  1563  provision  had  been  made  for  building  it,  one  third  of  the  cost  to 
be  defrayed  by  the  crown,  Spaniards,  and  Indians,  respectively.  The  work 
began  with  the  ready  contribution  of  50,000  natives,  each  giving  two  reales, 
both  settlers  and  crown  being  too  poor  to  pay.  Quixatla,  Carta,  1563,  in 
Carto.s  de  Indias,  386.  The  architect  was  Juan  Miguel  de  Agiiero,  who  made 
himself  a  name  thereby.  The  king  gave  500  ducats  for  church  ornaments, 
and  an  equal  sum  for  a  hospital.  On  these  and  other  matters  touching  the 
bishopric,  see  letters  of  Bibanco,  Toral,  Quijada,  etc.,  in  Cartas  de  Indias, 


NOTABLE  PRELATES. 


C91 


Nueva  Galicia  was  on  July  31,  1548,^^  segregated 
from  Michoacan  and  made  a  distinct  bishopric,  possess- 
ing at  the  time  nearly  fifty  benefices.^^  Compostela 
was  designated  as  the  seat,  and  Antonio  de  Ciudad 
Rodrigo,  one  of  the  twelve  Franciscan  apostles,  re- 
ceived the  appointment,  which  he  humbly  declined, 
whereupon  it  was  conferred  upon  Juan  Barrios,  a 
knight  of  Santiago,^^  but  he  died  before  consecration 
and  was  buried  at  Mexico. 

The  position  was  next  tendered  to  Pedro  Gomez 
Maraver,  late  dean  of  Oajaca  and  counsellor  to  Vice- 
roy Mendoza,  who  entered  with  great  zeal  upon  his 
duties,  but  lived  only  till  1552.  The  Franciscan  Pe- 
dro de  Ayala  assumed  the  office  in  July  1555,  and 
assisted  at  the  removal  of  the  seat  to  Guadalajara, 
where  he  laid  the  foundation  of  a  cathedral.^^  He 
died  in  1569,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Franciscan 
Gomez  de  Mendiola,  who  ruled  from  1571  to  1579,  and 
left  so  high  a  reputation  for  benevolence  and  sanctity 
that  efforts  were  made  to  obtain  his  beatification.'^ 
The  Jeronimite  Juan  de  Trujillo  was  appointed  suc- 
cessor, but  failed  to  take  possession,^^  and  the  see 
passed  to  Domingo  de  Arzola,  a  Dominican,  lately 

238,  and  passim,  372-94,  783;  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  206-10,  290-1, 
322-4,  352-71,  376,  394-6,  409;  Concilios  Prov.,  MS.,  No.  3,  1-3,  and  print,  vii.; 
Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Edes.,  i.  211-15,  220;  Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  42,  80, 
135,  137,  140;  Powce,  ReL,  in  Col.  Doc.  In6d.,  Ivii.  182,  Iviii.  394,  401,  425, 
451-2. 

Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  336;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  179. 
Morelli  writes  July  13,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  160;  and  others  place  the  seat 
wrongly  at  Guadalajara. 

In  1596  the  number  had  not  materially  changed.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
547-8.  The  distinguished  Diego  Ramirez  was  appointed  in  1551  to  mark  the 
boundary  lines  between  the  dioceses  of  Michoacan  and  Guadalajara,  and  be- 
tween those  of  Mexico  and  Michoacan.  The  bishops  of  the  first  two  named 
dioceses  objected  to  the  lines  he  established,  but  they  were  approved  by  the 
crown  August  28,  1552.  The  question  remained  an  open  one,  nevertheless, 
and  was  but  partially  settled  in  1564.  Reopened  in  1596,  the  final  settlement 
took  place  only  in  1664.  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  155-222. 

Successor  of  Bishop  Zumdrraga  in  the  office  of  protector  of  Indians;  a 
native  of  Seville.  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  198;  Alcedo,  Dice,  ii.  242. 

This  removal  may  have  drawn  upon  him  the  dislike  of  the  chapter, 
which  in  1570  declared  that  his  appointment  had  been  a  mistake,  for  he  knew 
nothing  of  letters  or  law.  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  486. 

'°  When  exhumed  in  1599  his  body  was  found  undecayed,  and  so  it  con- 
tinued for  nearly  200  years. 

"  Alcedo,  Dice,  ii.  243,  places  him  after  Arzola. 


692 


CHURCH  GOVEENMENT. 


vicar-general  and  visitador  of  his  order  in  Peru  and 
New  Spain,  who  died  in  1590  while  on  a  pastoral 
visit. ''^  His  successor  was  an  Augustinian,  Juan 
Suarez  de  Escobar,  who  did  not  survive  long  ei\d->p'h 
to  be  consecrated,  w^hereupon  Doctor  Francisco  Rodri- 
guez Santos  Garcia,'^  lately  ruler  of  the  archbishopric, 
occupied  the  prelacy  till  1596,  when  it  passed  to 
Alonso  de  la  Mota,  of  whom  I  shall  speak  hereafter/* 
In  the  adjoining  see  of  Michoacan,  Bishop  Quiroga 
had  inaugurated  a  veritable  golden  era  with  his  in- 
defatigable efforts  for  the  protection  of  the  natives, 


the  establishment  of  hospitals  and  schools,  and  the 
promotion  of  exemplary  life.*^^    After  his  deeply  re- 


'2  At  Atoyac,  February  15th.  He  bad  been  appointed  on  July  6,  1582. 

"^^  A  native  of  Madrigal,  and  a  most  benevolent  man.  He  is  supposed  to 
have  died  at  Mexico,  June  28,  159C.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  1.  182, 
Alcedo  blunders  about  the  date. 

"^^  Successively  dean  at  Michoacan,  Tlascala,  and  Mexico,  and  highly 
esteemed  for  his  exemplary  life  and  deeds.  He  was  appointed  October  22, 
1597.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  93,  182,  193;  VetanCur,  Trat.  Mex., 
23,  51;  Concilios  Prov.,  MS.,  No.  1,  160-9, 185,  337;  Id.,  vii.  336-40;  Flgueroa, 
Vindicias,  MS.,  70. 

This  will  be  more  fully  narrated  on  a  succeeding  page. 


ZARATE  AND  ALBURQUERQUE. 


693 


gretted  death  in  1565,  the  distinguished  preacher 
Antonio  Ruiz  de  Morales  y  MoHna/^  of  the  order  of 
Santiago,  ruled  until  1572,  when  he  was  promoted  to 
Puebla,  partly  on  account  of  ill-health.  He  had  taken 
a  dislike  to  Patzcuaro  as  the  episcopal  residence,  and 
after  a  quarrel  with  the  local  authorities,  while  they 
were  celebrating  the  anniversary  of  the  conquest  of 
Michoacan,  he  made  strong  efforts  for  removing  the 
seat  to  Valladolid,  a  change  which  was  effected  a  few 
years  later.  Meanwhile  the  Augustinian  Alonso  de 
la  Vera  Cruz  was  tendered  the  prelacy,  but  declined 
in  favor  of  a  colleague  named  Diego  de  Chavez,  and, 
he  dying' ^  before  the  confirmatory  bulls  arrived,  Juan 
de  Medina  Rincon,'^  late  provincial  of  the  same  order, 
was  consecrated  in  1574.  For  fourteen  years  he  ruled, 
living  ever  the  austere,  self-denying  life  of  the  exem- 
plary friar,  and  devoting  his  income  to  the  sick  and 
poor.'^ 

His  successor  was  appointed  only  in  1591,  in  the 
person  of  Alonso  Guerra,  a  Dominican,  born  in  Lima, 
Peru,  and  promoted  to  this  see  from  that  of  Para- 
guay. He  died  in  1595,^^  and  Domingo  de  Ulloa, 
another  Dominican  of  high  family,  and  lately  bishop 
of  Nicaragua  and  Popayan,  took  possession  of  the 
office  in  1598,  but  he  lived  only  four  ^^ears.^^   At  this 

Whose  history  he  wrote.  He  was  a  native  of  C6rdova,  and  nephew  of 
the  chronicler  Morales.  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65 ^  246. 

''^  February  14,  1573.  Gonzalez  Davila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  120,  places  his 
appointment  after  1588,  and  states  that  he  declined. 

''^  A  native  of  Segovia.  He  came  to  New  Spain  with  his  father,  who 
held  a  high  office  in  the  real  audiencia.  In  1542  he  took  the  habit  of  an 
Austin  friar.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  115-20.  Y etsmcurt,  Menolog., 
82,  asserts  that  the  mitre  was  tendered  by  Philip  II.  to  the  Franciscan  Juan 
de  Ayora,  and  the  royal  cddula  was  found  in  the  old  friar's  breviary  after  his 
death.  The  author  leaves  us  in  the  dark  as  to  the  date  of  such  choice.  Ayora 
went  to  the  Philippines  in  1577,  and  died  there  in  1581. 

Eather  than  submit  to  a  violation  of  the  rules  in  regard  to  dress,  which 
was  a  necessity  in  the  tierra  caliente,  when  provincial  he  threw  up  the  doctrinas 
in  Pdnuco  and  some  in  Michoacan.  Hov/ever,  after  becoming  bishop  he  recov- 
ered as  many  of  them  as  he  could.  Mich.,  Frov.  S.  Nic,  100. 

Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  72.    Some  say  in  1596.  Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS. ,  74. 

He  died  in  Mexico  and  was  there  buried  in  t^ie  convent  of  his  order. 
There  is  confusion  among  the  old  writers  about  the  time  of  the  appointment 
of  this  bishop  and  of  his  death.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  ii.  70, 
appoints  him  to  Yucatan  before  he  comes  to  Michoacan,  which  is  probably  an 
error  in  writing  that  word  for  Popayan.    He  also  in  the  same  page  gives  his 


694 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


time  the  see  contained  forty-five  parishes  in  charge 
of  secular  clergy,  a  dozen  of  them  among  the  Spanish 
settlers  and  miners. 


On  the  death  of  Bishop  Zdrate  of  Oajaca,^^  another 
prominent  Dominican,  Bernardo  Acuna  de  Albur- 
querque,^*  was  chosen  his  successor,  and  since  he 


Oajaca. 


had  already  occupied  this  field  as  a  friar,  he  gladly 
resumed  his  task,  and  labored  with  tireless  ardor  and 

death  in  1599.  Another  author  places  his  appointment  to  Michoacan  in  Feb. 
1599,  stating  that  he  ruled  four  years,  in  which  last  statement  he  follows 
Gonzalez  Davila.  TouroHy  Hist.  Gen.,  vii.  247-8.  A  sister  of  his  had  founded 
three  Jesuit  colleges  in  Castile.  The  enemies  of  the  order  endeavored  to 
influence  him  against  its  members  but  without  avail,  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesus,  i.  369. 

^'^  Gonzalez,  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  91,  112-22;  ii.  96;  Condlioa  Prov., 
MS.,  1-^;  Id.,  1555-65,  vi.-vii.  320^;  Beaumont,  Gr6n.  Mich.,  v.  574-8; 
Grijalua,  Crdn.  S.  August.,  143-5;  3Iich.  Anal.  Estad.,  5;  Queipo,  Col.,  50; 
Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesus,  210;  Mich.  Prov.  S.  Nic,  19;  Galle,  Mem.  y 
Not.,  62,  72.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  51;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  116,  131; 
Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles. ,  546-7. 

«^  See  pp.  391-2,  this  volume. 
During  his  labors  in  Oajaca  he  nad  written  a  catechism  in  Zapotec,  and 
after  his  ministry  here  he  attained  to  the  highest  honors  of  his  order  in  New 
Spain. 


DIOCESE  OF  PUEBLA. 


695 


self-denial.^^  Hardly  less  pious  and  benevolent  was 
the  third  bishop,  the  Dominican  Bartolome  de  Ledes- 
ma,  who  ruled  from  1581  to  1604,  and  left  a  distin- 
guished name  as  a  writer  and  patron  of  education.^® 
When  the  first  bishop  took  possession  the  diocese  was 
exceedingly  poor,  with  friars  alone  for  ministers,  but 
toward  the  close  of  Ledesma's  rule  there  were  forty 
well  supplied  parishes  in  charge  of  the  secular  clergy 
distributed  amono^  several  hundred  villasres  and  four 
Spanish  towns,  the  latter  being  Antequera,  now  quite 
a  populous  place,  San  Ildefonso,  among  the  Zapotecs, 
Santiago  de  Nejapa,  and  Espiritu  Santo,  in  Goaza- 
coalco.^ 

One  of  the  most  favored  dioceses  was  Puebla,  which 
extended  over  Huexotzinco,  Tlascala,  Puebla,  and 
Vera  Cruz  districts,  with  over  a  thousand  native  set- 
tlements, about  two  hundred  of  them  designated  as 
towns,  and  divided  into  more  than  eighty  parishes, 
half  in  charge  of  convents,  of  which  nineteen  were 
Franciscan,  twelve  Dominican,  nine  Auguscinian,  and 
one  Carmelite.  The  native  tributaries  numbered  more 
than  two  hundred  thousand,  not  counting  Tlascala, 
whose  people  paid  but  a  nominal  tax.  Of  the  Spanish 
towns  Puebla  had  about  five  hundred  settlers,  and 
Vera  Cruz  three  hundred,  while  a  considerable  num- 

^5  He  founded  at  his  own  expense  the  convent  of  Santa  Catarina  de  Sena, 
at  Antequera,  and  endowed  it.  The  dedication  took  place  in  October  1577, 
with  three  Santa  Clara  nuns  and  seven  novices,  two  being  his  nieces.  Burgoa, 
Geog.  Discrip. ,  Oaj. ,  i.  89-92.  Here  his  remains  were  deposited,  after  having 
been  buried  in  San  Pablo  convent.  The  cathedral  also  claims  to  hold  the 
grave  of  this  saintly  man. 

He  founded  the  college  of  San  Bartolom^,  with  a  rental  of  2,000  pesos 
for  12  poor  collegians,  who  must  be  natives  of  the  province;  and  he  established 
the  first  chair  of  moral  theology  in  New  Spain.  To  his  native  town  of  Sala- 
manca he  left  several  endowments  for  poor  clergymen.  He  died  in  February 
1 604  and  was  buried  in  the  cathedral.  One  of  his  books,  De  Septem  Novcb 
Legis  Sacramentls,  was  printed  at  Mexico  in  1568.  *  Probably  the  first  book 
printed  in  roman  letter  in  Mexico,'  says  Rich,  who  also  refers  to  an  edition  of 
1566.  Several  other  works  were  lost  while  on  the  way  to  Spain  to  be  printed. 
Concilios  Prov.,  MS.,  No.  1;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  227. 
*Seran  tambien  ricos.'  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  547. 

Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  Oaj.,  i.  64-80,  ii.  410-11;  Mex.,  Trtformes,  in 
Pnrheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xv.  449-51;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd., 
291-303;  and  books  already  quoted. 


696 


CKURCH  GOVERNMENT. 


ber  were  scattered  throughout  the  country,  and  in 
such  towns  as  Carrion,  founded  in  Athxco  Valley  by 
royal  permit  of  1579.^^  Puebla  had  fast  assumed  the 
second  rank  as  a  city  in  Mexico,  and  justly  sa  with 
its  respectable  population,  its  cathedral, and  its  many 
convents,  representing  nearly  all  the  orders  in  New 
Spain.^^ 


Tlascala. 


89  Torquemada,  i.  319-22.  In  San  Pablo  Valley  were  a  number  of  Spanish 
agriculturists;  at  Tlascala  resided  50;  Atlixco  Valley  yielded  fully  100,000 
fanegas  of  wheat.  The  estimates  of  English  visitors  in  1556  to  1572  give  Puebla 
600  to  1,000  households;  Tlascala,  200,000  Indians,  who  paid  13,000  fanegas 
of  corn  yearly.  Hawks  makes  its  population  in  1572,  16,000  households,  which 
paid  no  tribute.  Huexotzinco  had  been  reduced  to  8,000  families,  through 
disease  and  oppression.  Cholula  is  credited  with  60,000  Indians — others  say 
1,000  houses — and  Acatzinco  with  50,000.  Cochineal  culture  was  proposed 
for  Tepeaca  in  1580.  Henriquez,  Instruc,  in  Padieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
iii.  489;  Chilton,  Hawks,  and  Tomson,  in  HaUvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  453-63;  Eerste 
S cheeps- Togt,  in  A  a,  Naaukeurige  Versameling,  xxii.;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
546;  Franciscanos,  Bel,  in  Prov.  del  S.  Evdng.,  MS.,  183-200;  Vetancvrt, 
Chron.,  27-9.  Tlascala  still  enjoyed  special  protection,  and  by  decree  of 
1552  no  Spaniard  could  there  form  estates  to  the  prejudice  of  the  natives. 
()rdene^  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  14. 

The  latter  was  begun  in  1552,  according  to  the  plans  of  Juan  Gomez  de 
Mora.  Owing  to  frequent  interruptions  it  stood  still  unfinished  at  the  close 
of  the  century.  Garcia,  Cated.  Puebla,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii.  175. 

One  dedicated  to  the  stigmata  of  Saint  Francis,  built  upon  a  site  chosen 
in  1530  by  Father  Toribio  Motolinia,  on  the  bank  of  the  River  Atoyac,  and 
containing  a  novitiate  and  a  school  of  philosophy  with  over  70  religiosos.  It 
was  the  burial-place  of  the  blessed  Sebastian  de  Aparicio,  and  contained  a 
venerated  image  like  that  of  Remedies,  within  a  silver  eagle,  originally  pre- 
sented by  Cortes  to  the  Tlascaltec  chief  Acxotecatl  Cocomitzin.  Santa  Bar- 
bara of  the  barefooted  Franciscans,  founded  in  1591,  had  a  school  of  philosophy, 
and  lifty  religious;  amongst  its  novices  once  was  Felipe  de  Jesus,  patron  saint 
of  the  city  of  Mexico.    The  Dominicans  had  three  convents  and  houses;  the 


DEATH  OF  ROMANO. 


697 


Bishop  Julian  Garces,  the  first  appointed  prelate 
in  New  Spain,  had  died  in  1542  at  the  advanced  age 
of  ninetj,^^  deeply  regretted  for  his  unobtrusive  ear- 
nestness and  his  unostentatious  benevolence.  His  suc- 
cessor, Pablo  Gil  de  Talavera,  appointed  in  1543, 
survived  his  arrival  in  1545  only  a  few  days,^^and  the 
see  was  bestowed  on  Martin  Sarmiento  of  Hojacastro, 
lately  coinisario  of  the  Franciscans  in  New  Spain, 
who  emulated  Garces  in  earnest  zeal,  and  showed  him- 
self ever  the  self-denying  friar.  He  died  in  1558/^ 
and  was  succeeded  by  Fernando  de  Villagomez,^^  who 
ruled  till  1571,  when  the  vacancy  was  filled-  by  the 
promotion  from  Michoacan  of  Bishop  Morales  y  Mo- 
lina. He  lived  only  until  1576,  after  which  Diego 
Romano,  canon  of  Granada  and  inquisitor,  was  ap- 
pointed, with  the  additional  task  of  taking  the  resi- 
dencia  of  Viceroy  Ziiniga  and  of  the  audiencia  at 
Guadalajara.^^  The  selection  proved  admirable,  for 
Romano  possessed  high  administrative  ability,  com- 
bined with  energy  and  zeal,  and  showed  himself  a 
patron  of  education  by  founding  several  colleges. 

principal,  containing  the  school  and  novitiate,  the  college  of  San  Luis,  and 
the  Recoleccion  de  San  Pablo.  The  Austin  friars  possessed  one  convent  devoted 
to  serious  studies;  it  was  the  novitiate,  with  more  than  40  inmates.  The  Car- 
melite convent,  founded  in  1586,  was  to  contain,  as  a  relic,  one  half  of  the 
cloth  with  which  the  virgin  Mary  wiped  off  the  tears  of  her  son;  well  authen- 
ticated. It  owned  also  a  piece  of  the  true  cross.  The  Jesuits  had  a  college, 
and  it  is  barely  possible  that  the  friars  of  San  Juan  de  Dios  had  a  hospital. 
Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Puehla,  54-5;  Id.,  Chron.,  132,  148;  Ddv'da,  Continuacion, 
MS. ,  154.  By  c6dula  of  February  24,  1561,  the  city  received  the  title  of  '  muy 
noble  y  muy  leal,'  and  in  1567,  the  right  of  electing  three  alcaldes,  one  for 
Atlixco.  Among  its  colleges  was  San  Luis,  a  Dominican  institution  founded 
in  1558. 

Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Puehla,  50;  Monum.  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  v.  50.  Calle 
writes  1543,  Mem.  y  Not.,  62,  and  AlcaU,  Descrlp.  Puehla,  MS.,  51,  has  1541. 
He  was  buried  in  the  Dominican  convent.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i. 
80-4. 

He  was  a  native  of  Navamorquende  and  professor  of  canonic  law  at  Va- 
lladolid  university.  His  friend  Fuenleal,  the  former  president  of  the  audiencia 
at  Mexico,  secured  his  appointment.  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  244. 

^*  August  30th.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Puehla,  51.  'Dur6  todo  su  gobierno  hasta 
19  de  Octubre  de  1557,'  says  Lorenzana,  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  245,  but 
Gonzalez  Ddvila  favors  155'8. 

Lorenzana,  ubi  sup. ,  points  out  that  Vetancurt  errs  in  calling  him  Ber- 
nardo. He  was  appointed  February  10,  1559,  and  characterized  as  'perspica, 
instructos,  perfulgens.' 

He  was  bom  in  1538,  and  after  studying  at  his  native  place  of  Valladolid, 
he  became  a  doctor  at  Salamanca  university. 


698 


CHURCH  GOVERNMENT, 


Blindness  and  other  infirmities  coaiing  upon  him,  he 
received  a  coadjutor,  and  died  shortly  after,  in  April 
16065 

^^Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  248.  Vetancurt  writes  1607.  Trat.  Puebla,  51; 
Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  62;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Edes.,  680-4;  Villagomez,  Testam.y 
in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xi.  102-18.  For  additional  authorities 
on  the  diflferent  bishoprics  see  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.,  passim; 
Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  383  et  seq.,  680-4,  702-3;  Concilios  Prov.,  MS.,  Nos. 
1-4,  passim;  Id.,  1555-65,  209  etseq.;  Franciscanos,  Bel.,  in  Prov.  S.  Evang., 
193  et  seq.;  Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  passim;  Florencia, Hist.  Prov.  Jesus,  202-10, 
230;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  60-2,  113-16,  184;  Mich.,  Prov.  S.  Mc,  59-61; 
Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xi.  102-18;  xv.  449-57;  N.  Esp.,  Breve  Pes., 
MS.,  ii.  273-4,  300-15;  Moreno,  Fragmentos,  37-8;  Alcedo,  Dice,  iii.  323,  409, 
etc.;  Cartasde  Meas, 661,827-8;  Dice  Univ.,  i.  269,  439;  ii.  410-11;  iv.  680-1; 
V.  214-15;  vi.479,  524-8,  665;  ix.  415,  804-5;  x.  823;  Soc  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin, 
i.  181,  230;  viii.  175,  539-44;  2da  6p.,  iv.  188,  639-42;  Touron,  Hist.  Gen., 
vii.  9-27,  237,  289;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mdj.,  v.  167;  Museo  Mex.,  i.  447-51; 
Vazquez,  Chron.  Gvat.,  535-6;  Torquemada,  iii.  535-8;  Beaumont,  Cr6n. 
Mich.,  V.  102-3,  498;  Castillo,  Dice  Hist.,  16,  156-7;  Grijalua,  Cron.  S. 
August.,  201-2;  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  360;  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  209; 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s6rie  i.  torn.  iii.  240;  Iglesia,  Fund,  y  Descrip.,  15-21; 
Iglesias  y  Conventos,  324^7;  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq.,  v.  157;  Ancona, 
Hist.  Yuc,  104-23;  FancourVs  Hist.  Yuc  ,  170-1;  Mendoza^  Noc.  Cronol.f 
161-2;  Gonzalez,  Col.  N.  Leon,  37^3;  Jai.,  Mem.  Hist,  181. 


CHAPTEE  XXXII. 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 
1550-1600. 

The  Society  op  Jesus  in  New  Spain — Distinguished  Patrons  of  the 
Order  and  their  Services — Importation  of  Holy  Relics— Spread 
OF  the  Jesuits  through  the  Country — Brothers  of  Charity  and 
St  Hyppolytus — Purposes  of  the  Association — The  Carmelites — 
Their  Labors  and  Advancement — Benedictines  and  their  Priory 
in  Mexico — The  Franciscans  and  their  Several  Provinces — Their 
Work  and  Influence — Troubles  with  the  Viceroys — Noted  Fran- 
ciscans IN  THE  Several  Provinces — Order  of  Barefooted  Fran- 
ciscans— Their  Custodial  and  Provincial  Organization — The 
Dominicans  and  their  Successes— Their  Distinguished  Men — The 
Order  of  St  Augustine — Strict  Rules — The  Mercenarios,  or  Order 
OF  Mercy — Their  Settlement  in  Mexico — Religious  Brotherhoods 
AND  THE  Objects  of  their  Devotion — Nunneries  in  Mexico,  Oajaca, 

AND  MiCHOACAN,  AND  THEIR  UsES. 

Having  placed  before  the  reader  the  condition  of 
the  Mexican  church  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, and  having  shown  the  relations  between  its  two 
branches,  the  secular  and  the  regular,  and  between 
the  church  as  a  whole  and  the  crown,  I  now  proceed 
to  give  the  private  history  of  each  religious  order 
during  the  same  epoch.  The  missionary  army  of  New 
Spain  was  greatly  strengthened  in  1572  by  the  acces- 
sion of  the  society  of  J esus.  The  Jesuits  had  already 
missions  planted  in  Habana  and  Florida;  but  becom- 
ing convinced  that  no  good  results  could  be  expected 
among  the  natives  of  Florida,  so  fickle,  hostile,  and 
cruel,  the  expediency  was  urged  upon  the  general,  Fran- 
cisco de  Borja,^  of  discontinuing  the  establishments 

^  The  same  that  was  canonized  in  1671  by  Clement  X.  and  appears  in  the 
Roman  calendar  as  Saint  Francis  Borgia  on  the  10th  of  October.  Moreri  and 

(699) 


700 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


in  those  countries.^  The  general  regretted  the  sacri- 
fice of  life  in  Florida  and  begged  the  king,  at  whose 
solicitation  those  men  had  been  sent  thither,  that  no 
more  of  his  brethren  might  be  uselessly  exposed  to 
destruction.  Philip  promptly  acquiesced,  leaving  the 
matter  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  general. 

A  wealthy  gentleman  of  Mexico,  named  Alonso  de 
Villaseca,  had  endeavored  six  years  earlier  to  bring 
hither  the  Jesuits  at  his  own  expense.  His  effort  was 
then  unsuccessful.  Bishop  Quiroga  of  Michoacan  had 
also  in  1566-7  tried  to  have  members  of  the  order 
sent  to  him.  Viceroy  Enriquez,  a  relative  of  the  Jesuit 
general,  as  before  shown,  and  with  whom  he  held 
intimate  relations  when  the  latter  was  a  duke  and 
subsequently  vicar-general  of  the  Jesuit  order  in 
Spain,  was  strongly  imbued  with  the  idea  that  fami- 
lies of  rank  and  means  in  Mexico  and  other  cities,  of 
whom  there  were  already  a  considerable  number, 
w^ould  gladly  intrust  the  education  of  their  children 
to  the  society.  The  project  being  warmly  advocated 
by  the  city  council,  the  viceroy  and  audiencia  were 
requested  to  petition  the  king,  as  the  council  also  did, 
to  have  some  Jesuits  sent  out.^  King  Philip,  gladly 
assenting,  wTote  the  provincial  in  Spain,  March  7, 
1571,  to  despatch  priests,  as  he  had  before  done  to 
Peru  and  Florida,  to  found  the  order  in  New  Spain ; 
tendering  the  fleet  and  necessary  supplies  for  their 
transportation.  The  general  in  Rome  accordingly 
granted  leave  to  twelve  members  of  the  order,  with 
Doctor  Pedro  Sanchez  as  their  first  provincial,  to  go 
to  Mexico,  with  his  blessing. 

Father  Sanchez  and  his  companions  reacne  Seville 

Miravel  y  Casadevante,  Oran.  Dice,  v.  236;  Roman  Calendar,  in  Golden  Ifan- 
ual,  26. 

2  Fathers  Segura  and  Quirds  and  six  others  of  the  order  had  been  recently 
massacred  by  the  Indians  in  Florida.  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  41-66. 

'■^  The  other  religious  orders  and  the  secular  clergy  labor  earnestly,  the 
council's  letter  says;  adding  that  if  all  the  priests  in  Christendom  were  to 
come  to  Mexico,  their  number  would  be  insufficient  to  attend  to  all  the  coun- 
tries and  people  needing  instruction.  Ciud.  de  Mex.,  Carta  al  Rey,  in  Floren- 
cia, Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  71. 


COMING  OF  THE  JESUITS. 


701 


too  late  for  the  fleet,  which  sailed  the  10th  of  An<2fust, 
and  were  obliged  to  await  the  next  opportunity.  Dur- 
ing their  detention  in  Spain  they  were  engaged  at 
their  ministry,  and  in  making  further  arrangements  to 
secure  the  success  of  their  undertaking.  An  increase 
of  their  number  was  finally  decided  upon,  making  the 
company  in  all  eight  priests  and  seven  lay  brothers.^ 
Before  embarking  the  provincial  ordered  Father  Se- 
deno  to  Mexico  with  instructions  to  pay  in  his  name 
visits  to  the  viceroy  and  other  personages,  and  notify 
them  that  the  mission  would  be  ready  to  embark  on 
the  first  fleet,  which  it  did  early  in  June  1572,  arriv- 
ing at  Vera  Cruz  September  9th,  and  being  received 
by  the  viceroy  and  other  government  authorities, 
the  religious  orders,  and  the  people  in  general  with 
every  mark  of  respect  and  kindness.  After  resting 
a  while  they  started  for  the  city  of  Mexico,  journeying 
on  foot,  and  with  great  apparent  humility  and  poverty, 
though  surrounded  by  a  people  anxious  to  extend 
them  aid  and  comfort.  They  embarked  at  i\^yotzinco, 
and  to  avoid  public  demonstrations  entered  the  city  of 
Mexico  at  9  o'clock  at  night  on  the  25th  of  Septem- 
ber, going  to  the  hospital  where  Sedeno  had  prepared 
lodgings  for  them.  The  next  morning  every  man  in 
authority  and  an  immense  concourse  of  people  ten- 
dered them  a  cordial  welcome,  and  supplied  them 
with  every  thing  needful  to  their  purposes.  Most 
of  them  were  presently  prostrated  by  fever,  con- 
tracted during  their  fatiguing  journey;  and  so  great 
was  the  supply  of  poultry  and  preserves  sent  them 
that  little  more  was  required  for  the  entire  hospital 

*  Doctor  Pedro  Sanchez,  provincial;  Diego  Lopez,  first  rector  of  the  college 
of  Mexico;  Pedro  Diaz,  first  master  of  novices  of  the  province;  Hernando 
Suarez  de  la  Concha,  Francisco  de  Bazan,  Pedro  Lopez  de  la  Parra,  Diego 
Lopez  de  Mesa,  Alonso  Camargo.  Brothers  Juan  Curiel,  Pedro  Mercado, 
Juan  Sanchez,  Bartolom6  Larios,  Martin  de  Motilla,  Martin  Gonzalez,  and 
Lope  Navarro.  Fathers  Antonio  Sedeno  and  Juan  Roger,  and  the  brothers 
Juan  de  la  Carrera,  Francisco  de  Villa-Peal,  Pedro  Ruiz  de  Salvatierra,  tem- 
porary coadjutors,  and  the  novice  Juan  de  Salcedo,  remaining  members  of 
the  vice  province  of  Florida,  were  also  placed  under  Provincial  Sanchez. 
Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  JesvH,  78-9;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  34; 
Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  132. 


702 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


during  their  stay.  Father  Bazan^  died  the  28th  of 
October. 

Alonso  de  Villaseca,  already  alluded  to,  sent  Father 
Sanchez  one  hundred  pesos,  which  w^as  the  first  alms 
received  by  him  in  coin,  and  tendered  his  society  the 
gift  of  certain  lots  of  land  near  his  residence,  on  which 
were  several  adobe  buildings  covered  with  straw. 
After  some  hesitation  the  father  accepted  the  offer, 
and  on  the  same  night  with  all  his  companions  he 
quietly  moved  from  the  hospital  into  the  lowly  quar- 
ters.   Here  they  erected  a  humble  altar.^ 

They  were  soon  visited  by  all  classes.  The  regidor 
Luis  Castilla  presented  them  with  a  set  of  fine  orna- 
ments, a  silver  chalice,  and  cruses.  Others  followed 
his  example,  and  before  long  the  humble  church  was 
provided  with  every  thing  needed  for  its  services,  and 
presented  a  very  neat  appearance.  Such  were  the 
beginnings  in  Mexico  of  the  society  of  Jesus,  which 
in  after  years  played  so  conspicuous  a  part.''  Their 
church  ijx  Mexico  was  contiguous  to  the  ground  sub- 
sequently occupied  by  the  college  of  San  Gregorio. 

^  He  was  of  the  illustrious  house  of  the  marques  de  Santa  Cruz,  the  com- 
mander of  the  Spanish  fleet  at  the  famous  battle  of  Lepanto.  In  order  to  be 
accepted  as  a  humble  coadjutor,  he  had  concealed  his  name  and  birth,  call- 
ing himself  Arana.  At  his  death  the  provincial  desired  to  have  him  buried 
as  any  other  indigent  dying  in  the  hospital;  but  persons  of  rank  and  station 
and  the  people  took  the  matter  out  of  his  hands,  and  buried  Bazan  near  the 
high  altar  of  the  hospital  church.  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  108-11;  Ala- 
man,  Disert.,  ii.  97-9. 

^  Villaseca  was  born  in  Spain  of  noble  ancestors.  It  is  unknown  when  he 
came  to  America;  but  in  1540  he  was  already  wealthy,  and  the  husband  of  a 
rich  heiress,  named  Dona  Francisca  Moron.  He  was  noted  for  his  liberality 
to  the  poor,  the  church,  and  religious  bodies,  much  of  which  became  public 
only  after  his  death;  a  man  of  few  words,  every  one  of  which  could  be  relied 
on.  His  death  occurred  at  the  mines  of  Ixmiquilpan,  Sept.  8,  1580.  During 
his  last  illness,  the  chief  priests  and  others  of  the  Jesuit  order,  whose  great 
patron  he  had  been,  were  constantly  in  attendance.  His  confessor  was  Father 
Bernardino  de  Acosta.  In  his  last  days  he  sent  the  society  in  bullion  24,000 
pesos,  of  which  18,000  were  for  their  building,  and  6,000  to  be  distributed 
among  the  poor.  He  left  the  Jesuit  college  8,800  pesos,  and  for  other  benev- 
olent purposes  22,100.  His  gifts  to  the  Jesuits  exceeded  140,000  pesos.  The 
remains,  interred  first  with  great  pomp  and  honors  in  the  church  of  San  Gre- 
gorio, were  transferred  to  that  of  the  Colegio  Mdximo.  Salazar,  Mex.  en  1554, 
251-3;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesvs,  i.  175-7. 

^  Viceroy  Enriquez  remarked  on  their  first  appearance,  *Muy  bien  se 
muestra,  que  son  hijos  de  su  Santo  Padre,  y  Fundador  Ignacio  de  Loyola.* 
Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  102. 


LABORS  OF  THE  JESUITS. 


703 


In  January  1573  Antonio  Cortes,  tlie  cacique  of  Tla- 
copan,  with  three  thousand  natives  built  them  at  his 
own  cost  a  church  one  hundred  and  fifty-seven  feet 
square,  with  three  aisles,  and  covered  with  shingles. 
It  was  dedicated  under  the  advocacy  of  Saint  Gregory. 
The  Jesuits  called  it  San  Gregorio  de  Jacalteopam.^ 

Inasmuch  as  the  other  religious  orders  had  charge 
of  the  Indians,  and  little  was  done  for  the  education 
of  the  Spaniards,  the  provincial  resolved  to  found 
colleges  in  the  several  cities  and  chief  towns,  and  by 
educating  the  young  and  preaching  against  the  avarice 
and  other  vices  of  the  adult  Spaniards,  he  hoped  also 
to  aid  indirectly  in  the  spiritual  conquest  and  happi- 
ness of  the  native  race.  Whether  it  was  accident  or 
design,  whether  the  Jesuits  were  really  superior  in 
their  foresight  and  shrewdness,  it  was  certainly  a 
master-stroke  of  policy.  The  natives  were  fast  fading, 
and  the  Spaniards  increasing  and  becoming  stronger. 
To  have  the  education  of  the  Spanish  children  was  of 
far  more  consequence  than  to  have  charge  of  the  Ind- 
ians, But  the  king  had  sent  them  hither  at  his  own 
charge  specially  to  convert  the  natives,  and  was  it 
right  now  to  neglect  them  ?  Thus  asked  the  Jesuits 
themselves,  particularly  those  who  came  later.  But 
Father  Sanchez  did  not  propose  to  neglect  the  na- 
tives, for  in  this  very  way  he  could  throw  the  largest 
number  of  missionaries  into  the  field  in  the  shortest 
possible  time,  that  is,  by  educating  Spaniards  to  be 
missionaries.  A  field  was  already  chosen,  almost  be- 
fore coming  to  Mexico ;  that  is,  to  start  from  Sinaloa 
through  Sonora  and  New  Mexico,  and  gradually  ex- 
tend the  conversion  toward  Florida.^ 

In  November  1573  the  provincial  established  in  the 

^  The  Dominicans,  fearing  that  the  close  proximity  of  the  Jesuits  would 
prove  injurious  to  their  order,  obtained  a  cedula  of  May  26,  1573,  to  compel 
their  removal  to  another  site,  on  which  Father  Sanchez  afterward  founded  a 
college.  But  the  viceroy  intervened,  and  the  Dominicans  desisted,  Ramirez, 
Not.  Max.,  in  Monum.  Dmi.  Esp.,  MS.,  No.  6,  333. 

'In  the  mean  time  the  fathers  learned  Indian  languages,  preached,  and 
taught  Christianity  to  children  in  Mexico  and  neighboring  towns.  Alegre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  151-4. 


704 


RELIGIOUS  OPwDERS. 


city  of  Mexico  an  ecclesiastic  college  under  the  name 
of  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo,  for  which  the  viceroy  had 
granted  a  site,  and  a  number  of  persons  subscribed 
the  necessary  funds  to  meet  expenses  and  to  support 
the  scholars,  of  whom  there  were  eight  in  the  begin- 
ning.^^ This  institution  soon  became  very  flourishing, 
and  was  followed  by  the  founding  of  others. 

The  society  had  a  casa  profesa,  or  house  of  novices, 
in  the  city  of  Mexico,  which  was  built  with  borrowed 
money.  In  1585  the  house  was  free  from  debt,  and 
in  1592  the  viceroy  granted  permission  for  founding 
the  profesa.  Juan  Luis  Pivero  and  his  wife  built  the 
church.  Four  members  of  the  order  were  assigned  to 
the  institute  on  the  day  of  its  foundation.  Hardly 
had  the  Jesuits  begun  work  on  the  building,  when  the 
three  mendicant  orders  instituted  opposition,  on  the 
ground  that  the  work  would  be  injurious  to  them. 
*  The  case  went  to  the  audiencia,  who  ordered  the  sus- 
pension of  the  work.  The  matter  was  referred  to  the 
council  of  the  Indies,  whose  decision  was  against  the 
Jesuits,  who  appealed  to  Rome.   The  case  was  finally 

loVillaseca  purchased  the  houses  adjoining  the  old  ones,  which  he  also 
conveyed  in  1576,  and  upon  them  was  begun  the  building  of  the  Colegio 
Maximo,  which  in  after  years  has  been  known  as  the  San  Gregorio;  the 
ground  being  a  square  of  110  varas;  the  building  of  the  college  and  the  church 
was  prosecuted  simultaneously.  Ramirez,  Not.  Mex.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.y 
333-4.  Villaseca,  the  founder,  donated  for  the  purpose  '4,000  pesos  de 
oro  comun,  en  plata  diesmada.'  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesiis,  i.  113-14,  also 
75-8.  A  law  of  November  2,  1576,  provided  that  no  literary  degrees  should 
be  given  in  that  college.  Recop.  de  hid.,  i.  205.  A  later  one,  April  14,  1579, 
made  studies  pursued  in  the  Jesuit  college  serve  for  graduating  at  the  uni- 
versity. It  was  the  king's  wish  that  the  colleges  should  be  fostered.  Alegre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  160-1.  The  first  rector  was  Father  Diego  Lopez,  a  good 
preacher,  and  a  man  of  learning  as  well  as  virtue.  His  death  occurred  April 
9,  1576.  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesus,  279;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i. 
34;  Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  10.  The  fathers'  labors  in  that  institute  were, 
nevertheless,  discontinued  in  1580,  because  they  had  established  semina- 
ries. They  were  notified  by  the  patrons  of  the  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  that 
they  must  either  close  their  seminaries  or  give  up  the  management  of  the 
college.  To  this  demand  Father  Plaza,  the  then  provincial,  and  his  com- 
panions responded  by  surrendering  its  keys  and  retiring  from  the  building, 
which  was  in  1582  returned  to  them.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  171-2. 
Ramirez,  Not.  Mex.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  334. 

In  1580  the  order  opened  a  seminary  in  Tepotzotlan,  with  the  approval 
and  aid  of  Archbishop  Moya  of  Mexico,  in  charge  of  fathers  Hernan  Gomez 
and  Juan  de  Tovar,  who  knew  the  Otoml,  Mexican,  and  Masagua  laugnages. 
Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  188-90. 


JESUIT  EEENFOHCEMENTS. 


705 


decided  in  their  favor  in  1595.^^  To  show  his  high 
appreciation  of  the  society  and  its  labors  the  pope 
donated  for  the  Colegio  Mdximo  of  San  Pedro  y  San 
Pablo  a  large  number  of  sacred  relics  of  saints,  taken 
out  of  the  closed  graves,  and  which  arrived  in  Mexico, 
a  portion  in  1576  and  the  rest  in  1578.  All  were 
placed  in  the  church  in  their  college  with  unequalled 
pomp  and  religious  ceremony. 

In  1576  there  arrived  an  accession  of  priests  and 
brothers  of  the  society;^*  and  the  ranks  were  further 
recruited  both  from  colonists  and  natives.  Among 
those  admitted  were  several  churchmen,  all  persons 
of  high  position  and  recognized  talents,  one  of  whom 
was  a  descendant  of  the  kings  of  Tezcuco. 

A  further  increase  of  Jesuits  came  in  1579,  several 
of  whom  played  distinguished  parts  in  the  country.^^ 
Father  Pedro  Diaz,  who  had  charge  of  this  last  com- 
pany, also  brought  out  the  commission  as  visitador  to 
Doctor  Juan  de  la  Plaza,  who  was  instructed  to  relieve 
Doctor  Pedro  Sanchez,  as  he  had  petitioned  for  a  life 

Ramirez,  Not.  Mex.,  in  Molium.  Dom.  Esp.^  MS.,  336. 

The  relics  were:  11  of  apostles;  57  of  martyrs;  14  of  doctors  of  the 
church,  and  among  these  one  bone  of  Saint  Thon^aa  Aquinns;  24  of  holy  con- 
fessors; 27  of  other  saints;  and  the  rest  of  saints  vrho  were  unknown  in  this 
world.  Besides  the  above,  the  pope  made  a  gift  to  ihe  college  of  two  bones, 
one  of  Saint  Peter  and  one  of  Saint  Paul;  a  good-sized  piece  of  the  holy 
lignum  crucis;  one  thorn  from  the  redeemer's  crov.Ti;  two  relics  of  Saint  Anne, 
mother  of  the  virgin  Mary;  and  one  bone  of  the  patron  saint  of  Mexico, 
Saint  Hippolytus.  Some  of  these  relics  had  been  shipped  in  1575,  in  a  vessel 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  after  some  delay  were  recovered  from 
the  sailors,  who  had  appropriated  them.  Florencla,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  328- 
49,  359;  Alerjre,  Hist.  Vomp.  Jesus,  i.  127,  137-45;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro, 
Ecles.,  1.  38-40. 

1*  Fathers,  Alonso  Euiz,  superior,  Pedro  de  Hortigosa,  Antonio  Rubio,  Doc- 
tor Pedro  de  Morales,  Alonso  Guillen,  Francisco  Vaez,  Diego  de  Herrera,  and 
Juan  de  Mendoza.  Brothers,  Marcos  Garcia,  Hernando  de  la  Palma,  Gregorio 
Montes,  and  Alonso  Perez.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  114-15. 

Fathers  Pedro  Diaz,  Antonio  de  Torres,  Bernardino  de  Acosta,  Martin 
Fernandez,  Juan  Diaz,  Andres  de  Carried,  Francisco  Ramirez,  Juan  Ferro, 
and  Alonso  Sanchez.  The  last  named  became  rector  of  San  Pedro  y  San 
Pablo;  later,  vice-president  of  the  Philippines;  from  thence  some  years  after- 
ward he  visited  China,  and  went  inland  about  70  leagues.  He  was  also  in 
Macao,  and  exercised  much  influence  over  the  Portuguese  to  reconcile  them  to 
the  annexation  of  Portugal  to  Spain.  He  sailed  for  Japan,  was  wrecked  on 
the  coast  of  Formosa,  and,  finally,  with  great  difficulty  returned  to  the  Philip- 
pines. His  career  ended  in  Alcala  some  time  after  he  made  in  Rome  the  pro- 
fession of  fourth  vow .  He  was  a  very  austere  man.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus. 
i.  154-9. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  iS 


I 


706 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


of  repose,  employing  him  at  such  work  as  he  liked, 
and  availing  himself  of  the  old  provincial's  great 
experienced^  Father  Plaza  arrived  from  Peru  in 
December  1579,  bringing  Father  Diego  Garcia  and 
Brother  Marcos. ^"^  The  services  of  the  Jesuits  were 
successfully  employed  by  the  viceroy  in  carrying 
Christian  instruction  into  certain  towns.  During  the 
great  epidemic  that  decimated  the  natives  in  1575-8, 
they  labored  assiduously  in  caring  for  and  administer- 
ing the  sacraments  to  the  sick  and  dying.  In  1590 
arrived  as  visitador  of  the  province  Father  Diego  de 
Avellaneda,  one  of  the  most  learned  and  virtuous  men 
that  had  come  to  America. 

The  Jesuits  early  began  to  extend  .their  field  of 
labor.  They  entered  Oajaca  in  1575  and  made  good 
progress  there. In  Puebla  they  had  advanced  con- 
siderably by  1580  and  established  the  college  of  San 
Geronimo,  which  they  were,  however,  on  the  point 

Sanchez  had  been,  before  he  was  assigned  to  Mexico,  rector  at  Alcald. 
At  his  death,  which  occurred  July  16,  1600,  he  was  81  years  of  age,  and  had 
served  50  years  in  the  order.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  18,  doubtingly 
gives  July  15,  1609,  as  the  date  of  Sanchez'  demise.  The  viceroy,  inquisitors, 
clergy,  and  community  at  large  manifested  their  high  respect  and  love  during 
his  last  illness,  and  at  his  death  their  deep  sorrow.  The  cortege  that  accom- 
panied his  remains  to  their  last  resting-place  in  the  college  of  San  Pedro  y 
San  Pablo  consisted  of  the  highest  dignitaries  and  officials  in  the  country, 
both  secular  and  ecclesiastic,  and  an  immense  concourse  of  mourners  from  all 
classes.  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  377-80. 

Doctor  Plaza  was  a  learned  man  of  exemplary  virtue  and  much  experi- 
ence, possessing  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  spirit  of  the  society  of  Jesus. 
Brother  Mdrcos  had  been  a  companion  of  Francis  Borgia,  his  Fidus  Achates 
till  the  general's  death.  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  406-7;  Alegre,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jesus,  i.  161-5.  The  second  provincial  council  of  the  order  took  place 
in  Mexico  November  2,  1585,  Father  Pedro  de  Hortigosa  being  chosen  its 
proctor  at  the  courts  of  Rome  and  Madrid.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  200. 

He  had  been  rector  of  a  newly  founded  college  in  Madrid.  Philip  II. 
sent  him  to  Germany  with  his  embassador;  he  there  rendered  important  ser- 
vice to  the  church.  While  in  Vienna  the  marriage  of  the  Princess  Isabel, 
the  emperor's  daughter,  with  Charles  IX.  of  France  took  place.  The  emperor 
attached  him  to  her  suite  as  father-confessor,  and  he  accompanied  her  to  the 
frontier  of  France.  Finding  that  the  French  princes  and  nobility  were 
not  pleased  with  the  idea  of  a  Spaniard  holding  such  a  position  at  their 
court,  however  great  his  merit  might  be,  he  begged  permission  to  retire,  and 
returned  to  Vienna,  where  he  won  the  admiration  of  Emperor  Maximilian  by 
his  piety  and  wisdom.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  226-7.  Early  ia  1595 
took  place  in  Mexico  the  third  council  of  the  order.  Id.,  i.  251. 

The  order  opened  a  college  in  Antequera,  and  in  a  short  time  spread  its 
members  throughout  the  diocese.  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesus,  229-30;  Alegre^ 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  96-101,  122-4,  172-3. 


JESUIT  EXTENSION. 


707 


of  abandoning  in  1582,  owing  to  invidious  remarks. 
It  was  said  that  while  pretending  to  accept  no  com- 
pensation, they  took  it  secretly.  The  institute  would 
have  been  broken  up  but  for  Bishop  Komano,  who 
stifled  such  hostile  manifestations.  The  college  soon 
after  became  prosperous. Missionaries  were  sent 
from  it  to  the  valley  of  Atlixco  and  to  Orizaba. 

In  1578  the  society  founded  a  house  at  Vera 
Cruz,  where  fathers  Alonso  Guillen  and  Juan  Koger 
preached  daily,  Guillen  to  the  Spaniards  and  Roger 
to  the  mulattoes  and  negroes.  The  next  year  they 
obtained  permission  and  money  to  found  a  hospital  on 
the  spot  where  the  city  was  finally  established  in  later 
years.  The  first  member  of  the  order  to  visit  the 
diocese*  of  Michoacan  was  Brother  Juan  Curiel;  he 
went  there  in  1573,  was  kindly  received^  and  ordained 
as  a  priest  by  Bishop  Morales.  After  the  translation 
of  Morales  to  Puebla,  and  the  death  of  Bishop 
Chavez,  the  chapter  at  Patzcuaro  asked  the  provin- 
cial to  establish  his  order  there  on  a  permanent  foot- 
ing. The  provincial  went  there  in  person,  when  the 
chapter  tendered  him  the  sum  of  eight  hundred  pesos 
yearly,  the  church  which  till  then  had  been  the  cathe- 
dral, and  a  good  site  for  a  college,  together  with  a 
large  fruit  orchard.  These  oflers  were  accepted,  and 
soon  after  the  provincial's  return  to  Mexico  he  took 
steps  to  effect  the  foundation  at  Patzucaro,  with 
Father  Juan  Curiel  as  rector.  Father  Juan  Sanchez 
as  superior  of  the  college,  and  two  brothers.  This 
was  when  Medina  Bincon  had  become  the  diocesan. 
The  subsequent  removal  of  the  see  to  Valladolid 
proved  a  detriment  to  the  society,  as  it  had  to  estab- 
lish another  residence  there  with  chairs  of  grammar 
and  Latin,  under  Father  Juan  Sanchez,  supporting  it 
out  of  the  small  means  from  Patzcuaro.      The  diocese 

2°  The  patron,  Melchor  de  Covarrubias,  died  in  1592;  he  had  once  pre- 
sented the  crown  with  10,000  pesos  for  the  Catholics  of  France.  The  king 
commended  him  to  the  viceroy.  He  gave,  besides,  38,000  pesos  to  two  con- 
vents. Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  252^. 

^    2^  The  bishop  added  400  pesos  more.    The  church  at  Patzcuaro  was  re- 


70& 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


was  not  to  liave  long  the  benefit  of  Curie! 's  services. 
He  died  in  or  about  March  1576,  tenderly  cared  for 
by  the  bishop  and  all  classes,  who  deplored  his  loss.^^ 

The  house  at  Valladolid  for  upwards  of  a  year 
relied  almost  wholly  on  the  assistance  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan and  Austin  friars,  and  on  alms  begged  from 
door  to  door.  However,  this  poverty  was  not  of  long 
duration.  A  rich  Basque,  named  Juan  de  Arbolancha, 
whose  advanced  age  and  infirmities  forbade  a  formal 
admission  into  the  society,  took  up  his  abode  at  the 
college  in  Patzcuaro,  and  on  dying  bequeathed  it  most 
of  his  fortune.^^  Viceroy  Enriquez  aided  the  college 
at  Valladolid  with  one  thousand  pesos  yearly.  This 
relief  was  augmented  in  1579  by  the  gift  from  Rodrigo 
Vazquez  of  a  grazing  farm  with  three  thousand  head 
of  small  stock.  From  both  Patzcuaro  and  Valla- 
dolid missions  were  despatched  to  other  towns.  When 
some  of  the  fathers  were  in  Zamora  the  vicar  of 
Guanajuato  begged  them  to  visit  his  parish.  One  of 
them  accompanied  him  there,  not  without  risk  from 
the  hostile  Chichimecs. 

Bishop  Mendiola  of  New  Galicia  paved  the  way 
for  the  Jesuit  order  to  enter  that  region,  which  they 
had  planned  to  be  the  great  field  of  their  missionary 
labors.  He  asked  for  some  of  its  members,  and  fathers 
Hernan  de  la  Concha  and  Juan  Sanchez  were  sent 
him  about  1574.  Those  fathers  subsequently  visited 
Zacatecas  and  did  ministerial  duty  there,  but  the  pro- 
vincial, not  deeming  it  as  yet  a  suitable  fields  prom- 
ised to  establish  a  house  in  that  place  at  a  future 

paired  by  the  Indians,  500  taking  part  in  the  work.  Don  Pedro  Caltzonzi,  a 
grandson  of  the  last  king  of  Michoacan,  some  years  later  joined  the  society, 
and  became  a  school-teacher.  He  succumbed  in  1575  during  the  epidemic, 
while  ministering  to  his  sick  countrymen.  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  218, 
20:  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  110-11,  119-22,  127-8. 

■^■^He  was  a  native  of  Aranda  del  Duero  in  Spain;  his  parents  were  hum- 
ble and  poor,  and,  to  pursue  his  studies,  he  had  to  beg  for  alms  wherewith  to 
Bustain  himself.  He  was  a  great  peace-maker.  Having  overexerted  himself 
in  caring  for  the  Indians  during  the  epidemic,  his  health  failed  him,  and  after 
much  suffering  he  died.  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  282-91. 

^^His  remains  were  interred  among  the  Jesuits  as  a  benefactor  of  the 
order.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  146-7,  173-4. 


LA  CARIDAD  Y  SAN  HIPOLITO. 


709 


day,^*  and  meanwhile  to  send  them  preachers  every  lent 
season.  Pursuant  to  a  royal  authorization  of  1579, 
and  a  request  of  the  governor  of  Manila,  the  provin- 
cial founded  his  order  in  the  Philippine  Islands  in 
1585,  with  the  following  members;  Hernan  Suarez, 
superior;  fathers  Raimundo  Prat  and  Francisco  Al- 
merico;  Gaspar  Gomez,  temporary  coadjutor. 

The  affairs  of  the  society  at  the  end  of  the  century 
were  in  the  most  flourishing  condition.  Its  members 
were  held  in  high  esteem  by  all  classes,  and  by  no  one 
more  so  than  the  viceroy,  who  not  only  placed  his 
three  sons  in  their  charge,  but  often  took  their  advice 
on  matters  concerning  religion  and  government. 

We  have  noticed  the  twofold  object  of  the  Jusuits 
in  coming  to  New  Spain,  education  and  conversion. 
Another  order  was  meanwhile  established,  devoted 
wholly  to  charity.  The  order  was  named  La  Caridad 
y  San  Hipolito.  The  patriarch  and  founder,  Bernar- 
dino Alvarez,  came  to  Mexico  at  the  age  of  twenty 
years  as  a  private  soldier,  served  some  time,  and  I'etired. 
He  became  a  gambler  and  a  leader  in  many  wicked 
adventures,  and  finally  had  to  make  his  escape  to  Peru, 
again  as  a  common  soldier.  Having  made  a  fortune 
in  that  country  he  returned  to  Mexico.  His  mother's 
advice  caused  him  to  reflect  upon  his  past  life,  and 
he  experienced  a  change  of  heart.  From  that  time 
he  devoted  all  his  energies  to  charitable  purposes."*^ 

2*  Told  those  who  were  eager  for  Jesuits,  '  tubiesen  paciencia,  que  lo  que  se 
dilataba  no  se  negaba. '  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesvs,  209. 

2^  In  1594  Father  Estevan  Paez  and  37  companions  came  to  swell  the 
number  of  laborers.  Special  mention  is  made  of  the  great  services  to  the 
Indians  rendered  by  Father  Pedro  de  Morales,  the  society's  proctor  at  Rome 
and  Madrid.  According  to  Alegre,  Hist.  Com.p.  Jesus,  i.  275-7,  he  manifested 
his  interest  in  the  manner  that  would  most  quickly  enliven  their  religious 
zeaL  He  brought  out  a  large  quantity  of  medals,  rosaries,  and  other  objects 
of  devotion  which  had  been  blessed  by  Pope  Gregory  VIII.  The  trinkets 
were  distributed  to  the  Indians  during  the  missions  yearly  undertaken  by  the 
fathers  of  the  college  of  Mexico, 

2^  During  ten  years  he  served  the  poor  in  the  hospital  of  Jesus  Nazarene; 
procured  the  foundation  and  enlargement  of  the  Jesus  Maria  convent,  and 
afforded  aid  to  the  indigent  prisoners  in  the  jail.  At  this  time  the  idea 
occurred  to  him  of  founding  hospitals,  and  an  order  of  charity  for  all  persons 
in  indigence,  Arce,  Vida  Alvarez,  1-45. 


710 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


In  1566  Archbishop  Montiifar  gave  him  permission 
to  erect  a  hospital.^'  In  it  the  congregation  of  Broth- 
ers and  order  of  Charity  had  origin,  its  object  being 
the  succor  and  care  of  the  indigent  and  the  sick.^^ 
Subsequently,  Father  Alvarez  founded  other  hospitals, 
to  wit :  in  Oaxtepec,  Jalapa,  Perote,  and  Puebla,  this 
last  in  or  about  1593. 

The  number  of  brothers  having  gradually  increased, 
and  also  the  resources  at  his  command,  Alvarez  en- 
larged his  plans.  The  San  Hipolito  in  Mexico  being 
too  small,  he  obtained  from  the  archbishop  and  viceroy 
the  site  and  chapel  adjoining  it,  and  with  his  own 
resources  and  the  aid  of  friends  erected  a  spacious  and 
solid  building  to  which  the  sick  were  transferred. 
After  he  had  begun  the  work  the  capitalist  Alonso 
de  Villaseca,  of  whom  I  have  spoken  as  the  friend  of 
the  Jesuits,  offered  him  one  hundred  thousand  pesos, 
if  he  would  permit  to  be  placed  on  the  building  his 
coat  of  arms,  and  a  motto  expressive  of  the  fact  that 
he,  Villaseca,  was  its  patron,  varez  declined,  as  he 
could  not  dedicate  the  place  at  once  to  God  and  to 
man.^^  One  day  he  was  without  means  to  feed  the 
poor,  who  were  many.  So  he  started  with  an  image 
of  the  ecce  homo,  accompanied  by  two  little  boys 
through  the  arcades  of  the  petty  traders,  crying,  ^'  In 
the  name  of  God,  give  for  the  living  stones  of  Jesus 
Christ."  He  soon  returned,  it  is  asserted,  with  seven 
hundred  pesos  in  money,  a  number  of  blankets,  and 
other  articles. 

2^  In  the  small  square  later  called  San  Bernardo,  facing  the  street  of  that 
name  and  that  of  Porta  Coeli.  In  1567,  a  license  was  reissued  for  the  founda- 
tion of  the  hospital  of  San  Hipolito,  where  it  was  actually  erected.  Viceroy 
Enriquez  also  cheerfully  authorized  it,  and  after  his  departure  the  hospital 
was  aided  by  the  audiencia.  Id.,  48-9. 

28  Its  members  were  called  hermanos,  and  their  superior  and  ruler  had  the 
title  of  hermano  mayor,  or  chief  brother.  The  vows  taken  were  of  chastity, 
poverty,  obedience,  and  hospitality.  The  pope  on  the  20th  of  May,  1700, 
instituted  the  brotherhood  with  the  name  of  (Jongregacion  de  San  Hipolito, 
and  under  the  rule  of  Saint  Augustine.  Id.,  453-5. 

2^  His  characteristic  answer  was:  'Que  Dios,  que  era  el  Patron  de  aquella 
obra,  daria  con  que  sustentar  sus  piedras  vivas,  que  no  avia  de  tener  esta  obra 
Patron,  sino  k  un  solo  Dios.'  The  sole  patron  was  God's  image  with  the 
motto  *  Dominus  providevit.'  Id.,  80-3,  91. 


THE  CARMELITES. 


711 


Father  Alvarez  not  only  gave  to  the  hospital  all  he 
possessed,  but  declared  it  the  heir  of  his  share  of  the 
estate  left  by  his  parents,  with  the  only  condition 
that  his  brother  and  two  sisters  in  Spain  should  enjoy 
its  income  during  their  lives. 

The  order  of  Carmelites,  represented  by  eleven  of 
its  members  with  their  prelate,  arrived  in  the  city  of 
Mexico  on  the  17th  of  October,  158 5,^^  and  were  given 
by  the  viceroy,  January  18,  1586,  tlie  charge  of  the 
hermita  de  San  Sebastian,  which  till  then  the  Fran- 
ciscans had  held.  On  the  25th  in  a  solemn  procession 
and  with  the  attendance  of  the  archbishop  the  host 
was  conveyed  thence  from  the  Franciscan  convent. 
This  was  the  first  foundation  of  the  order  that  became 
in  later  times  so  highly  honored  by  the  people  of 
Mexico.  Without  loss  of  time  the  new-comers  de- 
voted themselves  to  their  duties  of  instructing,  con- 
soling, and  improving  the  natives. 

Their  province  was  constituted  in  1588  under  the 

2°  In  so  doing  he  formally  renounced  all  legal  clauses  favoring  him,  declar- 
ing that  his  poverty  was  of  his  own  seeking:  'Yo  tengo  votada  la  dicha 
pobreza,  que  me  he  donado  al  dicho  Hospital.  Y  assi  no  tengo  necessidad  de 
propriedad,  ni  usufructu  de  Lienes.'  This  great  philanthropist  died  in  Mex- 
ico, August  12,  1584,  aged  70.  Id.,  75-6,  179.  Arce,  Juan  Dias  de,  Libro  de 
vida  del  proximo  evamjelico,  el  Vener.  Padre  Bernardino  Alvarez,  Mex.,  1762, 
12mo,  464  pp.,  4  leaves  and  2  cuts,  gives  a  full  account  of  the  life  and  works 
of  the  venerable  Father  Bernardino  Alvarez,  founder  of  the  order  of  Charity 
and  hospitalers  in  Mexico,  under  the  advocacy  of  Saint  Hyppolj^tus,  and  of 
the  progress  made  by  the  order,  as  well  as  of  the  objects  of  its  institution. 
The  author  held  the  highest  offices  in  the  archdiocese  of  Mexico,  and  earlier 
in  that  of  the  Isla  Espanola.  Like  all  works  of  the  kind  written  in  the  early 
days  by  ecclesiastics  it  is  exceedingly  prolix,  but  at  the  same  time  exhaustive 
of  its  subject.  See  dl&o  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orhis,  295,  337;  Vetancvrt,  Trat. 
Mex.,  39-40;  Diario  Mex.,  vi.  422-3. 

^^Granados,Tardes,  340,  says  1586.  The  founders  of  the  order  in  Mexico 
were:  Priests,  Juan  de  la  Madre  de  Dios,  the  prior;  Pedro  de  los  Apdstoles, 
Pedro  de  San  Hilarion,  Ignacio  de  Jesus,  and  Francisco  de  Bautista;  choris- 
ters, Jose  de  Jesus  Maria,  Juan  de  Jesds  Maria,  and  Hilarion  de  Jesus; 
lay  brothers,  Arsenio  de  San  Ildefonso,  Gabriel  de  la  Madre  de  Dios,  and 
Anastasio  de  la  Madre  de  Dios.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  36;  Medina,  Chr6n. 
San  Diefjo,  10;  Navarrete,  Rel.  Pereg.,  iii.  62,  Ponce,  Pel,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined., 
Jvii.  141,  says  they  were  distributed  between  Mexico  and  Puebla.  Turon, 
Hist.  Gen.,  vi.  199-200.  Philip  II.  in  his  c6dula  of  June  9,  1585,  directed 
the  viceroy  to  permit  this  order  to  preach  in  the  Philippines,  New  Mexico,  or 
anywhere  else  that  its  superiors  desired,  and  to  aid  its  members  in  every  pos- 
sible way,  so  that  they  could  make  their  labors  useful.  Ramirez,  Not.  Mex., 
in  Monum.  Dom.  Es'p.,  MS.,  338. 


712 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


name  of  San  Alberto,  and  the  first  provincial  was 
Father  Elisco  de  los  Martires,  who  arrived  in  Mexico 
in  1594,  Father  Pedro  de  los  Apostoles  governing  in 
his  absence  as  vicario  provincial.  For  divers  reasons 
the  Carmelites  gave  up  the  administration  of  the  par- 
ish of  San  Sebastian  in  1598,  and  occupied  the  convent, 
which  they  held  from  that  time.  The  sons  of  Saint 
Therese  were  blamed  for  that  abandonment,  but  a  few 
years  afterward  the  wisdom  of  the  step  was  recog- 
nized when  the  ordinances  demanded  and  obtained 
the  full  control  of  the  parishes.  A  convent  of  bare- 
footed Carmelites  was  founded  October  1593at  Valla- 
dolid,  Michoacan,  and  another  August  20,  1597,  at 
Celaya^  Guanajuato,  whose  first  prior  was  the  vener- 
able Father  Pedro  de  San  Hilarion.  In  the  course 
of  its  existence  in  Mexico  the  Carmelite  organization 
became  very  wealthy. 

The  Benedictines,  or  friars  of  Saint  Benedict,  came 
to  Mexico  in  1589,  and  the  next  year  founded  the 
monastery  and  priory  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Monser- 
rate,  in  the  southern  part  of  the  city  of  Mexico. 
The  founder  and  first  prior  was  Friar  Luis  de  Boil,  a 
man  of  stern  piety,  the  greatest  of  iconoclasts,  and 
of  whom  it  is  said  that  he  destroyed  one  hundred  and 
sixty  thousand  idols. 

Of  all  the  religious  orders  that  labored  in  New 
Spain,  the  Franciscans,  as  we  have  seen,  were  the 
first  authorized  to  engage  in  missionary  work  by  the 
crown.  Their  first  province,  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
founded  in  1524  under  the  name  of  Santo  Evangelio, 
became  the  mother  of  all  Franciscan  provinces  in 
America.  Gradually  its  area  enlarged,  until  it  was 
found  necessary  to  make  territorial  subdivisions,  which 

^^Zerecero,  Bev.  Mex.,  5,  cpeaking  of  them  asserts  that  at  one  time  it 
owned  estates  in  San  Luis  Potosi  extending  from  the  capital  to  Tampico,  120 
leagues. 

^^In  the  same  house  where  had  been  the  *  Recogimiento  de  mugeres,* 
bounded  by  Cipriano  de  Acevedo  y  Ovalle,  the  companion  of  Bernardino  Al- 
varez. Ramirez,  JVot.  Mex.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  338;  Medina,  ChrOn, 


THE  rHANCISCANS. 


713 


constituted  new  provinces,  and  to  whick  were  given 
new  names.  Thus  by  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth 
century  New  Spain  consisted  of  three  Franciscan 
provinces,  namely,  Mexico,  or  the  original  Santo 
Evangclio ;  Michoacan,  or  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo ;  and 
Yucatan,  or  San  Jose,  the  first  embracing  the  whole 
archdiocese  of  Mexico  and  the  diocese  of  Tlascala. 

The  Santo  Evangelio  used  a  seal  that  represented 
a  Franciscan  preaching  from*  a  pulpit,  and  Indians 
around  it  attentively  listening.^*  The  other  two  prov- 
inces, Michoacan  and  Yucatan,  will  be  treated  of  in 
the  proper  place. 

Owing  to  scarcity  of  priests  from  deaths  and  other 
causes,  the  vacancies  left  having  been  only  partially 
filled with  new  accessions  from  Spain,  the  Santo 
Evangelio,  between  1564  and  1568,  abandoned  a  num- 
ber of  its  more  distant  houses,  on  the  ground  of  neces- 
sity, and  against  the  advice  of  the  marques  del  Yalle.^^ 

^*In  1580  it  had  more  than  80  convents  and  monasteries  at  an  average 
distance  of  six  or  eight  leagues  apart.  In  1584-5,  for  causes  that  will  be 
explained,  it  had  only  69,  with  a  little  less  than  379  professed  friars;  of  which 
houses  38  were  in  the  archbishopric,  30  in  the  diocese  of  Tlascala,  and  one  in 
Cuba,  which  with  Florida  belonged  to  the  province.  San  Francisco  of  Zaca- 
tecas  and  San  Salvador  of  Tampico  were  custodias  under  it.  In  1595-6,  with 
an  increase  of  laborers,  the  number  of  convents  had  risen  to  90,  including  14 
in  Zacatecas  and  10  in  Tampico.  The  province  also  had  charge  of  some  houses 
in  New  Mexico,  of  three  nunneries  in  Mexico  city,  and  one  in  Puebla,  and  of 
the  college  for  Indians  in  Tlatelulco.  The  province  of  Peru  belonged  to  it 
till  1553,  and  that  of  Guatemala  had  been  under  it  20  years.  Mendieta,  Hist. 
Ecles.,  545;  Torquemada,  iii.  303-4;  Ponce,  Bel.,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  Ivii,  85- 
7;  Vetancvrt,  Prov.  S.  Evang.,  24r-5;  Prov.  S.  Evang.,  MS.,  1,  2.  The  follow- 
ing were  the  rulers  that  the  Santo  Evangelio  had  from  its  foundation  to  the 
end  of  the  16th  century.  At  first  it  was  a  custodia,  subject  directly  to  the 
minister  general  of  the  'minorites.'  Custodios:  Martin  de  Valencia,  1524-7; 
Luis  de  Fuensalida,  1527-30;  Martiu  de  Valencia,  1530-3;  Jacobode  Testera, 
1533-6..  Provincials:  Garcia  de  Cisneros,  1536-7;  Antonio  de  Ciudad  Rodrigo, 
1537-40;  Marcos  de  Niza,  1540-3;  Francisco  de  Soto,  1543-6;  Alonso  Rangel, 
1546-8;  Toribio  Motolinia,  1548-51;  Juan  de  Gaona,  1551-2;  Juan  de  San 
Francisco,  1552-5;  Francisco  de  Bustamante,  1555-7;  Francisco  de  Toral, 
1557-60;  Luis  Rodriguez,  1562-4;  Diego  de  Olarte,  1564-7;  Miguel  Navarro, 
1567-70;  Alonso  de  Escalona,  1570-3;  Antonio  Roldan,  1573-6;  Pedro  Oroz, 
1576-8;  Domingo  de  Areizaga,  1578-81;  Miguel  Navarro,  1581-3;  Pedro  deSau 
Sebastian,  1583-9;  Domingo  de  Areizaga,  1589-92;  Rodrigo  de  Santillan, 
1592-5;  Juan  de  Lazcano,  1598-1600;  Buenaventura  de  Paredes,  1600.  Men- 
dieta, Hist.  Ecles.,  540-3;  Torquemada,  iii.  371-4. 

^5  Of  24  friars  sent  out  by  the  king  with  Father  Miguel  Navarro,  the 
greater  part  were  drowned,  their  ship  having  been  stranded  on  Garden  Keys. 
Franciscanos,  Abandono,  in  Prov.  S.  Evang.,  MS.,  No.  12,  169-77. 

He  had  told  them  to  await  the  king's  pleasure.  From  80  to  100  friars 
were  then  much  needed,  as  also  a  number  of  clergymen.    The  marquis,  as 


714 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


They  again  took  charge  of  San  Juan  Iztaquimaxti- 
tlan,  however,  as  a  mark  of  respect  to  the  viceroy,  and 
offered  to  do  the  same  with  any  other  he  might  desire. 

From  the  poverty  at  all  times  displayed  by  the 
Franciscans  grew  the  practice  of  giving  them  alms. 
With  such  gifts  and  the  personal  service  of  the  na- 
tives were  built,  and  provided  with  all  necessaries, 
parish  churches,  convents,  and  numerous  chapels.  To 
give  some  idea  of  the  contributions  I  may  mention 
the  church  of  Santiago,  erected  at  the  cost  of  90,000 
2)esos."^  The  stone-cutters  and  masons  as  well  as  the 
common  laborers,  though  receiving  no  pay,  worked  as 
heartily  as  for  their  full  wages  in  money.  A  man, 
Juan  Nieto,  who  had  the  contract  for  supplying  the 
city  of  Mexico  with  beef,  during  thirty  or  thirty-five 
years,  furnished  the  large  convent,  with  its  eighty  or 
a  hundred  friars,  all  the  meat  required,  free  of  charge. 
Nieto  afterward  met  with  disaster,  lost  his  fortune, 
and  ended  his  days  in  the  convent  of  San  Francisco, 
receiving  for  his  sustenance  one  of  the  many  rations 
that  in  his  prosperity  he  had  contributed  to  others. 
The  Franciscans  for  forty  years  refused  to  receive  the 
royal  allowance  to  the  religious  orders  engaged  in  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians.  But  as  the  time  came 
when  voluntary  contributions  diminished,  they  were 
obliged  to  solicit  the  king's  aid.^^ 

The  following  rules  were  observed  by  the  order  in 
the  reception  of  new  members.  Each  novice  prior  to 
profession  had  to  make  a  solemn  declaration  setting 
forth  the  names  of  his  parents  and  his  age;  and  that 

early  as  Oct.  1563,  had  called  the  king's  attention  to  this  fact,  particularly 
commencling  the  Franciscans,  whom  the  natives  preferred  to  all  other  priests. 
He  thought,  moreover,  that  the  order  having  neither  property  nor  income, 
could  be  more  easily  controlled,  and  kept  obedient  to  the  royal  behests.  Cor- 
tes, Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  457-8. 

The  memoranda  of  the  old  convent  of  San  Francisco  in  Mexico  showed 
entries  of  contributions  of  7,000,  6,000,  and  4,000  pesos,  and  an  almost  un- 
limited number  of  smaller  sums,  '  de  mil,  de  quinientos,  y  de  mas,  y  menos 
ceros,  que  estos.'  Torquemada,  iii.  218. 

In  January  1587  the  viceroy  was  directed  to  continue  to  them  the  stipend 
of  100  pesos  and  50  fanegas  of  maize  every  year  per  man,  as  had  been  there- 
tofore done  with  the  three  mendicant  orders,  without  causing  them  useless  de- 
lays. The  order  was  issued  at  their  own  request.  6rdenes  de  la  Corona^  MS., 
ii.  124;  Torquemada^  iii.  263-4. 


THE  SANTO  EVANGELIC. 


715 


in  professing  he  acted  of  his  own  free  will.  That 
declaration  he  subscribed  in  the  presence  of  the  father- 
guardian,  the  master  of  novices,  and  two  other  priests 
as  witnesses.  Newly  professed  friars  were  formally 
notified  in  the  presence  of  the  members  of  the  con- 
vent assembled  in  chapter,  that  if  at  any  time  it  should 
be  discovered  that  they  were  descendants,  within  the 
fourth  degree  of  lineage,  of  Moors,  Jews,  converts, 
or  heretics  sentenced  to  be  burned  alive  or  in  effigy, 
their  profession  would  become  null,  and  they  would  be 
ignominiously  expelled  from  the  order.  The  friars 
thus  warned  were  then  required  to  sign  their  names 
to  the  declaration  together  with  the  guardian,  master 
of  novices,  and  others.^^ 

In  1585  it  was  ordered  that  friars  assigned  to  a 
province  in  the  Indies  ivjuld  not  be  detached  there- 
from and  sent  to  another  by  the  ordinary  prelates 
dwelling  in  any  part  of  the  Indies.  Friars  were  to 
go  direct  to  the  places  of  their  appointment.  The 
comisarios  who  had  procured  such  friars  in  Europe 
for  the  Indies  could  not  bestow  on  them  the  degrees 
of  preacher  or  confessor,  nor  give  them  a  license  to 
be  ordained.  Any  religious  who  had  gone  to  Spain 
from  the  Indies  could  not  return  unless  his  visit  to 
Spain  had  been  by  the  prelate's  orders  on  special 
business.^^  And  in  a  cedula  of  October  20,  1580,  the 
king  forbade  the  departure  of  any  priest  for  Spain, 
without  first  obtaining  a  royal  license;  and  demanded 
information  as  to  the  number  of  religiosos  actually 
needed,  so  that  he  might  provide  them/^ 

2'  The  Lihro  cle  Recepciones  of  the  convent  of  San  Francisco  of  Mexico, 
which  in  the  original  is  in  my  library,  is  full  of  such  declarations. 

Esiatvtos  Generales  de  Barcelona,  para  la  Familia  Cismontana,  de  la  Orden 
de  nuestro  Seraphico  Padre  S.  Francisco.  Mexico,  1585,  sm.  fol.,  125  fol.  and 
15  1.,  unpaged.  This  is  a  rare  work,  which  contains  the  general  rules  of  the 
Franciscan  order,  decreed  by  Father  Francisco  Gonzaga,  minister  general  of 
the  order;  later  reformed  and  recompiled  by  a  number  of  priests  who  had 
been  deputed  therefor,  and  accepted  and  approved  at  the  intermediate  general 
chapter  of  the  cismontane  family,  held  at  Toledo  in  the  convent  of  San  Juan 
de  los  Eeyes  of  the  province  of  Castile,  in  1583,  and  confirmed  by  the  gen- 
eral. The  book  contains  nine  chapters  of  rules,  and  much  other  information 
for  the  use  of  the  Franciscan  order. 

*^  The  c(5dula  was  addressed  to  all  orders,  including  the  Jesuits.  Ordenea 
de  la  Corona^  MS. ,  ii.  40. 


716 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


The  Franciscans  having  scattered  themselves  in 
several  fields  throughout  America,  the  prelates  general 
decided  to  commission  a  representative  under  the  title 
of  comisario  general,  who  should  transact,  within  his 
jurisdiction,  the  important  affairs  of  the  order  with  the 
same  powers  as  if  the  minister  general  were  personally 
present.  The  jurisdiction  of  the  comisario  general  of 
New  Spain  extended  over  the  whole  of  Mexico,  Yu- 
catan inclusive,  and  Guatemala,  Nicaragua,  and  Cuba.*^ 

As  the  head  of  so  large  a  section  of  a  great  order 
he  possessed  a  power  before  which  even  the  king's 
vicegerent  was  compelled  to  bow.  This  was  instanced 
by  an  occurrence  in  1578,  exhibiting  the  haughtiness 
and  presumption  of  one  of  these  dignitaries.  Friar 
Francisco  de  Rivera,  which,  but  for  the  forbearance 
of  Enriquez,  might  have  been  followed  by  a  serious 
riot.  Rivera  one  day  visited  the  viceroy's  palace, 
asking  for  an  audience  to  treat  on  affairs  of  his  order. 
The  viceroy  being  engaged  could  not  at  once  grant 
him  the  interview.  The  friar  resented  the  delay  as 
an  affront  to  himself  and  his  office,  and  spoke  of  it 
from  the  pulpit.^^ 

The  viceroy  consulted  the  audiencia  on  what  he 
deemed  an  insult,  and  an  order  was  issued  to  Rivera 
to  depart  forthwith  for  Spain.  Knowing  that  he  must 
go,  the  friar  would  have  yet  one  more  fling  at  the 
viceroy.  Summoning  all  the  members  of  his  order, 
he  marched  at  their  head  out  of  Mexico  for  Vera 
Cruz,  carrying  a  cross  and  chanting  the  psalm  In 

*2  The  comisarios  generales  of  the  order  that  visited  Mexico  were:  Alonso 
de  Rozas,  1531-3,  who  died  and  was  buried  in  Mexico;  Juan  de  Granada, 
1533-5;  Francisco  de  Osuna,  1535-41;  Jacobo  de  Testera,  1541-3;  Martin  de 
Hojacastro,  1543-7;  Francisco  de  Bustamante,  1547-50;  Francisco  de  Mena, 
1550-9;  none  chosen  till  15G1;  Francisco  de  Bustamante,  1561-3;  Juan  de 
San  Miguel,  1563;  Diego  de  Olarte,  1568 — he  died;  Francisco  de  Rivera, 
1569;  Miguel  Navarro,  1573;  Rodrigo  de  Sequera,  1576;  Pedro  de  Oroz,  1582; 
Alonso  Ponce,  1584;  Bernardino  de  San  Cebrian,  1589;  Pedro  de  Pila,  1595; 
Diego  Munoz,  and  Diego  Caro,  who  died  in  a  short  while.  Mendieta,  Hist. 
Edes.,  543-5;  Torquemada,  iii.  374-6,  460-1. 

'  En  Palacio  todo  se  iguala,  y  no  ai  diferencia  de  lo  Secular  i,  lo  Eclesias- 
tico.'  Father  Torquemada,  i.  647-8,  in  describing  this  incident,  naturally 
makes  out  a  case  for  his  Franciscan  brother,  whom  he  considers  justly  offended. 
Rivera,  after  his  recall,  retired  to  his  province,  San  Miguel,  and  never  again 
held  office. 


FRIAR  ALONSO  PONCE. 


717 


exitu  Israel  de  Aegipto."  The  people,  who  were 
devoted  to  the  Franciscans,  became  greatly  excited, 
and  there  was  fear  of  trouble.  The  viceroy  felt  angry 
of  course,  and  was  disposed  to  punish  Kivera,  but  was 
persuaded  from  it  by  his  friends,  who  brought  the 
commissary  back  to  the  city,  and  restored  the  appear- 
ance of  harmony  for  a  time.  But  the  viceroy  wrote 
the  king  upon  the  matter,  whereupon  the  indiscreet 
friar  was  at  once  recalled  to  Spain.  At  a  later  date 
the  tables  were  turned. 

In  1584  Friar  Alonso  Ponce  came  to  Mexico  hold- 
ing that  office.  He  presented  his  credentials  to  the 
archbishop-viceroy,  and  entered  upon  the  discharge  of 
his  duties.  But  his  mission  was  destined  to  hinder- 
ance  and  his  person  to  insult  at  the  hands  of  the  pro- 
vincial and  definidores  of  the  Santo  Evangelio  and 
others,  who  refused  to  recognize  him  as  their  superior. 
The  viceroy  and  audiencia  also  treated  Ponce  with 
great  indignity,  disregarding  every  consideration  due 
his  person,  office,  age,  and  ill-health,  and  compelled 
him  to  leave  Mexico  before  he  had  fulfilled  his  mis- 
sion. Upon  his  return  from  Central  America,  on  his 
way  to  Michoacan,  he  was  again  subjected  to  insults, 
and  hindered  in  performing  his  duties.  It  would  be 
an  almost  endless  task  to  enter  into  the  particulars 
of  this  scandalous  affair.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  in  the 
end  the  provincial  of  the  Santo  Evangelio  was  deprived 
of  his  office  by  the  superior  of  the  order  in  Spain,  and 
all  the  acts  of  himself  and  the  definidores,  subsequent 
to  their  insubordination,  were  rejected  by  the  next 
general  chapter.^ 

They  had  sent  two  deputies  to  tlie  chapter,  who  went  from  Vera  Cruz 
in  the  same  ship  that  conveyed  Father  Pedro  de  Zdrate,  the  deputy  of  the 
comisario  general.  The  former  quarrelled  with  the  latter  in  Habana,  and 
continued  their  voyage  upon  another  vessel.  They  were  captured  by 
French  corsairs,  carried  to  La  Rochelle,  maltreated,  and  lost  12,000  pesos 
and  many  valuable  things  in  their  charge.  When  allowed  to  go  to  Spain,  they 
found  there  Zdrate,  who  had  arrived  in  safety;  and  upon  presenting  them- 
selves to  take  their  seats  in  the  chapter  they  were  not  admitted,  whereas 
Zdrate  was  recognized  and  took  part  in  the  proceedings.  Ponce,  Eel.,  in  Col. 
Doc.  Inid.,  Ivii.  24,  182-5.  On  the  28th  or  29th  of  December  1587,  owing 
to  violent  acts  of  the  civil  authorities  and  others  in  Puebla  toward  the  comi- 


718 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


The  new  comisario,  who  arrived  in  1586,  despatched 
to  Spain  six  of  the  chief  instigators  of  the  disturb- 
ances, while  Ponce,  though  justified  by  his  superiors, 
was  ignominiously  sei  t  to  Spain  by  the  viceroy  in 
1588;  the  provision  iiiade  for  him  and  his  secretary 
being  scanty  and  of  inferior  quaHty."^^ 

The  second  Franciscan  province  in  the  order  of 
precedence  was  that  of  Michoacan.  Until  1565  it 
formed  together  with  Jalisco  a  custodia  that  had  been 
erected  in  1535  by  Father  Martin  de  la  Coruna,  or  de 
Jesus,^^  and  it  progressed  so  much  in  the  foundation  of 
new  convents  that  the  general  chapter  held  at  Valla- 
dolid,  Spain,  raised  it  to  the  rank  of  a  separate  province, 
with  the  name  of  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo.^^  About 
1570  it  had,  within  sixty  leagues,  twenty-seven  or 
twenty-eight  convents  with  fifty  friars.*^  In  1586  the 
province  extended  over  one  hundred  and  twenty 
leagues  from  east  to  west,  with  a  comparatively  small 
expanse  from  north  to  south.  It  was  then  in  two 
distinct  portions,  namely,  Michoacan  with  twenty- 
three  convents  and  seventy- eight  friars,  and  New 
Galicia  with  twenty-five  convents.  About  this  time 
New  Galicia  gave  up  three  convents,  retaining  tw^enty- 
two,  with  fifty-seven  friars.  It  being  impossible  for 
one  provincial  to  visit  and  rule  so  vast  a  territory,  a 
comisario  provincial  was  created,  and  when  the  pro- 
vincial was  in  J alisco  the  comisario  ruled  in  Michoacan, 

sario  general,  against  which  the  provisor  in  the  name  of  the  absent  bishop 
had  solemnly  protested,  with  excommunication,  the  provisor  caused  the 
lighted  candles  to  be  extinguished,  the  doors  of  the  alcalde  mayor,  of  a  dele- 
gate of  the  viceroy,  and  of  the  other  excommunicated  persons,  to  be  stoned ; 
and  as  he  was  proceeding,  an  order  came  from  the  viceroy,  under  penalty  of 
forfeiture  of  temporalities  and  of  banishment,  to  raise  the  interdict  for  30 
days,  absolve  the  excommunicated,  and  go  to  Mexico  with  the  papers  in  the 
case  to  see  if  his  acts  were  just.  The  provisor  obeyed.  PoncCy  Eel.  in  Col. 
Doc.  InM.,  Iviii.  310. 

*5  The  whole  account  may  be  found  in  Col.  Doc.  InM.,  Ivii.-lviii.,  in  hun- 
dreds of  pages. 

"He  died  in  1558.  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  475-8. 

*^  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  599,  has  it  in  1566;  it  is  possible  this  was  the 
year  when  the  chapter's  decree  had  effect. 

Most  of  them  were  very  old,  but  they  did  their  best,  and  indeed  accom- 

Slished  more  than  many  young  priests  elsewhere.  Mex.  Bel.,  inProv.  S.  Evang., 
IS.,  No.  1,  1,  2. 


CUSTODIAS  AND  CONVENTS. 


719 


and  vice  versa}^  The  fathers  were  successful  in  mak- 
ing converts  among  the  natives,  aided  in  their  efforts 
by  a  bull  of  Pope  Paulus  IV.;  but  after  a  time  new 
idolatrous  rites  sprang  up  under  the  garb  of  Christi- 
anity, and  in  the  Avalos  province  among  the  Teules  in- 
cendiaries sought  in  1558-59  to  thwart  their  work 
by  destroying  the  church  of  Chapulac,  the  hospital  at 
Zapotlan,  and  the  convent  at  Jala.  Supernatural 
manifestations  were  not  wanting  to  lend  interest  to 
the  religious  history  of  this  province.  Comisario 
general  Ponce  reports  sorcerers  in  Zapotlan,  and  tells 
of  the  flames  coming  up  in  a  hole  dug  by  an  Indian; 
they  were  extinguished  by  the  alcalde  mayor,  by 
pouring  in  holy  water. 

The  custodia  of  Zacatecas  was  created  in  1566  with 
five  convents,  namely,  Nombre  de  Dios,  San  Juan 
Bautista  in  Durango,  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  in 
Topia,  one  in  the  San  Bartolome  Valley,  and  San 
Buenaventura  of  Penol  Blanco,  later  San  Juan  del 
Rio.  Its  first  custodio  was  Father  Pedro  de  Espina- 
reda,  famous  for  his  work  in  Durango  and  beyond.^^ 
This  district  had  been  controlled  by  the  province  of 
Michoacan,  but,  Santo  Evangelio  friars  prevailing  in 
number,  it  was  transferred  to  their  province,  the  con- 
vent owned  at  Zacatecas  by  the  Michoacan  friars 
being  exchanged  for  one  at  Queretaro.^^  Such  was 
the  beginning  of  the  afterward  famous  province  of 
Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe  de  Zacatecas.^^  Zaca- 
tecas thus  became  the  head,  which  till  then  had  been 
Nombre  de  Dios.  The  Franciscan  order  lost  many 
of  its  most  pious  and  energetic  members  during  the 
second  half  of  the  century,  sacrificed  by  the  savages 

This  custom,  however,  had  been  discontinued  lately.  It  was  clear  that 
the  province  should  be  divided  into  two,  each  under  its  own  prelate.  Ponee, 
llel,  in  CoL  Doc.  InM.,  Ivii.  517-19. 

Ponce,  Bel.,  in  Col.  Doc.  InM.,  Iviii.  101. 

About  1596  it  had  14  monasteries.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  545. 
^'^  The  exchange  was  not  actually  completed  till  1578.  Arlegui,  (.'/i  j-(fn,  Zac.y 
40-3. 

^^In  1736  it  already  had  54  convents.  Arlegui,  Id.,  51-130;  Iglesias  y 
Conventos,  312-16;  Mex.  Bel.,  in  Prov.  S.  Evang.,  MS.,  No.  1,  1;  Beaumonty 
Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  567. 


720 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


among  whom  they  were  engaged.  Others  were  sub- 
jected to  blows,  floggings,  wounds,  incarceration,  and 
general  ill-treatment.^^ 

The  province  of  Yucatan  was  founded  as  a  custodia 
in  1533,  but  owing  to  an  Indian  revolt  it  was  left 
vacant  for  eleven  years,  until  1544,  when  it  was  reoccu- 
pied  by  Father  Lorenzo  de  Bienvenida.^^  From  1534 
to  1593  thirteen  bands  of  Franciscans  arrived,  the 
total  number  of  friars  being  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
six.^®  The  first  custodial  chapter  held  September  29, 
1549,  presided  over  by  Comisario  La  Puerta,  elected 
Father  Luis  de  Villalpando  first  custodio.^^  Yucatan 
and  Guatemala  by  authorization  of  the  general  chapter 
at  Aquila  were  joined  in  one  province  and  seceded 
from  that  of  the  Santo  Evangelio  of  Mexico  in  1559, 
the  provincial  to  be  alternately  taken  from  the  two 
sections.  The  first  provincial  chapter,  held  September 
13,  1561,  chose  Father  Diego  de  Landa  first  provin- 
cial.^^ Father  Bienvenida  attended  the  general  chapter 

^*The  following  appear  as  murdered:  Bernard  Cossin,  a  Frenchman,  for 
whom  the  honor  of  protho-martyr  was  claimed,  but  denied  in  favor  of  brother 
Juan  Calero,  said  to  have  been  the  first  *  cristiano  vie  jo '  sacrificed  in  New 
Galicia  in  or  about  1541;  Antonio  de  Cudllar,  Juan  de  Padilla,  Juan  de  Tapia, 
Juan  Serrato,  Francisco  L6pez,  Juan  de  Santa  Maria,  Agustin  Rodriguez, 
Pedro  de  Burgos,  Francisco  Doncel,  Francisco  Lorenzo  or  Laurencio,  Pablo 
de  Acevedo,  J uan  de  Herrera,  Alonso  de  Villalobos,  Andres  de  la  Puebla, 
J  uan  del  Rio,  Francisco  Gil,  and  Andres  de  Ayala.  Of  the  last-named  the 
Indians  who  killed  him  said,  '  no  habian  podido  cocer  la  cabeza. '  The  mur- 
ders of  Ayala  and  Gil  and  Indians  in  their  service  was  avenged  by  a  force  from 
Guadalajara,  and  about  900  of  the  revolted  Indians  were  captured  and  carried 
to  that  city,  a  number  being  put  to  death  and  quartered.  The  rest  were 
made  slaves,  some  for  life,  and  others  for  a  term  of  years.  Mention  is  also 
made  of  eight  or  ten  other  Franciscans  who  fell  victims  to  savage  fury;  their 
names  are  not  given.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.y  735-68;  Torquemada,  iii. 
606-34;  Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  15;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.y  158-9;  Ponce,  JRel.f 
in  Col.  Doc.  InM.,  Iviii.  52-3. 

Vetancvrt,  Chrdn.  S.  Evang.,  24. 

The  first  party  was  that  of  Father  Jacobo  de  la  Testera;  the  largest,  of 
30  or  34,  came  under  Diego  de  Landa;  there  were  several  of  18,  16,  12,  and  10. 
Among  those  friars  are  worthy  of  mention,  besides  Bienvenida  and  Landa, 
Ger6nimo  de  Leon,  Luis  de  Villalpando,  Juan  Coronel,  and  Pedro  Cardete, 
Cogollvdo,  Hist  Yuc.,  336-58,  388-9,  414-15,  515-31,  552-8,  591-2,  734-5, 
758-9;  Vazquez,  Chrdn.  Gvat.,  536-8. 

The  custodia  was  erected  with  only  two  convents.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
382.  The  succeeding  custodios  were:  Lorenzo  de  Bienvenida,  1553;  Francisco 
Navarro,  1556;  Diego  de  Landa,  1559;  Francisco  de  la  Torre,  1560.  Cogollvdo, 
Hist.  Yuc.,  268-9,  288-90,  306-8. 

^^The  second  was  Franciscode  la  Torre,  chosen  1563,  vice  Landa  resigned;  see 
remarks  on  relations  between  Bishop  Toral  and  Landa.  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc, 


FRANCISCANS  IN  YUCATAN. 


721 


f.t  Valladolid  in  1565,  and  obtained  the  separation  of 
Yucatan  from  Guatemala,  to  form  a  separate  province 
named  San  Jose,  On  the  13th  of  April,  1567,  the 
first  chapter  of  the  new  province  was  held  at  Merida, 
and  Francisco  de  la  Torre  was  made  first  provincial/^ 

The  Franciscans  held  the  whole  field  in  Yucatan, 
apparently  disliking  the  introduction  of  other  orders. 
It  is  said  that  in  1553  there  was  a  great  famine  in 
the  region  of  Itzamal,  and  the  people  would  have 
greatly  suffered  but  for  the  help  of  Father  Landa, 
the  guardian  of  the  convent,  who  during  six  months 
supplied  maize  not  only  to  the  local  population,  but 
also  to  strangers  who  came  to  him  for  relief 

There  were  many  Franciscans  in  Mexico  besides 
those  named,  who,  for  their  pious  life,  learning,  and 
valuable  services  in  the  cause  of  conversion,  deserve 
a  special  mention.  Among  them  are  the  following : 
Bernardino  de  Sahagun,  the  distinguished  writer  who 
came  to  Mexico  in  1529,  and  died  in  1590;  Francisco 
de  Zamora,  a  man  of  high  birth  and  office  at  court, 
who  gave  up  all  and  became  an  humble  friar;  Alonso 
de  Huete;  Juan  Fucher,  or  Focher,  a  French  lawyer, 
who  joined  the  order  and  became  a  legal  light  in 
Mexico;  Juan  de  Mesa,  Hernando  Pobre,  Juan  de 
Eomanones,  Alonso  Urbano,  Miguel  de  Torrejoncillo, 
Alonso  de  Topas,  Juan  de  Bejar,  Francisco  de  Villal- 

308,  524;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  382-5;  Vetancvrt,  Chrdn.  Prov.  S.  Evang.,  24; 
Vazquez,  Chrdn.  Ovat.,  144-8,  179-80. 

^''His  successors  were:  Juan  de  Armallones,  chosen  1570;  Tome  de  Arenas, 
1573;  Pedro  de  Noriega,  1576;  Hernando  Sopuerta,  a  native  of  Merida,  and 
son  of  one  of  the  conquerors;  1579,  Tome  de  Arenas,  reelected  1582;  Pedro 
Cardete,  1585;  Alonso  de  Rio-frio,  1588;  Hernando  de  Sopuerta,  reelected 
1591;  Gerdnimo  de  Leon,  1594,  who  died  the  same  year,  and  Sopuerta  com- 
pleted his  term;  Alonso  de  Pio-frio,  reelected  1597;  and  Francisco  Arias  Bus- 
tamante,  IGOO.  CorjoUvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  307-8,  325-6,  336,  386-8,  393-4,  411- 
15,  423;  Vazquez,  Chrdn.  Gvat.,  274;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  383,  545-8; 
Torquernada,  iii.  337;  Ponce,  Rel,  in  Col.  Doc.  Incd.,  Ivii.  24-5,  Iviii.  382,  394, 
479;  Fancourt's  Hist.  Yuc,  166-9. 

^''It  is  reported  by  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc,  291,  that  no  diminution  was 
apparent  in  the  convent's  granary  at  the  end  of  the  famine.  The  same  writer 
tells  of  the  virgin  of  Itzamal,  how  the  image  was  brought  from  Guatemala 
and  jjlaced  in  the  convent  at  that  place,  where  the  Indians  venerated  it.  The 
Spaniards  wanted  it  in  Merida,  but  their  efforts  to  carry  it  away  proved  in 
vain,  the  virgin  herself  resisting.  *No  bastaron  fuer9as  humanas  para 
mouerla  del  pueblo. '  Numberless  miracles  are  attributed  to  this  image. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  11.  46 


722 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


bal,  Francisco  de  Marquina,  Francisco  de  Leon,  and 
Melclior  de  Benavente.  All  the  above  figured  in  the 
province  of  the  Santo  Evangelio.^^  Anoth  er  very  re- 
markable man  was  the  lay  brother  of  minorities  Friar 
Sebastian  de  Aparicio,  a  native  of  Gudina,  in  the 
province  of  Galicia,  Spain,  of  humble  birth.  On 
coming  to  New  Spain,  he  was  for  several  years  en- 
gaged in  lowly  pursuits,  but  always  noted  for  the 
purity  of  his  life.  He  was  twice  married,  and  yet  it 
is  alleged  that  he  maintained  continence.  At  the 
early  death  of  his  second  wife  he  surrendered  all 
worldly  goods  and  joined  the  Franciscans  as  a  donadOy 
becoming  afterward  a  brother.  He  served  in  the  con- 
vent of  Puebla  as  its  solicitor  for  arms  until  his  death, 
which  occurred  at  the  age  of  ninety-eight,  on  the  25th 
of  February,  1600.  Many  miracles  are  ascribed  to 
him;  he  was  beatified  and  canonized,^'^  since  which 
time  be  has  been  recorded  in  the  Roman  calendar 
as  the  beato. 

Among  the  distinguished  Franciscans  of  Michoacan 
were  Pedro  de  Oroz,  a  great  theologian  and  linguist, 
who  died  about  1597;  Miguel  de  Gomalez,  theologian 
and  linguist,  who  is  said  to  have  mastered  the  Tarascan 
language  in  80  days;  Geronimo  de  la  Cruz;  Joseph 
de  Angulo,  one  of  the  conquerors  of  New  Spain,  and 
late  captain  and  treasurer  of  New  Galicia;  Juan  de 
San  Miguel;  and  Maturin  Gilberti,  a  Frenchman.^^ 

Some  members  of  the  Santo  Evangelio,  in  or  a  little 
prior  to  1544,  under  the  impression  that  the  old  vow 
of  poverty  and  strict  discipline  were  already  declin- 
ing, resolved  to  found  another  province  for  attaining 
greater  observance  of  the  rule.    Father  Alonso  de 

^^Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  639-67,  677-715;  Torquemada,  466-556;  Vetan- 
cvrt,  Menolog.,  68. 

His  gift  of  miracles  was  made  to  appear  at  the  Roman  curia,  and  Pope 
Clement  XIII,,  on  the  2d  of  May,  1768,  decreed  him  duly  beatified  and 
canonized,  which  caused  great  joy  not  only  in  Galicia  but  in  all  Mexico,  and 
particularly  in  Puebla.  Rodriguez,  Vida  de  Aparicio,  1-234,  with  portrait. 
The  city  of  Puebla  formally  made  him  its  patron  saint.  Vetancvrt,  Me?iolo(j., 
17-24;  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  580-4. 
63  Torquemada,  iii.  556-61. 


THE  DOMINICANS. 


723 


Escalona  for  himself  and  others  applied  to  the  min- 
istro  general  for  the  requisite  permission,  which  was 
granted;^*  the  new  province  being  named  after  the 
father  general,  Andres  de  la  Insula,  Provincia  Insu- 
lana,  with  Escalona  for  first  provincial.  They  jour- 
neyed into  the  interior,  but  could  find  no  suitable  spot 
on  which  to  plant  themselves.  Everywhere  they  en- 
countered obstacles  until  they  saw  the  uselessness  of 
further  effort,  when  by  common  consent  they  returned 
and  were  kindly  received  into  the  old  fold.  At  this 
time,  1554,  the  order  had  occasion  to  send  religious 
to  Guatemala,  and  Escalona  started  barefooted  as 
the  prelate  of  nine  others  for  that  field,  where  they 
labored  several  years  ineffectually,  and  then  returned 
to  Mexico. 

Another  order  of  Franciscans  entered  the  field  of 
Mexico  in  1580  or  1581,  consisting  of  fifteen  barefooted 
friars  under  Father  Pedro  del  Monte,  belonging  to  the 
province  of  Saint  Joseph  in  Spain. They  were  given 
habitation  in  the  hospital  of  San  Cosme  and  San 
Damian.^^  This  was  the  foundation  of  the  province 
of  San  Diego  de  Alcala.  Through  Father  Monte's 
exertions^''  the  erection  of  a  convent  was  effected  on 
the  plaza  de  San  Hipolito  with  the  ordinary's  permis- 
sion and  the  assistance  of  friends.^^  The  construction 
was  begun  in  1591,  and  occupied  several  years ;  indeed, 
it  was  not  finished  till  1621.  When  the  barefooted 
Franciscans  had  several  convents,  though  not  com- 

^  Eight  priests,  among  them  Juan  de  Ribas,  one  of  the  original  12  pio- 
neers, and  four  lay  brothers  united  in  the  effort.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  623, 
668-9;  Torquernxida,  iii.  491-2. 

^^In  1576  or  1578  a  party  of  21  under  Pedro  de  Alfaro  came  to  Mexico. 
Soon  after  most  of  them,  if  not  all,  went  to  the  Philippines.  ITedina,  Chron. 
S.  Dicfjo,  8;  Ramirez,  Not.  3Iex.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  341. 

It  was  asserted  that  they  also  were  bound  for  the  Philippines,  but  did 
not  go.  Ramirez,  Not.  Mex.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  321,  324. 

Father  Monte  was  highly  esteemed  by  Archbishop  Moya  and  Viceroy 
Conde  de  la  Corufia,  and  often  consulted  on  government  affairs,  being  also 
intrusted  by  the  former  with  a  delicate  commission  to  Spain  and  Rome.  He 
was  the  first  visitador  of  his  order  in  the  Philippines,  whence  he  did  not  come 
back  to  Mexico,  owing  to  age  and  infirmities.  Medina,  Chr6n.  S.  Diego,  15,  23. 

Mateo  Mauleon  and  his  wife  supplied  the  funds  and  obtained  the  honor 
and  right  of  patronage.  Medina,  Chr6n.  S.  Diego,  27;  Ramirez,  Not.  Mex., 
in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  341. 


724 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS, 


pleted,  in  New  Spain,  they  were  constituted  into  a 
custodia,  subject  to  the  province  of  San  Gregorio  of 
Manila,  which  was  confirmed  by  Phihp  II.  Father 
Pedro  Ortiz  was  made  custodio,  and  departed  from 
Spain  at  the  head  of  fifty  rehgious  destined  for  the 
PhiUppines.  He  was  at  once  recognized  in  Mexico, 
August  19,  1593.'' 

In  1599  the  custodia  of  San  Diego  had  seven  con- 
vents, one  of  them  in  Oajaca,  and  made  appUcation  for 
a  separate  government  as  a  province  detached  from 
that  of  Manila.  As  there  was  no  opposition,  the 
pope  issued  his  brief  September  16th  constituting  the 
new  provinces  with  its  custodio.  Father  Gabriel  Bap- 
tista,  as  provincial.  This  was  sanctioned  by  the  crown 
on  the  24th  of  December  following. ^'^ 

The  Dominican  order  at  the  end  of  the  16th  cen- 
tury had  in  New  Spain  two  provinces,  namely:  San- 
tiago de  Mexico  with  forty-eight  monasteries,  and 
San  Hipolito  de  Oajaca  with  twenty-one.  From  the 
acts  passed  by  the  several  chapters  of  the  order  prior 
to  1589,  we  may  infer  that  members  were  strictly  held 
to  the  rules  of  poverty  and  mendicancy.  They  were 
to  be  not  only  virtuous  and  chaste,  but  were  to  avoid 
temptation  They  were  not  to  expose  themselves  to 
false  charges;  and  every  member  was  forbidden  to  ask 
from  any  person  of  whatever  race  anything,  for  him- 
self, any  one  else,  or  his  convent,  save  what  the  rule 
prescribed.  No  one  was  to  go  to  Spain  without  writ- 
ten permission  from  the  provincial.    It  was  enjoined 

Ortiz  went  as  a  missionary  to  the  Philippines,  and  later  to  Cambodge, 
where  he  perished  at  the  hands  of  the  Laos.  Medina,  Chrdn.  Son  Diego,  3G. 

''^  This  erection  of  the  province  was  confirmed  in  the  general  chapter  of 
the  order  in  Toledo,  1606,  together  with  that  of  San  Francisco  of  Zacatecas. 
Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  40.  During  the  period  named  the  following  friars 
of  the  order  also  distinguished  themselves:  Francisco  Torantos,  Antonio  de 
Santa  Maria,  Cristobal  de  la  Cruz,  Cristobal  de  Ibarra,  Miguel  de  Talavera. 
The  last  named  was  a  doctor  of  theology  of  the  university  of  Alcala,  a  man 
of  extraordinary  eloquence,  who  had  been  the  guardian  of  his  convent  in 
Madrid.  About  1585  he  brought  out  a  party  of  missionaries,  who,  after  tar- 
rying for  a  time  in  Mexico,  were  most  of  them  sent  to  the  Philippines  under 
Peter  Baptist  as  commissary.  Talavera  retained  a  few  to  help  form  the  cus- 
todia. Medina,  15,  23-6;  Granados,  Tardes,  339. 


DISTINGUISHED  DOMINICANS. 


725 


that  no  member  of  the  order  should  be  present  at  the 
election  of  officials  in  Indian  towns,  or  in  any  way 
interfere  with  those  officials  in  the  discharge  of  their 
duties,  or  assume  a  right  to  inflict  corporal  punish- 
ment on  or  demand  pecuniary  penalties  from  Indians. 
Marriage  cases  of  an  objectionable  or  doubtful  nature 
were  to  be  referred  to  the  diocesan.  The  religious 
were  to  win  the  natives  by  kindness,  "con  amorosas 
y  graciosas  palabras,"  not  preaching  words  to  amuse, 
but  sound  doctrine  to  fructify  their  souls.  The  Ind- 
ians were  not  to  be  charged  for  the  administration  of 
the  sacraments,  ringing  of  bells,  or  other  service,  but 
their  gifts  might  be  accepted.  The  penalties  for  viola- 
tions of  the  rules  passed  by  the  chapter  were  quite 
severe.'^  If  they  grew  careless  there  was  an  eye 
upon  them ;  the  king  had  to  remind  the  Dominicans, 
and  with  them  the  Austin  friars,  on  the  1 8th  of  July, 
1562,  that  they  were  mendicants.'^ 

The  Dominican  community  founded  in  Mexico  in 
1526  was  ruled  from  this  time  to  1535  by  a  vicario  gen- 
eral;'^ from  1535  to  1568,  by  a  provincial  whose  term 
was  of  three  years;  from  and  after  1568,  of  four  y  ears. 
The  first  to  hold  the  office  was  Domingo  de  Betanzos,^^ 

''^Actas  Prov.,  MS.,  1-178.  The  Adas  Provindales  de  la  Provincia  de 
Santiago  de  Mexico  del  Orden  de  Predicadores,  a  manuscript  of  my  collec- 
tion, are  the  original  minutes  from  1549  to  1589  of  the  chapters  held  by  the 
Dominican  province  of  Mexico,  furnishing  lists  of  its  members  at  different 
periods,  where  they  were  stationed,  and  other  information  touching  that  order. 

Mex.  Col.  Leyes  (1861),  Introd.  xlvii.  Nine  members  of  the  order  were 
honored  with  the  office  of  father  confessor  of  the  ruling  viceroy.  Of  those 
who  had  passed  some  portion  of  their  lives  in  Mexico,  four  became  archbishops ; 
fifteen  obtained  bishoprics;  five  were  appointed  bishops  and  declined  to 
accept  the  office;  two  were  governors  of  the  archdiocese  of  Mexico;  and  sev- 
eral others  were  professors  of  the  university.  Ddvila,  Continuacion,  MS., 
310-11. 

^^1.  Thomas  Ortiz,  who  afterward  became  bishop  of  Santa  Marta;  2. 
Vicente  de  Santa  Maria;  3.  Domingo  de  Betanzos;  4.  Francisco  de  San 
Miguel,  who  came  from  La  Espanola;  he  later  called  himself  provincial  of 
Mexico  under  an  election  made  of  him  in  1534.  But  his  claim  to  the  office  is 
denied  on  the  plea  that  the  electoral  rules  had  not  been  observed.  Ddvila, 
Continuacion,  MS.,  284-5. 

"^^  Pope  Julius  II.  regarded  the  reasons  for  the  change  as  good,  and  ordered 
the  provincial's  term  to  be  quadriennial;  and  the  intermediate  chapters  to  be 
held  every  two  years  instead  of  every  year  as  formerly.  The  general.  Father 
Vicente  Justiniano,  by  his  patent  of  May  12,  1560,  ordered  it  carried  out,  and 
*el  oficio  de  Proiiincial  dure  quatro  aflos.'  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  57. 

^■"His  successors  were,  in  the  order  given:  Pedro  Delgado,  1538;  Domingo 


726 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


who  later  declmed  the  bishopric  of  Guatemala.  A 
prior's  term  never  exceeded  two  years. 

In  1550  an  order  had  been  issued  to  segregate  from 
the  province  of  Santiago  in  Mexico  all  convents  and 
houses  existing  in  Chiapas  and  Guatemala,  and  they 
went  to  form  a  part  of  the  newly  created  province 
of  San  Vicente  de  Chiapas  y  Guatemala.  This  took 
effect  from  August  15,  1551.'^  As  the  chief  convent 
belonging  to  the  order  was  in  a  state  of  rapid  decay, 
notwithstanding  heavy  expenditure  by  the  friars,  in 
1552  the  king  ordered  that  it  should  be  rebuilt  at  the 
expense  of  the  crown. 

Among  the  Dominicans  who  distinguished  them- 
selves in  Mexico,  aside  from  provincials,  are  Juan 
Lopez  Castellanos,  Hernando  de  la  Paz,  Juan  de 
Alcazar,  noted  for  his  great  eloquence  in  the  Spanish, 
Mexican,  and  Zapotec  languages;  Diego  Osorio,  after- 
ward visitador  to  Peru,  who  declined  the  bishopric  of 
Carthage na,  and  to  whom  the  university  of  Mexico 
paid  doctor's  honors  at  his  funeral.  Pedro  de  Pravia 
was  a  learned  man  who  held  the  office  of  definidor 
in  the  order,  as  well  as  other  positions  of  honor  and 
trust.  He  declined  the  mitre  of  Panamd,  and  on  the 
departure  of  Archbishop  Moya  for  Spain  was  left  as 
governor  of  the  archdiocese,  which  office  he  filled  till 

de  la  Cruz,  1541,  who  declined  the  see  of  New  Gralicia;  Pedro  Delgado,  1544; 
he  refused  the  see  of  Las  Charcas;  Domingo  de  Santa  Maria,  1547;  Andres  de 
Moguer,  1550;  Bernardo  de  Alburquerque,  1553,  later  bishop  of  Oajaca;  Do- 
mingo de  Santa  Maria,  1556;  Pedro  de  la  Pena,  1559,  who  became  bishop  of 
Quito;  Cristobal  de  la  Cruz,  1562;  Pedro  de  Feria,  later  bishop  of  Chiapas; 
Juan  de  Cordoba,  1568;  Domingo  de  Aguinaga,  1572;  Gabriel  de  San  Joseph, 
1576;  Andres  de  Ubilla,  1581,  became  bishop  of  Chiapas,  and  later  chosen 
for  Michoacan;  Domingo  de  Aguinaga,  1585;  Gabriel  de  San  Joseph,  1589; 
Pedro  Guerrero,  1593;  Pascual  de  la  Anunciacion,  who  after  one  year  re- 
signed; the  office  then  went  into  the  hands  of  the  vicario  general  and  visita- 
dor; and  Juan  de  Bohorques,  1599,  who  afterward  was  bishoD  of  Venezuela, 
and  later  of  Oajaca.  Ddvila,  Continuacion,  MS.,  284-5. 

''^The  request  came  from  the  province  in  Mexico,  whose  rulers  did  not 
approve  of  a  very  extended  area,  preferring  to  provide  a  requisite  number  of 
ministers  so  that  every  place  within  its  territory  could  be  properly  attended 
to.  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.,  110-11.  August  8,  1551,  the  king  ordered 
that  each  Dominican  friar  should  be  allowed  yearly  one  and  one  half  arrobas 
of  wine  for  sacramental  use.  Puga,  Cedulario,  182;  liemesal,  Hist.  Chyapa^ 
532-5. 

'^'^  Real  Ctdula,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  xxvi.  205;  Pwja,  Cedulano,  185;  Hex. 
Col  Leyes  (1861),  i.,  Introd.  xlvii. 


DOMINICANS  IN  OAJACA. 


727 


his  death,  which  occurred  at  the  age  ot  sixty-two. 
His  government  was  strict.  Besides  these  were  Juan 
de  Cordoba,  an  old  soldier,  and  one  of  the  humblest 
as  well  as  most  efficient  members ;  Francisco  de  Agui- 
lar,  one  of  Cortes'  prominent  and  trusted  soldiers  at 
the  conquest  of  Mexico,  a  man  of  lofty  thoughts  and 
generous  impulses,  beloved  by  the  natives,  and  who 
wore  the  habit  forty-two  years,  proving  himself  as 
good  a  soldier  of  Christ  as  he  had  been  of  the  king; 
Juan  de  la  Magdelena,  a  son  of  Juan  Alonso  de 
Estrada,  who  was  governor  of  Mexico  in  1527,  and 
who  died  in  Ciudad  Real  of  Chiapas  in  1579;  Tomas 
de  San  Juan,  a  good  scholar,  exemplary,  religious, 
and  an  eloquent  preacher;  and  Domingo  de  la  Anun- 
ciacion,  who  never  ate  flesh,  wore  linen,  or  rode  on 
horseback.  Of  the  last  named  it  is  said  that  once 
when  in  great  peril  of  being  drowned,  he  was  saved 
by  a  piece  of  the  lignum  crucis  that  he  carried  on  his 
person.  He  died  in  Mexico  in  1591,  at  the  age  of 
eighty,  an  object  of  love  and  veneration. 

The  rich  province  of  Oajaca  was  almost  entirely 
intrusted  to  the  Dominicans.  They  lost  no  time  in 
taking  possession  of  the  most  convenient  places,  where 
they  erected  convents,  many  of  whose  priests  won 
for  themselves  and  their  order  honorable  distinction. 
Their  progress  seems  to  have  been  slow  at  first,  and 
beset  with  much  difficulty,  the  old  idolatrous  doc- 
trines having  such  a  powerful  hold  on  the  Indian 
heart. Cociyopu,  king  of  Tehuantepec,  who  had 
been  dispossessed  of  his  dominions,  notwithstanding 
he  had  adopted  Christianity  and  submitted  in  peace 
to  the  Spanish  rule,  feeling  indignant  at  such  treat- 
ment, and  believing  that  a  religion  which  permitted 

''^Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  106-8,  115;  Ddvila,  Continuadon,  MS.,  160-2, 
307-8;  Ddvila,  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.,  343-91,  468-599;  Dice.  Univ.,  ii.  632; 
iv.  708;  viii.  100-1,  144,  370-1,  528;  ix.  143-5,  232. 

''^  In  many  places  idols  were  discovered  by  the  priests  buried  under  a 
cross,  which  was  apparently  well  cared  for  and  venerated,  or  under  the  very 
altars  in  the  churches,  and  on  which  the  heathenish  sacrifices  were  sometimes 
offered.  All  such  idols,  in  whatever  form,  were  destroyed.  Ddvila  Padilla, 
Hist.  Fvnd.,  635-44;  Burfjoa,  Geog.  Desa-tp.,  Oaj.,  ii.  387. 


728 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


injustice  and  oppression  must  be  false,  abandoned  it 
and  returned  to  his  old  faith,  and  was  discovered 
sacrificing  as  high-priest  to  the  idols,  with  six  of  his 
people.  Father  Bernardino  de  Santa  Marfa,  the 
vicar- general,  admonished  him  in  private,  reasoning 
tenderly,  but,  as  he  persisted,  he  and  his  accomplices 
were  imprisoned  in  the  Dominican  convent.  The 
people  clamored  for  his  liberty,  and  the  civil  author- 
ity, fearing  possible  trouble,  asked  the  priest  to  per- 
suade Cociyopu  to  speak  to  his  people  and  calm  them. 
The  king  replied  that  his  vassals  were  his  children, 
and  were  righteously  grieved;  nevertheless  he  asked 
them  not  to  add  to  his  sorrows  by  violent  acts.  It  is 
the  will  of  heaven,"  he  said.  am  well  treated  and 
happy,  and  you  must  not  break  the  peace."  Never- 
theless, he  refused  to  recognize  the  jurisdiction  of 
Bishop  Alburquerque's  commissioners  to  try  him, 
because  as  a  subject  of  the  Spanish  crown  his  case 
should  go  to  the  viceroy  and  audiencia,  before  whom 
it  had  been  already  laid.  He  went  to  Mexico  about 
the  year  1563,  summoned  to  appear  before  the  high 
court  of  the  audiencia,  and  on  his  journey,  though 
apparently  in  custody,  was  greeted  everywhere  as  be- 
fitted the  king  of  Tehuantepec,  the  son  of  Cociyoeza, 
grandson  of  one  Mexican  emperor,  and  brother-in- 
law  of  another.  His  efibrts  availed  him  nothing, 
however,  for  after  spending  a  year  in  the  endeavor  to 
obtain  justice,  he  was  stripped  of  everything. 

According  to  Bishop  Zdrate,  afiairs  in  this  province 
were  not  in  an  enviable  condition  down  to  the  year 
1550.  There  were  at  the  time  very  few  priests  and 
only  two  convents,  of  the  Dominican  order,  one  at 
Oajaca  and  the  other  at  Miztecapan.  On  account  of 
the  unsettled  affairs  of  Cortes  the  valley  seemed  to  have 
been  neglected,  particularly  by  his  sturdy  enemy  the 

Deprived  of  his  property  and  rank  by  the  sentence  of  the  court,  he  set 
out  on  his  return  to  Tehuantepec,  and  died  of  apoplexy  at  Nejapa,  a  town 
just  without  the  boundaries  of  his  lost  kingdom,  where  he  did  not  meet  with 
the  same  distinguished  reception  as  on  the  journey  out.  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
hourg,  lli6t.  Nat.  Ctv.,  iv.  825-9.    Brasseur  calls  him  Cocyopy. 


DOMINICANS  IN  THE  NORTH. 


729 


viceroy.  The  few  wealthy  settlers  had  died,  and 
those  remaining  were  in  distress ;  their  condition  was 
such  that  in  the  absence  of  fortresses  or  other  de- 
fences'^ they  were  in  continuous  fear  of  the  Indians. 
The  whole  number  of  Spaniards  in  the  city  was 
scarcely  thirty,  and  these  were  anxious  to  depart. 
Contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Zarate,''^  Mendoza  claimed 
that  the  site  of  Antequera  was  a  good  one,  being  where 
Montezuma  had  his  garrison  of  Mexicans.  When  the 
Spaniards  went  to  live  there  they  took  possession  of 
the  Indian  dwellings.  Cortes  had  a  house  upon  a 
temple  and  Francisco  Maldonado  another. 

Between  1551  and  1580  affairs  assumed  a  new 
aspect,  and  much  religious  progress  was  made;  and 
what  was  no  less  important  to  the  apostolic  laborers, 
a  large  extent  of  country  was  secured  for  the  aggran- 
dizement of  the  order  which  in  1555  already  had  a 
good  supply  of  priests,  and  in  Antequera  a  vicar- 
general  of  the  provincial  for  the  government  of  the 
Zapotec,  Miztec,  and  Mije  regions.  The  convent  of 
Tehuantepec  was  in  1551  attached  to  the  province 
of  Guatemala,  as  being  nearer  thereto,  and  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  leagues  from  that  of  Mexico;  but  three 
years  later  that  arrangement  was  found  inconvenient, 
and  the  convent  was  restored  in  1555  to  the  latter. 

In  1554  was  founded  an  establishment  in  Guajolo- 
titlan,  and  in  1555  one  in  Cuilapa,  and  another  in 
Ocotlan.  These  foundations  were  followed  by  others 
in  Villa  Alta  de  San  Ildefonso,  Xustlahuaca,  Achiuh- 
tla,  Xaltepec,  Tecomastlahuaca,  Nochistlan,  Tilan- 

In  1550  the  settlers  petitioned  for  a  fortress;  but  the  government  de- 
clined. Mendoza,  ReL,  in  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  514. 

^'^  Bishop  Zarate  affirms  that  the  city  of  Antequera,  or  Oajaca,  was  founded 
on  an  unsuitable  spot  with  the  evil  intent  of  injuring  the  marques  del  Valle, 
and  that  the  settlers  had  been  the  suflFerers,  for  the  Indians  had  increased  in 
numbers  and  occupied  the  environs.  Thus  the  Spaniards  had  no  outlet  for 
their  live-stock,  no  pastures,  nor  lands  to  cultivate.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vii.  54C-51.  Father  Santa  Maria  stated  in  1548,  that 
the  Indians  of  Tepoxcolula,  a  town  16  leagues  north-east  of  Antequera,  de- 
sired to  settle  near  the  monastery,  and  the  bishop  would  not  allow  it;  a  royal 
decree  should  be  issued  permitting  it,  as  it  would  prove  beneficial  to  the 
natives.  Carta,  in  Id.,  207. 


730 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


tongo,  Cimatlan  del  Valle  by  Bishop  Alburquerque, 
Chicliicapa,  Santa  Catarina,  Santa  Ana,  Teticpaque, 
Tlacuehahuaya,  Juquila,  and  Chuapa.^^  All,  as  well 
as  can  be  made  out,  were  created  within  the  period 
above  named.  In  1575  the  order  laid  the  corner-stone 
of  another  convent  in  Antequera,^*  which  toward  the 
end  of  the  century  found  itself  at  the  head  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty  religious  establishments  in  this 
diocese.  The  creation  of  a  separate  Dominican  prov- 
ince of  Oajaca  had  been  contemplated  prior  to  1580; 
but  for  various  reasons  the  division  was  not  made 
until  Father  Antonio  de  la  Serna  obtained  the  final 
order  from  the  general  chapter  held  at  Venice  in  1592.^^ 
The  Chontales,  a  fierce  people,  were  brought  under 
subjection  to  the  crown  after  hard  fighting.  They 
paid  tribute,  but  never  would  countenance  the  sojourn 
of  Europeans  among  them,  nor  dwell  in  permanent 
towns.  The  first  Christian  churches  erected  in  their 
country  were  mere  huts  of  boughs  hidden  among  the 
ravines,  and  scarcely  distinguishable  from  the  trees 
and  undergrowth.  The  people  would  j^lace  food  for 
the  missionaries  on  the  ground  at  the  entrance  of  the 
huts  and  say  to  the  Indian  attendant,  ''Tell  them  to 
eat  and  go  away,  for  we  have  no  need  of  their  mass." 
Father  Domingo  Carranza  went  among  them  with  his 
stafi"  and  a  rosary,  attended  by  his  Zapotec  servant. 
At  first  the  Chontales  fled  from  him,  and  he  was  re- 
duced to  live  on  wild  fruits;  but  after  a  while  some 

^2  Santa  Catarina,  Santa  Ana,  Teticpaque,  Villa  Alta,  and  Chuapa  were 
mere  doctrinas.  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  Oaj.,  ii.  225-32,  266-73,  280-5,  300-1, 
307-11. 

A  rock  was  chosen  on  which  to  build,  because  of  earthquakes.  The  con- 
struction was  begun  with  15  pesos,  and  a  cart  with  two  mules;  at  first  1,000 
pesos  were  spent  on  it  yearly;  then  2,000,  and  finally  6,000.  All  the  Domini- 
can houses  in  Oajaca  aided.  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyaya,  713;  Burgoa,  Geog. 
Descrip.,  Oaj.,  ii.  340. 

Father  Francisco  Jimenez  was  made  the  first  provincial;  at  his  death 
Alonso  de  Vayllo  accepted  the  charge,  September  29,  1593,  and  one  year  later 
took  possession.  The  first  chapter  was  held  in  Oajaca  April  26,  1595.  Pro- 
vincial Vayllo's  term  expired  September  29,  1597,  and  Martin  de  Zarate  ruled 
as  vicar-general  till  April  19,  1598.  The  second  chapter,  the  first  electoral 
one,  was  then  held,  and  Father  Antonio  de  la  Serna  chosen.  Bemesal,  Hist. 
Chyapn,  711-12.  The  new  province  in  1596  had  48  monasteries.  Mendieta, 
Hist.  Ecles.,  546. 


OTHER  NOTABLE  DOMINICANS. 


731 


began  to  listen,  and  by  spending  twelve  years  among 
them,  he  succeeded  in  converting  some.^^ 

The  Chinantecs  were  believed  by  the  first  Spanish 
conquerors  to  be  ferocious  giants  who  would  not  accept 
alliance  or  religion.  The  Dominican  priest  Francisco 
de  Saravia  was  the  first  Spaniard  to  visit  them.  He 
learned  their  language,  and  in  four  years  taught  them 
Christianity,  and  induced  them  to  live  in  towns  and 
practise  the  arts  of  civilization.  He  taught  their 
youths  to  read  and  write,  and  to  translate  into  their 
language  a  prayer-book.^''  The  Mijes  also  taxed  the 
jDatience  of  the  worthy  missionaries.  When  the  Span- 
ish arms  reached  that  country  the  Zapotecs  of  the 
sierra  and  the  Mijes  were  at  war.  Gaspar  Pacheco, 
sent  there  by  Cortes  with  a  force,  found  no  trouble  in 
obtaining  the  allegiance  of  the  former  with  a  promise 
of  help  to  destroy  their  foes.  Being  a  nomad  people, 
the  conquest  of  the  Mijes  was  a  difficult  task;  it  was 
accomplished,  however,  with  the  aid  of  Father  Gonzalo 
Lucero,  whose  zeal  prompted  him  to  attempt  in  1531 
their  conversion,  for  which  he  was  given  two  assistants. 
The  nation  being  numerous  and  restless,  to  keep  them 
in  check  the  Spanish  commander  founded  in  their 
midst  the  Villa  Alta  de  San  Ildefonso  with  thirty 
Spanish  vecinos,  and  near  it  on  the  west  a  town  of 
Mexicans,  named  Analco.  The  villa  was  destroyed 
by  fire  in  1580,  and  afterward  rebuilt. 

The  Dominicans  in  charge  of  the  Chinantecs  and 
Mijes  enjoyed,  under  a  royal  order  of  1556,  a  yearly 
allowance  of  1,000  pesos  besides  the  necessary  oil  and 
wine,  church  ornaments,  etc.  The  natives  were  taught 
reading,  writing,  and  the  useful  arts  by  fathers  Jordan 
de  Santa  Catarina,  Pedro  Guerrero,  and  Pablo  de  San 

^^Bad  health  obliged  Carranza  to  leave  the  field;  his  successors  were  the 
fathers  Domingo  de  Grijelmo  and  Diego  Serrano;  after  1595,  Mateo  Daroca. 
Burgoa,  Georj.  Descrip.,  Oaj.,  ii.  339. 

He  lived  among  them  30  years.  Several  of  the  chiefs  learned  to  wear 
silk  garments  like  the  Spaniards,  to  carry  swords,  and  to  ride  fine  mules  with 
elegant  saddles  and  bridles,  proud  of  their  good  forms  and  manners,  and  of 
their  ability  to  write  a  good  hand  and  compose  well.  Burgoa,  Id.,  ii.  289- 
90;  Murguia  y  Galardi,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  vii.  205-10. 


732 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


Pedro,  and  the  lay  brother  Friar  Fabian  de  Santo 
Domingo.^^  It  was  said  that  Saravia  and  Guerrero 
built  one  hundred  and  sixty  churches  in  as  many 
towns. 

Among  the  Dominican  priests  of  this  diocese  who 
distinguished  themselves,  and  obtained  high  positions 
in  and  out  of  their  order,  besides  those  already  named, 
are  Martin  de  Zarate,  Alonzo  Lopez,  Francisco  Avila, 
Antonio  de  la  Serna,  the  two  last  being  natives  of 
Oajaca;  Gregorio  de  Beteta,  who  became  bishop  of 
Cartagena;  Pedro  de  la  Vena,  made  bishop  of  Quito 
in  Ecuador;  Pedro  de  Feria,  afterward  bishop  of 
Chiapas;  Domingo  de  Salazar,  prior  of  Antequera, 
first  bishop  and  archbishop  of  the  Philippines,  who 
died  soon  after  receiving  the  pallium  in  Madrid. 

Juan  Pamirez  was  a  friar  of  Mexico  and  provincial, 
and  served  among  the  Miztecs;  after  which  he  went 
to  Spain  to  defend  the  Indians,  and  died  there.  Juan 
de  Bohorques,  provincial,  was  later  bishop  of  Vene- 
zuela, and  subsequently  of  Oajaca.  Domingo  de  Santa 
Ana,  noted  for  his  purity,  found  himself  imperilled 
by  the  blandishments  of  a  rich  and  handsome  Indian 
princess,  who  was  desperately  enamored  of  him.  As 
he  rejected  all  her  proffered  caresses,  she  one  night 
entered  his  room,  and  while  he  slept  threw  herself 
into  his  arms.  Awakening,  he  succeeded  in  getting 
out  of  bed,  and  with  a  shoe  beat  the  tempter  till  she 
screamed. People  rushed  in  from  the  church  and 
discovered  the  much  abashed  cacica;  the  good  father 
meanwhile  looking  as  if  he  had  been  fighting  a  legion 
of  demons. 

Tomas  del  Espiritu  Santo  was  one  of  the  great 
lights  of  the  order.  Domingo  de  Aguinaga  was  a 
noted  minister  and  prelate ;  as  prior  in  Mexico  he  was 
exemplary,  and  as  vicar-general  much  beloved.  He 

Guerrero  was  a  man  of  letters,  and  became  the  provincial  of  the  order 
in  Mexico,  before  the  province  was  divided.  Burgoa,  Geoy.  Descrip.,  Oaj.,  i. 
43. 

'  Le  did  tales  golpes  a  la  desenrroscada  serpiete.'  Bimjoa,  Geog.  Descrip., 
Oaj.,  i.  88. 


THE  AUGUSTINIANS. 


733 


was  tlie  confessor  of  Viceroy  Enriquez,  twice  elected 
provincial,  and  venerated  as  a  saint.  Alonso  Garces 
was  burned  to  death  in  Villa  Alta  de  San  Ildefonso, 
in  1580.  Alonso  de  la  Anunciacion  was  killed  by 
the  fall  of  a  platform  on  which  he  was  officiating  in 
Etla,  and  by  which  accident  over  one  hundred  persons 
were  severely  injured.  Bernardo  de  Santa  Catarina 
came  to  Mexico  in  1550,  served  among  the  Zapotecs, 
and  destroyed  a  great  number  of  idols.  When  he 
died,  February  6,  1592,  in  Oajaca,  the  people  crowded 
his  cell  to  cut  locks  from  his  hair  and  pieces  from  his 
habit.^^ 

The  Augustinians  having  increased  their  numbers, 
and  made  much  progress  in  the  foundation  of  con- 
vents throughout  the  country,  under  the  rule  of  a 
vicar-general,  dependent  of  the  provincial  of  Castile, 
ifc  was  decided  to  create  a  separate  province  in  Mexico, 
subject  only  to  the  minister  general  of  the  order. 
The  division  was  effected  in  1543,  and  Father  Juan 
de  San  Roman  became  the  first  provincial. The 
term  of  office  was  fixed  at  three  years.    During  the 

^  The  following  authorities  have  been  consulted  on  Dominican  missionary 
work  in  Oajaca:  Bwgoa,  Geoq.  Descrip.,  Oaj.,  i.  84-6,  81-92,  104-8,  149-82, 
189-94;  ii.  202-50,  205-85,  300-11,  336^0,  387-8,  410-11;  Hist.  CInjapa, 
713-15;  Puga,  Cedulario,  186;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.,  238-46,  461-4, 
483-G,  504-16,  545-58,  625-50;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  89,  226;  Fer- 
nandez,, Hint.  Ecles.,  108-12;  Ddvila,  Continuacion,  MS.,  154,  285. 

He  went  to  Spain  in  the  same  year  with  the  provincials  of  the  other  two 
mendicant  orders  to  represent  at  court  the  affairs  of  the  country;  during  his 
absence  Father  Alonso  de  la  Veracruz  ruled  the  province  as  vicar-general 
nearly  two  years;  his  successors  were:  Juan  de  Estacio,  1545-8;  Alonso  de 
la  Veracruz,  1548-51;  Gerdnimo  de  Santi  Estevan,  1551-4;  Diego  de  Ver- 
tadillo,  1554-7;  Alonso  de  Veracruz,  reelected,  1557-60;  Augustin  de  la  Co- 
runa,  1560-3;  Diego  de  Vertadillo,  reelected,  1563-6;  Juan  de  Medina  Rincon, 
1566-9;  Juan  de  San  Roman,  reelected,  1569-72;  Juan  Adriano,  1572-5; 
Alonso  de  la  Veracruz,  2d  reelection,  1575-8;  Juan  de  San  Roman,  2(i 
reelection,  1578-81;  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  a  son  of  Captain  Luis  Marin,  one 
of  the  first  conquerors,  and  Maria  de  Mendoza,  of  the  house  of  the  marques 
de  Aguilar,  1581,  who  died  a  few  days  afterward;  Pedro  Suarez  de  Escobar, 
1581-4;  Pedro  de  Agurto,  1584-7;  Luis  Marin,  a  brother  of  the  late  Father 
Mendoza,  1587-90;  Juan  Adriano,  reelected,  1590-3;  Gerdnimo  Morante, 
159.3-6;  Juan  de  Alvarado,  a  cousin  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  1596-9;  Dionisio 
de  Zcirate,  1599-1602.  During  12  years  till  the  election  of  Adriano,  the 
provincials  chosen  were  natives  of  Mexico.  Father  Luis  Marin  tried  to 
check  that  partiality,  and  thus  do  away  with  all  spirit  of  jealousy.  Grijalua, 
Cr6n.  S.  Augustin,  185-213;  Mich.  Prov.  S.  Nicolas,  112. 


734 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


second  term  of  one  of  his  successors,  Alonso  de  la 
Veracruz,  strenuous  exertions  were  made  by  the  order 
to  secure  for  the  religious  orders  the  tithes  paid  by  the 
natives. 

The  discipline  prescribed  by  the  rules  becommg 
relaxed,  to  the  scandal  of  the  order,  Provincial  Medi- 
na Rincon,  a  man  of  much  equanimity  though  capable 
of  sternness  when  occasion  demanded  it,  summoned  to 
his  presence  in  Culhuacan  the  offending  members  and 
despatched  them  to  Spain.  They  attempted  remon- 
strance, and  even  bluster,  but  the  provincial  was 
firm.^^  So  large  was  the  number  thus  offending  that 
some  of  the  convents  had  to  be  abandoned  in  conse- 
quence, but  the  progress  of  the  order  was  not  retarded 
thereby,  and  good  discipline  was  restored.  At  this 
time  the  Philippines  were  under  the  province  of  Mex- 
ico, which  supplied  them  with  such  missionaries  as  it 
could  spare.  Under  Father  Adriano's  rule  the  in- 
creased number  of  friars  permitted  the  districts  to  be 
divided  for  more  thorough  administration.^* 

Father  Veracruz  brought  from  Spain  the  lignum 

^2  Through  the  eflforts  of  Veracruz  the  Indians  were  much  favored  in  the 
matter  of  tithes.  He  was  one  of  the  most  learned  as  well  as  pious  and  indus- 
trious men  the  religious  orders  had  in  Mexico.  After  the  expiration  of  his 
second  triennial  he  went  to  Spain  in  1562,  and  was  the  object  of  high  con- 
sideration at  court.  He  declined  the  mitre  of  Michoacan  as  well  as  the  office 
of  comisario  general  of  New  Spain,  Peru,  and  the  Philippines,  with  residence 
in  Madrid,  and  a  salary  from  the  royal  treasury  equivalent  to  that  of  the 
Franciscan  comisario.  While  in  Madrid  he  was  prior  of  the  convent  there 
and  visitador  of  New  Castile;  finally,  the  general  made  him  vicar-general  and 
visitador  of  New  Spain  and  the  Philippines.  After  a  sojourn  of  11  years  in 
Spain  he  returned  to  Mexico.  He  served  his  fourth  term  as  provincial,  and 
then  retired  to  the  convent  in  Mexico,  where  after  a  lingering  illness  he  died 
at  the  ripe  age  of  80.  His  remains  were  buried  in  the  chapel  of  the  San 
Pablo  College,  founded  by  him.  Mich.  Prov.  S.  Nicolas,  35-40;  Grijalua, 
Cr6n.  S.  Augustin,  145;  Salazar,  Mex  en  1554,  57-66. 

^2 '  Vayanse  con  honra,  si  no  quieren  q  los  embie  con  deshonra, '  he  sternly 
told  them.  The  priests  must  have  continued  in  their  misbehavior  in  Spain, 
for  the  provincial  of  Castile  wrote  to  Medina  Rincon  to  tell  him  beforehand 
something  about  their  character  when  such  friars  were  sent  back,  using  the 
quaint  expression,  'quando  embiase  Frayles  semejates  dixesse.  Agua  va.' 
Grijalua,  (Jr6n.  S.  Augustin,  123. 

Some  of  the  priories  retained  40  towns  in  their  charge,  others  60; 
and  these  at  first  had  been  ministered  to  with  great  difficulty.  Toward  the 
end  of  his  term  the  same  provincial  laid  before  the  chapter  an  order  of  the 
general  making  the  provincial's  term  four  years;  for  himself  he  declined  the 
extension,  and  discountenanced  the  innovation.  Grijalua,  Cr6n.  S.  Augustin, 
140. 


LA  MERCED. 


735 


crucis,^^  and  also  a  royal  grant  of  the  San  Pablo  build- 
ing to  his  order,  which  met  with  some  objection  on 
the  part  of  the  ordinary,  but  the  viceroy  favored  the 
friars.  They  were  then  assisted  by  friends,  and  the 
provincial  built  a  house  for  the  theological  college 
with  accommodations  for  about  twenty  religious. 
Thus  was  the  old  San  Pablo  building  brought  into 
use.  The  establishment  soon  became  one  of  the  most 
notable  in  Mexico;  a  fine  library  was  brought  from 
Spain  for  it  by  Veracruz.  Father  Pedro  de  Agurto 
was  the  first  rector.  The  order  did  not  confine  its 
eftbrts  to  the  archbishopric  of  Mexico.  It  had  con- 
vents in  Puebla,  Antequera,  Zacatecas,^^  and  Michoa- 
can,  which  was  one  of  its  great  fields.  The  convents 
in  the  last-named  bishopric  were  begun  in  1537.  The 
first  foundations  were  those  of  Tiripitio,  Ucareo,  and 
Jacona,  which  till  then  had  been  in  charge  of  the 
Franciscans.^^  There  was  for  a  time  some  opposition 
on  the  part  of  the  bishop,  till  1562,  when  the  crown 
stopped  it.  After  that  the  Augustinians  founded 
convents  in  many  places  within  that  diocese. Two 
deserve  special  notice;  that  of  Charo,  where  lived 
and  died  Father  Basalenque,  a  celebrated  writer  of 
the  following  century,  and  that  of  Tiripitio.  Father 
Veracruz,  of  grave,  austere  habits,  and  very  learned, 
obtained  from  Emperor  Charles  a  cedula  to  found  the 
university  of  Tiripitio,  which  he  superintended  from 
1540  to  1551,  when  he  was  prevailed  on  to  transfer  it 
to  Mexico. The  order  had  in  1596  seventy-six  mon- 

On  placing  it  in  the  convent's  church  the  archbishop  assisted,  a  high  mass 
was  celebrated,  and  the  bishop  of  Puebla  preached  the  sermon.  After  the 
ceremonies  were  concluded  the  archbishop  asked  for  a  piece  of  the  sacred 
wood  for  his  cathedral,  which  being  granted,  the  ceremonies  were  repeated. 
Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Edes. ,  i.  35-6. 

Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Edes.,  i.  226. 

The  Austin  friars  were  a  hard-working  body  and  very  successful  in  their 
labors  among  the  Tarascos.  Sin.  Mem. ,  MS. ,  1 ;  Midi.  Prov.  S.  Nicolas,  78,  etc. 

Previously  to  the  trouble  it  had  houses  in  Guachinango,  Charo,  Quitzeo, 
Guango,  Yuririaptindaro,  and  Valladolid,  Afterward  one  in  Cupandaro, 
Tzrosto,  Patzcuaro,  Chucandiro,  Tinganbato,  San  Felipe,  Undameo,  and  San 
Luis  Potosi.  In  1573  the  Franciscans  turned  over  to  the  order  the  convents 
at  Tonala  and  Ocotlan.  Midi.  Prov.  S.  Nicolas,  69  et  seq. ;  Beaumont,  Cr6n. 
Midi.,  470;  Morelia,  in.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii.  629,  633. 

^^The  order  had  other  men  of  distinction  in  Mexico,  aside  from  those 


736 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


asteries  in  New  Spain,  which  early  in  the  next  cen- 
tury was  divided  into  two  provinces. 

The  Mercenaries,  or  religiosos  of  the  order  of  our 
Lady  of  Mercy,  were  originally  brought  to  Mexico 
by  Hernan  Cortes,  but  finding  that  field  already  occu- 
pied they  proceeded  to  Guatemala,^^^  where  they  estab- 
lished a  province.  Some  of  their  members  went  to 
Mexico  in  1582  to  attend  the  university.  In  1589  a 
convent  was  founded  in  a  house  bought  by  the  order 
in  the  San  Lazaro  district  of  the  Mexican  capital. 
This  convent  was  erected  into  a  college  in  1593,  pur- 
suant to  a  decree  of  Viceroy  Velasco,  which  was  sub- 
sequently confirmed  by  Philip  II.  The  fathers  also 
obtained  permission  from  the  king  to  found  other 
convents  in  America, and  toward  the  end  of  the 
century  one  was  established  in  Oajaca,  At  one  time 
they  endeavored  to  obtain  a  footing  in  Yucatan,  but 
the  Franciscans  prevented  them.^^^ 

In  1580  was  brought  from  Catalonia  in  Spain  by 
two  rich  Spaniards,  Diego  Jimenez  and  Fernando 
Moreno,  an  image  of  the  virgin  of  Montserrat,  a  copy 

already  named  for  services  in  the  province.  Father  Gerdnimo  de  Santi  Es- 
tevan  was  one  of  the  missionaries  who  went  with  Lopez  de  Villalobos  to  the 
Philippines;  he  wandered  seven  years  without  attaining  his  object,  travelled 
around  the  world  as  many  more,  and  returned  to  Spain  by  way  of  the  East 
Indies.  An  humble  disciple  of  Christ,  he  was  always  ready  to  sacrifice  him- 
self in  the  cause  of  the  master.  He  died  at  the  age  of  77  after  passing  55 
years  in  spreading  the  gospel.  Andres  de  Mata,  Juan  de  la  Veracruz,  Juan 
Perez,  Gregorio  Rodriguez,  and  Pedro  Garcia.  Grijalva,  Cr6n.  S.  Augustin, 
134-5. 

A  party  of  28  Austin  friars  passed  through  Mexico  in  1580,  and  em- 
barked at  Acaj)ulco  for  the  Philippines.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles. ,  546. 

'^^^1  see,  however,  that  on  the  4th  of  August,  1533,  some  friars  of  the  order 
came  to  Mexico  to  found  a  monastery,  as  they  said,  for  the  spiritual  benefit 
of  the  Spaniards  and  Indian  conversion.  They  asked  the  ayuntamiento  for 
the  grant  of  a  site.  The  petition  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  one  alcalde 
and  some  regidores,  with  instruction  to  report.  Another  entry  of  the  book 
of  that  corporation  says  that  the  site  was  granted.  Mex.  Col.  Leyes  (1861), 
i.,  In  trod.,  xxxviii.-ix. 

^^'^  Vetancvrt,  in  Momim.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  36;  Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego, 
10;  Sac.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2a  ep.,  i.  729. 

^^"^The  comisario  and  definitorio  of  the  Franciscans,  on  the  1st  of  Feb. 
1547,  wrote  the  council  of  the  Indies  from  Merida,  and  among  other  things 
suggested  to  reform,  'una  drden  de  Mercenaries  que  por  aca  anda,  d  sean 
echados  de  la  tierra. '  It  seems  the  Mercenarios  did  not  take  root.  Extract. 
Sueltos,  in  Sqiuers  MSS.,  xxii.  101. 


A  FRIGHTENED  MONK. 


737 


of  the  one  in  that  country.  They  built  a  chapel  for 
it,  and  endowed  it  with  funds,  agreeing  to  bequeath 
their  estates  to  the  new  establishment. In  1582 
the  brotherhood  of  the  Descendimiento  y  Sepulcro  de 
Cristo  was  established  under  the  advocation  of  Saint 
Mao-dalen.^^^  In  1584  a  similar  orp'anization  was 
founded  under  the  title  of  the  Cofradi'a  del  Kosario. 
It  is  related  that  Friar  Tomis  del  Rosario  when  very 
ill  saw  Lucifer  coming  toward  him  with  a  terrific  and 
threatening  aspect.  The  frightened  monk  called  on 
the  virgin  to  protect  him.  She  forthwith  appeared 
and  taking  his  hand  in  hers,  said:  Arise,  recite  my 
rosary,  and  I  will  favor  thee."  The  devil  disappeared 
and  the  monk  was  cured,  and  from  that  moment 
began  to  exert  himself  to  establish  the  cofradia,  and 
succeeded  in  obtaining  many  brethren.  A  silver 
image  costing  over  five  thousand  pesos  was  made. 
Offerings  arrived  from  all  parts,  and  the  worship  of 
the  virgen  del  Rosario  increased  rapidly  after  1584. 
A  cofradia  was  soon  founded  in  Puebla,  and  another 
in  Oajaca.^^^ 

In  1588  there  were  seven  nunneries  and  one  school 
for  girls  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  all  under  the  ordinary. 
One  of  the  nunneries,  of  the  order  of  Saint  Jerome, 
was  used  as  a  place  of  detention  for  married  women 
undergoing  trial,  and  for  those  who  had  been  sentenced 
for  violation  of  their  marriage  vows.^^^ 

During  Bishop  Guerra's  pastorate  was  founded  in 
Valladolid,  Michoacan,  the  convent  of  Santa  Catalina 
de  Sena  of  Dominican  nuns.  A  convent  of  Capuchin 
nuns  existed  in  Oajaca  at  the  end  of  the  century,  and 
in  1589  a  convent  of  the  order  of  Santa  Clara  was 
founded  in  Merida,  Yucatan. 

A  brotherhood  was  organized,  and  the  pope  granted  it  the  same  rights 
enjoyed  by  the  one  in  Catalonia.  Iglesias  y  Conventos,  113-14. 
^"^Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fvnd.,  561. 
Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecks.,  99-100. 

The  convent  of  Jesus  Maria,  finished  in  1588,  was  built  for  the  poor 
descendants  of  the  conquerors  and  early  settlers.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro 
Ecles.,  i.  38;  SigiXenzay  Gdngora,  Parayso  Occid.,  5-11. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  II.  47 


CHAPTEE  XXXIII. 


FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 
1580-1589. 

SUAREZ  DE   MeNDOZA,   CoNDE   DE   LA  CORUNA — A  TOO  BENIGNANT  RULE— 

Golden  Times  for  the  Corrupt  Ofitcials — Suarez  well  out  of  It — 
Archbishop  Moya  y  Contreras  Made  Visitador  —  Then  Viceroy 
— A  Stern  Ruler — He  Makes  Money  for  his  Master — Hard  Times 
FOR  THE  Wicked  Officials — They  Beg  Deliverance  from  Moya — • 
And  Receive  It — Zuniga,  Marques  de  Villamanrique — A  Just  and 
Moderate  Rule — Pirates  on  the  West  Coast — Cavendish  Captures 
a  Galleon — A  Rare  Prize — California  Coast  Defences — Commerce 
on  the  Atlantic — Epidemic,  Earthquakes,  and  Social  Disruption — 
Villamanrique  Deposed  and  Humiliated. 


Lorenzo  Suarez  de  Mendoza,  conde  de  la  Coruna, 
received  an  enthusiastic  welcome  in  the  capital  on  the 
4th  of  October,  1580,  as  the  fifth  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  the  ceremonies  being  conducted  with  unusual 
pomp.  With  the  increase  of  the  Spanish  population, 
and  the  development  of  stock-raising  and  mining, 
wealth  and  luxury  had  assumed  magnificent  propor- 
tions, and  the  viceregal  dignity  swelled  accordingly. 
In  the  present  instance  the  high  station  and  rare 
personal  qualities  of  Suarez  had  something  to  do 
with  the  unusually  brilliant  reception.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  illustrious  family  of  the  first  viceroy, 
Antonio  de  Mendoza,  whose  memory  was  still  cher- 
ished ;  he  was  advanced  in  age,  enjoying  the  fame  of 
a  great  soldier  and  gallant  courtier,  and  with  a  dis- 
position more  affable,  frank,  and  generous  than  that 
of  any  of  his  predecessors.  Thus  he  at  once  captivated 
all  with  whom  he  came  in  contact. 

Naturally  from  his  rule  the  people  expected  the 

(738) 


DEATH  OF  SUAREZ. 


739 


best  results,  and  deemed  it  not  unreasonable  to  look 
forward  to  a  period  of  peaceful  progress  which  would 
still  further  develop  their  growing  prosperity.  But 
they  were  doomed  to  disappointment.  The  count  was 
a  man  too  good  for  the  place.  He  was  too  mild,  too 
lenient;  he  lacked  energy;  he  was  utterly  unable  to 
cope  with  the  corrupt  officials  who  as  a  rule  were  ever 
at  hand  to  disgrace  the  government  of  New  Spain. 
His  inability  in  this  and  other  respects  was  increased 
by  the  restrictions  which  had  been  placed  upon  vice- 
regal power  during  the  time  of  Velasco,  and  by  such 
royal  provisions  as  that  permitting  the  first  purchasers 
of  notarial  offices  to  sell  them  aofain  to  the  hiofhest 
bidder,  paying  one  third  of  the  purchase-money  into 
the  royal  treasury.^ 

Taking  advantage  of  the  viceroy's  weakness,  gov- 
ernment servants  became  more  bold;  public  funds 
were  misappropriated,  and  the  venality  of  the  judges 
was  without  precedent.  Viceroy  Enriquez  had  well 
known  the  country  and  the  people,  and  in  order  that 
his  successors  might  profit  by  his  experience,  the  king 
had  requested  him,  as  we  have  seen,  to  write  out  in- 
structions to  serve  as  a  guide  for  the  future  viceroys 
of  New  Spain.^  Under  the  present  circumstances 
these  were  of  little  value.  Suarez'  only  remedy  lay  at 
court;  and  in  a  secret  report  to  the  king  he  set  forth 
the  disadvantages  under  which  he  labored,  the  wicked- 
ness of  the  audiencia,  and  their  disregard  for  his 
authority.  He  requested  that  a  visitador  be  sent 
from  Spain,  clothed  with  sufficient  power  to  chastise 
the  malefactors. 

But  all  was  superfluous;  the  Great  Assuager  was 
at  hand  to  deliver  the  sadly  beset  count  from  all  his 
budding  troubles.  Bowed  by  the  weight  of  years,  and 
the  vexatious  duties  of  his  office,  he  died,  June  19, 
1582.    He  left  no  family  to  mourn  his  loss,  and  the 

^  This  permission  to  sell  the  qficlos  de  pliima  was  granted  by  the  king, 
November  13,  1581.  lieales  Cedulas,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdf-denas,  CoL  Doc, 
xvii.  368. 

Imtnicciones,  Vlreyes,  Nueva  Espaila,  242-50. 


740 


FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 


pompous  rites  of  the  official  funeral  were  hollow  in 
the  extreme,  with  more  than  usual  mockery.^  Had  a 
strong  man  been  present  to  take  his  place,  the  death 
of  Suarez  might  have  been  of  benefit  to  the  country. 
But  such  a  one  was  not  at  hand,  and  before  the 
funeral  ceremonies  were  over  the  audiencia  assumed 
gubernatorial  powers  under  the  presidency  of  Dr  Luis 
de  Villanueva.*  Their  evil  rule  was  of  short  duration, 
however.  Suarez'  private  report,  and  information  of 
the  doings  of  the  audiencia,  had  their  effect  upon  the 
king,  and  in  1583  the  archbishop  of  Mexico,  Pedro  de 
Moya  y  Contreras,  was  appointed  visitador. 

The  prelate  had  long  observed  the  arbitrary  pro- 
ceedings of  the  oidores,  and  his  austere  disposition 
and  rigid  principles  offered  little  hope  for  mercy.  His 
power  was  dreaded  the  more  because  he  might  wield 
it  in  secret  as  a  minister  of  the  holy  office,  the  first 
inquisitor  of  Mexico.  Moya  manifested  no  great  haste 
in  his  action  against  the  culprits,  but  proceeded  with 
prudence  to  gather  information  and  prepare  the  neces- 
sary proofs.  His  preparations  completed,  he  reported 
to  the  crown  and  asked  for  further  instructions.  He 
pointed  out  the  great  offenders,  and  recommended  to 
royal  favor  the  few  who  had  been  faithful.  The  king's 
reply  was  brief;  the  archbishop  was  appointed  viceroy 
with  plenary  power,  and  on  September  25,  1584,  he 
took  formal  charge  of  the  government  as  sixth  viceroy 
of  New  Spain,  thus  being  the  sole  incumbent  of  the 
three  most  powerful  positions  in  the  country,  namely, 
viceroy,  archbishop,  and  inquisitor. 

Seldom,  if  ever,  during  those  times  was  the  con- 
fidence of  the  monarch  more  judiciously  bestowed. 
His  elevation  was  hailed  with  joy  by  all  save  the 

^  In  Torquemada,  i.  648,  the  date  of  his  death  is  not  given,  while  Vetan- 
curt  and  others  erroneously  give  July  19,  1582. 

*  He  died  October  25,  1593.  The  subsequent  personnel  of  the  audiencia 
consisted  of  Pedro  Farfan,  Pedro  Sanchez  Paredes,  Francisco  de  Sande,  Fer- 
nando de  Robles,  and  Diego  Garcia  de  Palacio.  Alcalde  de  chancillerfa, 
Santiago  del  Riego;  fiscal,  Licenciado  Eugenio  de  Salazar;  secretary,  Sancho 
Lopez  de  Agurto.  Concilios  Prov.,  MS.,  i.  267;  iii.  69. 


ARCHBISHOP  MOYA. 


741 


audiencia  and  its  satellites/  Proceedings  now  were 
short  and  decisive.  Some  of  the  minor  delinquents 
were  fortunate  enough  to  escape  with  removal  from 
office;  others  were  heavily  fined  and  punished,  while 
several  of  the  chief  culprits  were  hanged.  Men  of 
proverbial  probity  were  then  appointed  to  fill  the 
vacancies,  and  thus  by  the  fearless  and  energetic  rule 
of  this  remarkable  man,  order  and  justice  soon  reigned. 
The  immediate  effect  of  this  procedure  against  the 
officials  was  that  in  1585  Moya  was  enabled  to  re- 
plenish the  royal  cofiers  by  shipping  to  Spain  three 
million  three  hundred  thousand  ducats  in  coined 
silver,  and  eleven  hundred  marks  of  gold  in  bars,  to- 
gether with  valuable  cargoes  of  the  products  of  the 
country. 

Feeling  his  great  responsibility,  his  zeal  was  inces- 
sant, no  less  in  temporal  than  in  spiritual  matters. 
At  the  solicitation  of  the  priest  Juan  de  la  Plaza,  he 
founded  a  seminary  intended  exclusively  for  Indians, 
in  which  they  were  instructed  in  the  elementary 
branches.  The  college  was  under  the  direction  of 
the  Jesuits,  and  soon  became  noted  for  the  wonderful 
progress  of  its  students.  In  his  other  efforts  to  benefit 
the  natives  he  was  only  partially  successful. 

The  government  of  the  archbishop  was  too  severe 
to  be  of  long  duration.  While  the  people  would  have 
looked  with  favor  on  the  prolongation  of  his  power, 
he  had  been  the  terror  of  certain  persons,  who  resorted 
to  intrigue  so  common  at  the  time  to  effect  his  re- 
moval. The  long  list  of  charges  preferred  against 
him,  however,  found  little  credence  in  Spain. ^ 

Scarcely  thirteen  months  after  Moya  took  charge 
of  the  government,  and  while  he  was  actively  engaged 

^  *  Hablaba,  y  obraLa,  como  Poderoso  en  todo,  y  todos  callaban,  y  suf rian 
como  rendidos,  y  alebestrados.'  Torquemada,  i.  649. 

®  Under  date  of  July  1,  1586,  a  series  of  181  charges  against  Moya  were 
forwarded  to  the  India  Council,  by  Cristobal  Martin  of  Mexico,  concerning 
'los  e9esos  e  otras  cosas  que  don  Pedro  Moya  de  Contreras. .  .hizo  e  cometid 
en  desserui9io  de  Dios  Nuestro  Senor  e  de  su  magestad,  e  mal  exemplo  y 
escandalo  de  la  republica,  assi  espanoles  como  naturales  della. '  Peralta,  Not. 
Hist.,  348-9.    In  this  document  he  is  accused  of  incapacity  to  govern,  the 


742 


FIFTH,  SDCTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 


in  his  many  duties,  his  successor  arrived.  After  con- 
tinuing his  visitatorial  functions  for  a  further  period, 
during  which  he  was  still  the  scourge  of  evil-doers,  he 
finally  returned  to  Spain,  and  was  appointed  president 
of  the  India  Council.  He  died  in  Madrid  toward  the 
end  of  December  1591.^ 

On  the  18th  of  October,  1585,^  the  seventh  viceroy 
of  New  Spain,  Alonso  Manrique  de  Zuniga,  marques 
de  Villamanrique,  and  brother  of  the  duque  de  Bejar, 
was  received  in  Mexico  with  the  customary  pomp, 
and  with  rejoicing  by  the  classes  that  were  glad  to  be 
rid  of  tlieir  late  tormentor.  He  brought  with  him  his 
wife  and  daughter,  his  brother-in-law,  and  a  large 
retinue  of  servants.  At  first  the  new  viceroy  was 
highly  esteemed,  much  on  account  of  the  amiable 
marchioness;  but  in  due  time  the  newness  of  the  man 
wore  off,  and  as  Torquemada  observes,  'Hhough  he 
was  wise,  sagacious,  and  prudent,  during  the  course 
of  his  subsequent  proceedings,  he  gave  not  the  satis- 
faction he  might." 

Dissensions  between  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
authorities  were  becoming  chronic  in  New  Spain,  so 
that  it  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  a  viceroy  and 
archbishop  could  encounter  without  coming  to  words. 
Hence  we  are  not  at  all  surprised  to  learn  that  at  a 
meeting  with  Moya,  at  Guadalupe,  a  discussion  arose 
concerning  political  and  ecclesiastical  affairs  which 
left  the  high  dignitaries  enemies  for  life.^    The  breach 

last  charge  we  should  expect  to  see  preferred;  of  being  a  bad  ecclesiastic, 
disobedient  to  royal  authority,  living  in  concubinage,  as  careless,  vicious,  dis- 
honest; of  being  addicted  to  cards,  proud,  vengeful,  inhuman,  and  of  possess- 
ing what  other  bad  or  criminal  qualities  might  be  attributed  to  the  worst  of 
men. 

^  The  time  of  death  is  variously  stated  as  having  occurred  in  January  and 
in  December  1591.  It  seems  that  the  deceased  had  been  so  poor  that  Philip 
was  obliged  to  pay  his  debts  and  funeral  expenses.  Further  information  of 
Moya  may  be  found  in  Sosa,  Espiscopado  3Iex.,  27-40;  Torquemada,  i.  649; 
Akfjre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  208-9;  Alaman,  JDisert.,  iii.  ap.  16;  Gonzalez 
Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  35-40. 

^  Concilios  Prov.,  MS.,  i.  271;  Mex.  Hieroghjphical  Hist,  126;  Vetancvrt, 
Trat.  Mex.,  10-11.  Some  of  the  modern  authors,  as  Lorenzana,  Alaman, 
Rivera,  and  others,  give  the  date  as  October  17th, 

^  One  of  the  principal  causes  of  their  lasting  enmity  was  that  the  viceroy 


ASIATIC  COMMERCE. 


743 


between  the  two  great  bodies  widened  still  more  when 
in  the  early  part  of  the  following  year  the  viceroy 
for  the  second  time  notified  the  three  orders,  Fran- 
ciscans, Dominicans,  and  Augustinians,  to  comply 
with  the  commands  of  the  king  concerning  the  admin- 
istration of  the  Catholic  faith  in  New  Spain,  previously 
given  by  Viceroy  Enriquez.  The  provincials,  evading, 
replied  as  before,  and  the  viceroy  insisting,  they  ap- 
j)ealed  to  the  king. 

It  would  seem  to  us  from  the  present  point  of  view 
that  the  reappearance  of  pirates  in  American  waters 
would  prove  a  pleasing  divertisement  from  official  bick- 
ering at  the  capital.  However  that  may  be,  the  vice- 
roy was  greatly  alarmed  when  he  heard  that  Francis 
Drake  had  taken  Santo  Domingo,  and  threatened 
Habana.  Messengers  were  sent  along  the  coast  from 
Panuco  and  Yucatan,  and  into  Guatemala  and  Hon- 
duras,  ordering  coast  defences  to  be  made  ready  all 
along  the  border  to  Nombre  de  Dios.  Diego  de  Ye- 
lasco,  brother-in-law  of  Yillamanrique,  was  appointed 
commander  of  the  fortress  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  and 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  sent  to  defend  Habana. 
The  flurry,  however,  passed  away,  and  news  that  the 
royal  fleet  was  approaching  made  the  Spaniards  breathe 
freely  again. 

Since  the  founding  of  Manila  in  1564,  by  Miguel 
Gomez  de  Legazpi,  a  profitable  trade  had  sprung  up 
with  New  Spain.  It  was  natural,  therefore,  that 
when  fears  for  the  shipping  on  the  Atlantic  became 
somewhat  abated,  the  people  should  begin  to  tremble 
for  the  safety  of  their  richly  laden  galleons  plying 
between  the  Philippine  Islands  and  Acapulco.  Of 
the  early  voyages  to  the  Philippine  Islands  little  is 
known ;  but  by  chance  a  record  has  been  preserved  of 
one  made  a  few  years  after  the  departure  of  Francis 

favored  the  oidores,  who  were  subject  to  investigation  by  the  archbishop  as 
visitador.  See  Ponce,  Bel.,  in  Col.  JJoc.  Ined.,  Ivii.  182. 

^"See  the  report  of  the  viceroy  to  Philip  II.,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  353-7,  703. 


744  FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 


Drake  from  the  Pacific.  Francisco  de  Gali/^  having 
sailed  from  Acapulco  in  March  1582,  left  Macao  on 
his  return  July  24,  1584.  Taking  the  usual  northern 
route,  he  .sighted  the  American  coast  in  latitude  37° 
30^  and  without  anchoring  followed  it  to  Acapulco. 
Subsequently  the  islands  were  governed  by  an  audi- 
encia,  but,  the  commercial  intercourse  with  New  Spain 
increasing,  it  was  thought  expedient  to  make  the  gov- 
ernment and  judiciary  of  the  Philippines  dependent 
on  the  viceroy  and  audiencia  of  Mexico.^^  The  voyage 
from  Acapulco  to  the  Philippines  and  return  generally 
occupied  thirteen  or  fourteen  months,  and  usually  one 
vessel  was  despatched  every  year.^* 

With  regard  to  the  pirates,  it  proved  as  the  people 
of  Mexico  had  feared.  They  were  indeed  again  in  the 
waters  of  the  Pacific.  The  country  was  aroused,  and 
an  armed  force  was  at  once  hurried  to  Acapulco,  under 
Dr  Palacio.  Arrived  at  the  port,  it  was  found  that 
the  pirates  had  not  touched  there,  but  had  been  in 
that  vicinity. It  appears  that  Thomas  Cavendish, 

Also  written  Oualle,  or  Galle. 

The  original  Spanish  diary  not  being  extant,  our  only  knowledge  of  the 
voyage  comes  from  a  Dutch  translation  published  in  Linsdioten,  Reys  Ghe- 
schrift,  of  which  the  first  edition  appeared  in  1596. 

^''This  change  was  effected  about  the  year  1590  by  Velasco,  successor  to 
Villamanrique,  when  Gomez  Perez  das  Marinas  was  appointed  governor  of  the 
Philippines.  Agreeable  to  a  special  royal  commission  Velasco  appointed  Her- 
rero  del  Corral  visitador  to  take  the  residencia  of  the  oidores,  and  organize 
the  government  of  the  islands.  The  change  does  not  seem  to  have  worked 
to  advantage,  however,  as  we  are  told  that  there  were  continual  dissensions 
between  Governor  Marinas  and  the  clergy,  and  some  difficulties  with  the 
emperor  of  Japan.  Torquemada,  i.  654-6;  669-70.  A  royal  decree  of  Jan- 
uary 11,  1593,  provided  that  thereafter  New  Spain  should  be  the  only  pos- 
session in  Spanish  America  allowed  to  send  vessels  to  the  Philippine  Islands  for 
trade,  and  merchandise  was  not  to  be  brought  from  there  to  any  other  part  of 
America  under  penalty  of  forfeiture.  Beales  Cidulas,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  xyii.  420-1. 

The  climate  of  the  islands  proved  so  fatal  to  the  Spaniards,  that  of  the 
14,000  who  had  gone  there  during  the  previous  20  years,  13,000  had  died. 
Vizcaino,  in  Hahlvyfs  Voy.,  iii.  560. 

It  was  believed  at  the  time,  and  some  of  the  old  authorities,  as  Torque- 
mada, Cavo,  and  others,  followed  by  a  host  of  modern  authors,  state  positively, 
that  this  raid  in  1587,  during  which  the  Spanish  galleon  Santa  Ana  was  cap- 
tured, was  made  by  Francis  Drake,  who,  as  is  well  known,  in  that  year 
scoured  the  coasts  of  Spain.  Of  these  modern  authors  I  will  only  mention 
Zamacois,  who  gives  a  detailed  account  of  the  affair,  and  says  the  pirate  was 
'  TTrancisco  Drak. '  Previously  he  makes  a  short  and  vague  mention  that  one 
'  T  omas  Cawendisk '  took  a  ship  coming  from  Manila  in  1586.  See  his  Hist. 
Mej.,  V.  190-2. 


PIRATES  IN  THE  PACIFIC. 


745 


or  Candisli,  as  it  is  sometimes  written,  in  a  voyage 
of  circumnavigation  and  for  plunder,  had  sailed  from 
Plymouth  on  July  21,  1586,  with  one  hundred  and 
twenty-three  men,  on  the  Desire,  Content,  and  Hugh 
Gallant,  of  one  hundred  and  twenty,  sixty,  and  forty 
tons  respectively/^ 

The  fleet  had  entered  the  Pacific  on  February  24, 
1587,  and  from  March  to  June  had  ravaged  the  coast 
of  South  America,  taking  several  prizes  with  a  mod- 
erate booty,  and  retaining  such  prisoners  as  might  in 
the  commander's  opinion  be  of  use  later.  Yet  he 
found  the  Spaniards  less  unprotected  than  had  Drake ; 
for  he  deemed  it  wise  to  pass  by  several  towns  with 
out  landing  to  attack,  and  on  each  of  two  occasions  he 
lost  twelve  men  in  battle. 

On  the  1st  of  July  Cavendish  approached  the  coast 
of  North  America,^''  and  on  the  9th  captured  and 
burned  a  new  vessel  without  cargo  from  Guatemala. 
From  a  prisoner,  the  pilot,  Michael  Sancius,  he  learned 
that  a  large  galleon  was  expected  at  an  early  date 
from  the  Philippines.  Soon  another  vessel  was  taken, 
supposed  to  have  been  sent  to  warn  the  galleon.  On 
July  26th  Cavendish  anchored  in  the  river  Copolita, 
several  leagues  from  Huatulco,  and  during  the  night 
sent  his  pinnace  with  thirty  men  to  the  town,  which 

^^The  standard  authority  for  Cavendish's  voyage  is  The  admirable  and  pros- 
perous Voyage  of  the  Worsldpfidl  Master  Thomas  Candisli  of  Trimly  in  the 
Countie  of  Suffolke  Esqidre. .  .by  Master  Francis  Pretty. .  .a  Gentleman  employed 
rn  the  same  action,  in  Haklvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  803-25.  In  the  same  collection, 
825-3G,  are  Certain  rare  and  special  notes  concerning  the  heights,  soundings^ 
etc.,  by  Thomas  Fuller  of  the  Desire.  A  brief  account  was  also  published 
in  the  first  edition  of  HaUvyt,  in  1589,  809-13.  Navarrete,  Sutil  y  Mex., 
Viage  Introd.,  liv.-v.,  saw  two  original  documents  on  the  subject — a  state- 
ment of  Captain  Alzola  of  the  Santa  Ana,  made  on  his  arrival  at  Aca- 
pulco,  and  a  declaration  by  Antonio  de  Sierra,  one  of  the  passengers,  made 
before  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara  January  24,  1588.  Torquemada,  i.  699, 
gives  the  only  account  extant  of  the  return  of  the  Santa  Ana  to  Acapulco. 
The  above  mentioned  are  the  only  sources  of  original  information  on  the  expe- 
dition, or  at  least  on  that  part  of  it  concerning  our  territory.  The  follow- 
ing secondary  authorities  are  before  me:  Voyages,  Hist.  Acct.,  i.  162-237; 
Voyages,  New  Col.,  i.  43-62;  Kerrs  Voy.,  x.  66-93;  La  Harpe,  Abrege,  xv. 
22-5;  Burneys  Discov.  South  Sea,  ii.  85-9;  Taylor,  m.  Browne's  L.  Cat,  20-1; 
Gotffriedt,  N.  Welt,  367-8;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  214;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  99— 
a  list  which  might  be  easily  augmented. 

The  Hugh  Gallant  had  been  exchanged  for  a  prize,  the  George,  which 
was  also  soon  abandoned. 


746  FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 


they  burned,  after  capturing  a  oark  from  Sonsonate, 
laden  with  cacao  and  indigo. On  the  29th  Caven- 
dish anchored  off  Huatulco  and  landed  in  person.  A 
raid  of  several  miles  into  the  interior  also  proved  profit- 
able to  the  pirate,  and  on  August  2d  he  set  sail,  hold- 
ing his  course  northward  along  the  coast. 

But  the  prudent  filibuster  was  satisfied  to  attack 
the  less  defended  places  on  the  coast,  and  would  not 
trust  himself  into  the  harbor  of  Acapulco,  having  been 
informed  by  Michael  Sancius  that  this  was  the  ren- 
dezvous of  the  Philippine  fleet.  Though  not  difficult 
to  clear  the  narrow  entrance  to  the  harbor,  it  might 
be  a  more  serious  matter  to  retreat  in  case  of  a  failure 
to  take  the  town.  It  therefore  appeared  to  Master 
Cavendish  much  like  a  dangerous  rat-trap,  which  he 
wisely  concluded  to  evade. 

The  next  field  of  his  depredations  was  Navidad, 
near  the  present  Manzanillo,  where  he  landed  August 
24th,  and  captured  a  mulatto  who  had  been  sent 
along  the  coast  with  letters  to  give  the  alarm.  The 
town  and  two  large  ships  on  the  stocks  were  burned. 
From  August  26th  to  September  2d  Cavendish  was 
in  the  port  of  Santiago,  obtaining  water  from  the 
river ;  and  on  the  next  day,  from  a  port  called  Malaca, 
a  little  farther  west,  the  pirates  went  two  leagues  in- 
land, and  ^defaced'  the  Indian  village  of  Acatlan.  A 
similar  raid  was  made  at  Chacala,^^  where  a  party  of 
men  were  held  until  ransomed  by  their  wives  with 
plantains  and  other  fruits,  one  carpenter  and  a  *Por- 

18  <  WTgg  landed  there,  and  burnt  their  towne,  with  the  church  and  custome- 
house,  which  was  very  faire  and  large :  in  which  house  were  600  bags  of  anile 
to  dye  cloth;  euery  bag  whereof  was  worth  40  crownes,  and  400  bags  of  cacaos; 
every  bag  whereof  is  worth  ten  crownes.'  Speaking  of  the  cacao  the  report 
of  Master  Pretty  here  continues:  'They  are  very  like  unto  an  almond,  but 
are  nothing  so  pleasant  in  taste;  they  eate  them,  and  make  drinke  of  them.* 
HaTclvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  814. 

Here  we  have  the  reason  why  Palacio  failed  to  find  him  in  or  about  the 
port  of  Acapulco.  Master  Pretty  at  this  stage  of  his  narrative  remarks:  '  Here 
wee  ouershipped  the  hauen  of  Acapulco,  from  whence  the  shippes  are  set 
foorth  for  the  Philipinas.'  Haklvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  815. 

2"  Described  as  18  leagues  from  Cape  Corrientes.  Burney,  Discov.  South 
Sea,  ii.  86,  without  specifying  any  other  than  the  Hakluyt  account,  calls  it 
the  '  Bay  of  Compostella,  probably  San  ^las, '  as  it  very  likely  was. 


ADVENTURES  OF  CAVENDISH. 


747 


tusfal'  beinfi::  carried  awav.  From  the  12th  to  the 
17th  of  September  the  Englishmen  laid  in  a  store  of 
fowl  and  seal  meat  on  the  little  island  of  San  Andres, 
arriving  on  the  24th  at  Mazatlan.^^ 

Having  obtained  ''good  fruites,  though  not  without 
danger,"  they  repaired  the  vessels  on  the  small  island 
just  north  of  Mazatlan.  Here,  digging  in  the  sand, 
they  obtained  water  "by  the  assistance  of  God  in  that 
our  great  neede  .  .  .  otherwise  wee  had  gon  backe  20 
or  30  leagues  to  water;  which  might  have  bene  occa- 
sion that  we  might  haue  missed  our  prey  wee  had 
long  wayted  for."  Poor  indeed  must  he  be  who  has 
not  a  god  according  to  his  purposes !  Here  the  oper- 
ations of  Cavendish  were  watched  by  a  party  of  Span- 
ish horsemen  from  the  main,  who  were  supposed  to 
have  come  from  Chametla,  some  eleven  leagues  dis- 
tant. On  the  9th  of  October  the  fleet  left  the  island 
and  bore  across  to  San  Liicas,  arriving  on  the  14th, 
and  watering  at  a  river  which  flowed  into  the  Aguada 
Segura,  since  known  as  the  bay  of  San  Bernabe,  or 
Puerto  del  Cabo.  It  was  time  the  galleon  should  be 
coming;  ah,  what  a  rare  robbery  it  would  be! 

The  vessel  lay  ofl*  and  on  till  the  4th  of  November, 
when  early  in  the  morning  the  cry,  A  sail !  was  heard 
from  the  mast-head.  It  was  indeed  the  galleon,  the 
Santa  Ana  of  seven  hundred  tons,  captain  Tomas  cle 
Alzola,^^  from  the  Philippines  bound  for  Acapulco,  and 
having  on  board  122,000  pesos  in  gold,  besides  a  rich 
cargo  of  silks  and  other  Asiatic  goods.  0  rare  and 
righteous  luck !  Let  now  both  sides  pray,  and  God 
defend  the  right ! 

The  stupid  Spaniard  seems  never  to  have  suspected 
anything  wrong,  for  he  came  lazily  along  through  the 
tranquil  waters,  thankful  that  the  long  voyage  was  at 
last  over;  thankful  for  the  rich  results,  that  would  glad- 

21  This  is  perhaps  the  earliest  mention  of  this  name,  which  is  still  retained. 

22  Pretty  says,  Tomas  de  Ersola  was  a  pilot  and  was  taken  by  Cavendish 
to  the  Ladrones;  but  Navarrete  consulted  Alzola's  declaration  in  the  aflfair 
and  can  hardly  be  in  error.  He  gives  the  name  of  the  pilot  as  Sebastian 
liodriguez. 


748  FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 


den  the  hearts  of  a  hundred  thousand  men  and  women, 
old  and  young.  The  Desire  stood  out  under  all  sail 
as  if  to  give  the  old  ocean-battered  bark  a  friendly 
greeting ;  and  the  Spaniard  seems  not  to  have  realized 
the  situation  until  awakened  to  it  by  a  broadside 
from  the  pirate,  which  was  now  at  close  range.  In- 
stantly all  was  activity  on  board  the  Santa  Ana  as 
the  surprised  Spaniards  prepared  for  action,  keeping 
down  behind  the  bulwarks  out  of  si^ht.  After  a 
few  volleys  of  small  shot  the  Britons  somewhat  too 
hastily  attempted  to  board.  The  Spaniards  sprang 
forward,  armed  ''with  lances,  iauelings,  rapiers,  and 
targets,  and  an  innumerable  sort  of  great  stones,  which 
they  threw  overboord  upon  our  heads  and  into  our 
ship  so  fast,  and  being  so  many  of  them,  that  they  put 
vs  off  the  shippe  againe,  with  the  losse  of  2  of  our  men 
which  were  slaine,  and  with  the  hurting  of  4  or  5." 

A  prolonged  shout  from  the  Spaniards  followed  the 
receding  foe,  but  the  heavy  guns  were  again  brought 
into  play,  and  a  murderous  broadside  was  once  more 
thrown  into  the  galleon.  Though  the  damage  in- 
flicted on  the  Spaniards  was  great,  "their  Captaine 
still  like  a  valiant  man  with  his  company  stood  very 
stoutly  vnto  his  close  fights,  not  yeelding  as  yet." 
But  couraofe  and  endurance  were  of  no  avail:  the 
Santa  Ana  was  doomed. 

After  a  fight  of  five  or  six  hours,  when  twelve  of 
his  mcQ  had  been  killed  and  the  Santa  Ana  was  in 
imminent  danger  of  sinking,  the  Spaniard  struck  his 
flag,  and  lowering  boats  at  the  command  of  Cavendish, 
he  went  on  board  the  Desire  to  surrender  and  sue  for 
mercy.  Cavendish  turned  his  benignant  face  to  the 
Spanish  captain  and  ''most  graciously  pardoned  both 
him  and  the  rest  vpon  promise  of  their  true  dealing 
with  him,"  and  "of  his  great  mercy  and  humanitie, 
promised  their  lives  and  good  vsage." 

On  the  6th  the  prize  was  towed  into  Aguada  Se- 
gura,^^  the  work  of  transferring  the  cargo  began,  and 

Salmeron,  Hel,  16,  says  it  was  Magdalena  Bay. 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  GALLEON, 


749 


the  Spaniards  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and 
nmety  were  put  on  shore,  all  of  them  save  a  few  who, 
it  was  thought,  might  be  useful  as  interpreters  or 
pilots  at  the  Islands.  When  the  Englismen  proceeded 
to  divide  their  booty,  difficulties,  as  usual,  arose  with 
threats  of  mutiny ;  especially  from  the  men  of  the  Con- 
tent, wdiich  vessel  had  done  but  little  during  the  fight, 
though  finally,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  fright- 
ened prisoners,  all  was  in  due  time  amicably  arranged. 
On  the  17th  the  anniversary  of  the  queen's  corona- 
tion was  celebrated  on  board  the  pirate  with  salutes, 
fireworks,  and  general  rejoicing,  and  on  the  19th  they 
*'set  sayle  ioy fully  homewardes  towardes  England. ' 
The  Content  was  left  in  the  roads  and  was  never  heard 
of  again;  but  the  Desire  completed  the  circumnavi- 
gation of  the  earth  and  anchored  in  Plymouth  harbor 
September  9,  1588. 

Cavendish  prided  himself  on  being  a  most  humane 
and  Christian  pirate ;  he  would  not  kill  the  people  of 
the  Santa  Ana  for  the  mere  pleasure  of  it.  He  did 
not  ravish  the  women,  or  throw  overboard  the  children. 
After  taking  what  he  wanted  out  of  the  galleon,  leaving 
still  some  five  hundred  tons  of  valuable  cargo,  and  after 
setting  fire  to  the  vessel,  he  w^as  not  particular  to  see 
that  every  plank  was  burned  before  he  left  it.  There 
was  nothing  mean  about  Cavendish;  though  it  does 
not  appear  why  he  did  not  leave  the  ship  to  the  Span- 
iards so  that  in  it  they  might  bring  him  more  gold  to 
capture.  Another  mark  of  Cavendish's  humanity  and 
fine  gentlemanly  feeling:  before  burning  the  Santa 
Ana  he  permitted  the  Spaniards  to  take  away  the 
sails  with  which  to  make  themselves  tents  on  the 
beach,  and  also  some  planks  out  of  which  they  might 
build  some  boats  to  take  them  to  Acapulco,  so  that 
they  were  quite  comfortable.  They  were  put  ashore 
on  the  lower  end  of  the  peninsula,  if  we  may  believe 
the  gentle  highwayman,  in  a  place  where  they  had 
a  fayre  river  of  fresh  water,  with  great  store  of  fresh 
fish,  foule,  and  wood,  and  also  many  hares  and  conies 


750 


FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 


vpon  the  maine  land;  "and  Cavandish  left  them  ''great 
store  of  victuals,  of  garuansos,  peason,  and  some  wine." 
And  when  the  filibuster  took  leave  of  the  captain,  he 
*'gaue  him  a  royall  reward,"  which  consisted  "both  of 
swords,  targets,  pieces,  shot,  and  powder,"  and  a  piece 
of  ordnance. 

But  better  fortune  was  in  store  for  them  than  even 
Cavendish  had  intended.  The  galleon  had  been  fired 
when  at  anchor  a  short  distance  from  the  land.  When 
her  cables  burned  off  she  drifted  to  the  shore,  and 
ballast  being  thrown  out,  the  hulk  was  found  in  a 
condition  capable  of  being  repaired,  as  we  are  informed 
by  Torquemada,  so  as  to  carry  the  whole  party  to 
Acapulco. 

When  they  entered  the  port  and  their  sorrowful  tale 
reached  the  ear  of  the  viceroy,  Palacio  was  again 
despatched  to  capture  the  pirate,  but  without  success. 
For  so  serious  a  loss  somebody  must  be  to  blame,  and 
there  were  many  who  accused  the  viceroy  of  not 
having  taken  sufficient  precautions  to  prevent  the 
calamity. 

It  was,  indeed,  necessary  that  steps  should  be  taken 
to  render  safer  the  Asiatic  commerce,  for  under  the 
existing  state  of  things  the  reward  was  too  tempting 
to  escape  notice.  If  such  wealth  could  be  so  easily 
secured  by  a  handful  of  sea-robbers,  then  it  were  bet- 
ter for  all  the  world  to  turn  thieves.  It  was  along 
the  California,  coast,  where  robbers  lay  in  wait,  that 
there  was  the  greatest  danger ;  and  as  the  galleons  were 
obliged  to  go  northward  to  catch  the  trade-winds  in 
crossing  the  ocean,  a  more  northern  port,  somewhere 
on  the  California  coast,  was  first  of  all  desirable,  which 
might  serve  as  a  station  for  armed  vessels  to  watch  for 
and  escort  the  galleons  to  Acapulco. 

To  this  end,  in  1595,  the  San  Agustin  was  de- 
spatched from  the  Philippines  by  Governor  Gomez 
Perez  das  Marinas,  at  the  order  of  Viceroy  Velasco, 
the  son,  under  the  pilot  Sebastian  Kodriguez  Cer- 


ATLANTIC  FLEETS. 


751 


menon,  for  the  express  purpose  of  exploring  the  coast. 
All  that  is  known  of  the  result  is  that  the  San 
Agustin  ran  ashore  behind  the  point  a  little  later  called 
Reyes,  in  the  bay  now  bearing  the  name  of  Drake, 
or  Jack  Harbor,  but  then  named  San  Francisco,  prob- 
ably from  the  day  of  arrival.^* 

But  the  matter  was  not  allowed  to  drop.  The 
same  viceroy  entered  into  a  contract  with  Sebastian 
Vizcaino  to  explore  anew  and  occupy  for  Spain  the 
Islas  Californias.  Velasco's  successor,  the  count  of 
Monterey,  ratified  the  contract  and  despatched  the 
expedition  in  1597.^^ 

Though  Vizcaino  sailed  from  Acapulco  with  three 
vessels  and  a  large  force,  the  expedition  again  proved 
a  failure,  and  those  of  the  discomfited  Spaniards  who 
were  fortunate  enough  to  escape  with  their  lives  sub- 
sequently returned  to  Acapulco. 

Meanwhile  on  the  Atlantic,  where  the  necessity  for 
the  protection  of  commerce  from  the  pirates  was 
greater  than  on  the  Pacific,  more  efiScient  measures 
were  introduced.  Commercial  intercourse  with  the 
mother  country  must  at  all  hazards  be  preserved. 
Hence  navios  de  registro  were  formed  into  fleets,  and 
periodically  despatched  from  Spain  to  Vera  Cruz, 
convoyed  by  war-vessels,  the  first  coming  in  1581.^^ 

2*  The  further  fate  of  the  vessel  and  crew  is  left  to  conjecture;  but  the 
pilot  Francisco  de  Bolanos  lived  to  visit  the  bay  again  in  1603  with  Vizcaino, 
and  from  him  apparently  comes  all  that  is  known  of  the  voyage.  Torquejnada, 
i.  717-18;  Ascemion,  Rel.  Breve,  558;  Cabrera  Bueno,  Nav.  Especvl.,  passim; 
Salrneron,  Rel,  20;  Niel,  Apunt.,  74;  Sutil  y  Mex.,  Viage,  Ivi.-vii.  The 
question  is  fully  discussed  in  Hist.  North  Mex.  States  and  Hist.  CaL,  this 
series. 

Torquemada,  followed  apparently  by  all  other  writers,  states  that  in 
1596  the  king  ordered  Viceroy  Monterey  to  send  Vizcaino  to  California,  and 
that  the  expedition  was  made  the  same  year';  but  there  is  a  royal  cedula  of 
August  2,  1628,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2d  series,  iii.  442-3,  in  which  the  facts 
are  stated  as  I  have  given  them,  Monterey  ordering  Vizcaino  to  fulfil  his 
contract,  *  no  embargante  que  en  la  sustancia  y  capacidad  de  su  persona,  hallo 
algunos  inconvenientes. '  Greenhow,  Or.  and  CaL,  89-91,  tells  us  without 
any  known  authority  that  Vizcaino  had  been  on  the  Santa  Ana,  that  was 
captured  by  Cavendish. 

^•^  For  the  interesting  details  of  this  expedition  and  the  adventures  of  the 
Spaniards  in  California,  see  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  i.,  and  Hist.  Northwest 
Coast,  this  series. 

In  1582  new  laws  and  regulations  were  promulgated  concerning  these 


752  FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 


Eleven  of  sucli  fleets  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  durino*  the 
last  twenty  years  of  the  century,  carrying  back  to 
Spain  the  accumulated  treasures  of  the  New  World. 
The  expense  of  equipping  and  maintaining  such  a  large 
number  of  vessels  was  sometimes  so  great  that  all  the 
treasure  carried  would  not  pay  expenses.  Occasionally 
it  would  happen  as  with  an  armada  despatched  from 
Seville  in  1593,  having  a  capacity  of  9,500  tons,  with 
3,500  men.  It  was  commanded  by  Francisco  Caioma, 
but  never  reached  its  destination,  being  obliged  to 
convoy  back  the  fleet  of  Alvaro  Flores  from  New 
Spain,  with  which  it  had  fallen  in  on  the  high  sea.^^ 

The  unloading  of  ships  at  Vera  Cruz  was  tedious, 
expensive,  and  generally  attended  with  the  loss  of 
many  lives  from  disease.  The  time  usually  occupied 
for  discharging  was  four  months,  and  nine  or  ten 
months  elapsed  before  the  ships  were  again  despatched. 
For  this  reason  many  vessels  were  damaged  or  lost; 
freights  were  excessive,  and  passage  rates  high.^^ 
Ships  for  Europe  at  this  time  sailed  from  San  Juan 
de  Ulua  for  Habana,  which  occupied  some  twenty 

fleets,  their  outfit,  and  the  manner  in  which  the  sailors  and  even  passengers 
were  obliged  to  go  armed.  Ordenanzas,  Casa  de  Contratadon,  60. 

'^^  This  subject  will  be  more  fully  considered  in  my  next  volume  on  New 
Spain.  See  also  Ternaux-Corn'pans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  tom.  x.  455;  Ari'dniz,  Hist, 
y  Cron.,  327-8;  Alaman,  Desert.,  iii.  app.  20. 

'•^^The  cost  of  Caloma's  subsequent  expedition,  in  1594,  exceeded  800,000 
ducats,  which  was  much  in  excess  of  the  ultimate  amount  realized.  Vazquez, 
Afunt.,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  lii.  535-6.  In  the  same  year  Prince  Juan  Andrea 
Doria,  in  a  letter  to  the  king,  accused  the  India  Council  of  incompetence  in 
this  matter,  and  recommended  that  treasure  should  be  conveyed  to  Spain  in 
faster  vessels  than  those  of  the  English.  He  thought  the  transportation  too 
dangerous  in  'galeones  de  armada,'  however  well  they  might  be  equipped;  if 
they  engaged  in  combat,  success  was  doubtful,  and,  even  if  favorable,  there 
was  no  certainty  that  while  fighting  one  or  the  other  of  the  treasure-ships 
might  not  go  down.  Doria,  Carta  al  Rey.,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  ii.  171-2.  In 
1591  a  large  fleet  on  its  way  to  New  Spain  was  destroyed  by  the  enemy,  and 
another  at  Cadiz,  when  about  to  sail.  Vazquez,  Apunt.,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  lii. 
537-65.  The  losses  at  sea  were  severe  and  continued,  in  addition  to  which, 
as  the  king  said,  '  hauiendome  encargado  (sin  poderlo  escusar)  dela  defensa 
de  toda  la  christiandad  demas  dela  demis  Reynos. '  This,  among  other  origi- 
nal cedulas,  signed  Yo  El  Bey  by  Philip  II.,  with  royal  seal  attached  and 
countersigned  by  the  secretary  Joan  de  Ybarra,  may  be  found  in  drdenes  de 
la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  132. 

Goods  were  kept  a  long  time  in  launches  and  barges;  large  quantities 
were  stolen  or  smuggled,  and  the  crown  lost  much  of  its  dues.  Mansillaf 
Carta  al  Hey,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  156-8. 


SOME  MAY  NOT  MARRY. 


753 


five  days.  There  they  took  in  supphes,  waiting  about 
fifteen  days  for  the  fleet  from  Nombre  de  Dios,  which 
brought  the  treasures  from  Peru;  thence  passing 
through  the  Bahama  Channel,  off  Cape  Canaveral, 
they  sailed  away  from  Spain.^^  Of  course  there  were 
shipwrecks,  one  of  the  most  notable  of  early  times 
being  the  loss  of  the  admiral's  ship,  coming  with 
an  anxiously  expected  fleet  from  Spain,  which  was 
dashed  to  pieces  on  the  reefs  at  the  mouth  of  Vera 
Cruz  Harbor,  during  a  norther  early  in  1588.  Over 
one  hundred  and  eighty  persons  perished  in  sight  of 
the  town,  for  lack  of  boats  on  shore  to  deliver  them.^"^ 
A  consulate  or  commercial  tribunal  was  originated 
in  the  city  of  Mexico  in  1581,  under  whose  protection 
the  growing  commerce  of  the  country  might  be  regu- 
lated. The  merchants  hailed  this  institution  with 
satisfaction,  for  Mexico  was  now  the  commercial 
centre  for  traders  from  Asia,  America,  and  Europe, 
and  the  harbors  of  Vera  Cruz  and  Acapulco  had 
become  famous  in  the  trafficking  world.'''^ 

But  what  were  shipwrecks,  and  the  depredationB 
of  filibusters,  and  the  loss  of  galleons,  with  the  conse- 
quent curses  of  the  men,  and  the  low  long-drawn  com- 
plaints of  women — what  to  the  unhappy  representa- 
tive of  royalty  were  such  troubles  compared  with  those 
attending  the  regulations  of  the  social  spheres?  "By 
thee,  O  king!  we  live  and  move  and  have  our  being," 
the  maids  and  matrons  of  New  Spain  might  say. 
'^Thou  givest  us  better  than  corn  and  wine — hus- 
bands great  or  small  according  to  thy  good  pleasure; 
ai?d  frocks  and  ribbons,  in  thy  great  Majesty  deter- 
mining the  extent  and  colors  of  them."  And  if  Philip 
so  said,  Vallamanrique  must  take  his  viceregal  seat  on 

Hortop's  Travailes,  in  Haldvyts  Voy.^  iii.  493. 
^^The  admiral  and  over  100  persons  were  saved  by  the  exertions  of  some 
few  who  ventured  out  in  boats  to  their  assistance.  Ponce,  Rdacion,  in  CoL 
Doc.  Imd.,  Iviii.  480. 

Though  begun  in  1581,  the  establishment  of  the  consulate  was  not  fully 
established  until  10  or  12  years  later.    For  details  and  list  of  officers,  soe  CallCf 
Mem.  y  Not,  53;  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  30-1. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol,  II.  43 


754 


FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 


the  pinnacle  of  Popocatepetl,  and  thence  direct  the 
ebb  and  flow  of  ocean,  the  movements  of  the  clouds, 
the  growth  of  plants,  and  the  respiration  of  all  organic 
things. 

There  was  in  force  a  royal  decree,  issued  some  years 
previously,  forbidding  any  government  oflScials  in 
America  from  marrying  within  the  district  where 
they  held  jurisdiction,  without  special  permission  from 
the  king,  under  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  the  royal  favor 
and  the  offices  they  held;  nor  might  they  ever  again 
hold  any  office  in  the  Indies.^*  Hitherto  the  law  had 
been  little  heeded;  either  officials  had  not  desired  to 
break  it,  or,  breaking  it,  little  notice  had  been  taken 
of  the  offence. 

But  the  time  had  come  when  the  king's  authority 
must  be  enforced.  In  defiance  of  the  law  an  oidor  of 
the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara  had  married,  and  the 
royal  procurator  of  that  district  had  allowed  his 
aaughter  to  marry.  Villamanrique  ordered  their 
arrest.  The  officers  resisted,  and  dissensions  followed, 
during  which  the  question  of  jurisdiction  was  brought 
lorward.  None  of  the  opponents  yielded,  until  the 
viceroy,  becoming  exasperated,  despatched  a  military 
force  against  the  audiencia.  Other  troops  were  there 
ready  to  oppose  them.  For  a  time  war  was  immi- 
nent, but,  by  the  wise  interference  of  lovers  of  peace, 
harmony  was  at  length  restored. 

Other  historic  troubles  followed.  In  1 5  8  8  the  native 
population  of  New  Spain  was  again  decimated  by  a 
pestilence  like  that  of  1576.  The  provinces  suffering 
most  were  Tlascala  and  Toluca;  though  here,  where 

Contracts  of  marriage,  verbal  or  in  writing,  made  with  the  idea  or  hope 
that  the  royal  license  would  be  forthcoming,  were  to  be  treated  the  same  as 
formal  marriages,  so  far  as  the  penalties  were  concerned.  The  decree  was 
dated  at  Lisbon  February  26,  1582.  Real  Cedula,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  xviii.  244-7. 

'Also  the  kings  Atturney  of  Guadalajara  maried  his  daughter  of  8  yeres 
old  with  a  boy  of  12  yeres  old.'  Cano,  Letter,  in  HaMvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  396-7. 

According  to  Alegre,  Hist.  Comip.  Jesus,  i.  221,  the  viceroy  was  moved 
to  relent  by  a  Jesuit's  sermon  on  forgiveness.  Torquemada,  i.  650,  says  that 
the  viceroy  was  removed  for  this  affair.  Cavo,  Tres  Sif/los,  i.  216-17,  tells  us 
the  quarrel  was  about  the  jurisdiction  over  certain  towns. 


A  CHANGE  WANTED. 


755 


the  Matlalzinco,  Mexican,  and  Otomf  nations  lived 
intermixed,  the  two  latter  remained  in  a  measure  free 
from  the  ravages  of  the  disease.^'' 

The  following  year,  1589,  was  not  less  calamitous. 
On  April  11th,  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  there 
was  a  great  earthquake  in  the  city  of  Mexico  and 
throughout  the  province;  and  on  the  26th  of  the  same 
month  there  were  three  heavy  shocks,  two  within  half 
an  hour,  and  the  other  during  the  night.  In  the  city 
of  Mexico  several  walls  fell,  and  many  buildings  were 
otherwise  injured;  in  Coyuhuacan  much  of  the  work 
on  the  Dominican  convent  was  destroyed;  but  for  all 
this  the  inhabitants  were  more  frightened  than  hurt.^^ 

And  now  came  the  usual  petitions  to  the  king  ask- 
ing for  a  change  of  government.  At  all  events,  they 
want  this  viceroy  recalled ;  the  crown  can  do  as  it 
likes  about  sending  another.  There  was  nothing  in 
particular  with  which  to  charge  him;  Yillamanrique 
had  been  wise,  honest,  and  humane,  instant  in  fulfill- 
ing his  duties  to  the  people  and  loyal  to  his  king. 
But  the  pirates  had  come  and  captured  the  galleon, 
an  epidemic  had  caused  many  to  mourn,  and  the  earth- 
quakes had  frightened  them,  and  the  viceroy  would 
not  let  the  oidor  marry  a  wife.  That  the  viceroy's  only 
daughter  should  die,  thus  bringing  to  the  father's 
heart  more  poignant  grief  than  otherwise  all  New 
Spain  combined  could  do,  was  nothing  to  them. 

The  memorials  and  unfavorable  reports  had  their 
effect  upon  the  king,  who  feared  most  of  all  a  repetition 
of  the  Guadalajara  difficulties,  and  so  Yillamanrique 
was  removed  from  office.  Luis  de  Yelasco,  a  son  of 
the  former  viceroy  of  that  name,  was  appointed,  in  his 
stead,  and  Pedro  Romano,  bishop  of  Tlascala,  was 
charged  to  take  the  residencia  of  the  deposed  viceroy. 
This  latter  appointment  was  unfortunate  for  Yilla- 

^^In  1596  a  like  pestilence  appeared,  accompanied  by  measles,  mumps,  and 
spotted  fever,  which  carried  off  an  immense  number.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
515-19. 

2^  Another  shock  was  felt  on  May  9th,  but  slight.  Ponce,  Rdacion,  in  Col. 
Doc.  Ined.,  Iviii.  516. 


756 


FIFTH,  SIXTH,  AND  SEVENTH  VICEROYS. 


manrique.  Bishop  Romano  was  an  uncompromising 
enemy,  who  had  long  awaited  such  an  opportunity. 
He  now  invited  all  to  present  charges,  no  matter  how 
trivial  they  appeared;  he  would  make  them  large 
enough.  Especially  were  all  claims  for  money 
allowed. The  ecclesiastic  succeeded  well  in  all  these 
operations.  A  faithful  servant  of  the  king  was 
humiliated,  his  peace  of  mind  destroyed,  his  pride 
brought  low,  his  family  reduced  to  poverty.  Romano 
was  happy.  Very  different  from  his  grand  viceregal 
entry  into  Mexico  was  Villamanrique's  departure;  the 
former  was  a  triumph,  the  latter  a  funeral.  With  his 
afflicted  marchioness,  and  carrying  with  them  the 
remains  of  their  dead  daughter,  the  late  viceroy 
departed  from  a  land  where  he  had  met  with  nothing 
but  misfortune  and  sorrow.*^ 

Romano  even  went  so  far  as  to  attach  the  linen  and  wearing  apparel  of 
the  marchioness,  Dona  Blanca.  Torquemada,  i.  650-1 ;  Cartas  de  Indias,  866. 

^''Many  of  Bishop  Romano's  decisions  were  subsequently  revoked,  and 
the  release  of  Villamanrique's  property  was  decreed;  but  at  the  time  of 
his  death  only  part  of  it  had  been  restored.  Torquemada,  i,  650-1 ;  Vetancvrt, 
Trat  Mex.,  10,  11.  The  latter  informs  us  that  he  subsequently  retired  to  a 
Franciscan  convent  in  Spain,  where  he  died. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 
1589-1600. 

Rumored  Insurrection — Fears  of  Velasco,  the  New  Viceroy — Recep- 
tion— City  Improvements — The  Chichimecs — The  Mines  of  Guana- 
juato, San  Luis  Potosi,  and  Zacatecas — Founding  of  Towns — Philip 
Wants  More  Money — Velasco's  Astute  Measure — Conde  de  Mon- 
terey, Viceroy — Futile  Efforts  to  Move  the  Indian — Race  Inter- 
mixtures— NuEvo  Leon — Occupation  of  the  Northern  Country- 
Governor  Carabajal — Review  of  the  Century — Bibliographical- 
Writers  Subsequent  to  the  Conquest — Torquemada  among  Others. 

It  was  some  time  during  the  month  of  December 
1589,  that  Luis  de  Yelasco,  conde  de  Santiago  and 
son  of  the  second  viceroy,  cautiously  approached  the 
shores  of  New  Spain  as  its  eighth  viceroy.  First  he 
touched  at  the  port  of  Tameagua,  afraid  to  proceed  at 
once  to  Sa.n  Juan  de  Ulua  on  account  of  rumored  dis- 
turbances in  the  country.  Either  Mexico  had  been 
taken  by  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  or  Villaman- 
rique  had  revolted;  there  were  dire  and  uncertain 
ebullitions  in  the  land,  and  it  behooved  this  son  of  his 
father  to  be  circumspect.  Assured  at  his  first  landing- 
place  that  the  rumors  of  political  troubles  which  had 
reached  Spain  were  unfounded,  Yelasco  proceeded  to 
Yera  Cruz,  and  on  the  25th  of  January  1590,  he 
entered  the  capital.^ 

The  city  put  on  its  brightest  smile  of  welcome. 
The  new  viceroy  was  no  stranger  to  the  inhabitants. 

^Torquemada,  i.  652,  Cave,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  219,  and  others,  agree  upon 
this  date,  while  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  76,  gives  January  29th;  Lorenzana, 
Viage,  in  Cortes'  Hist.  N.  Espifiosa,  18;  Zamacois,  Hist.  MeJ.,  v.  198,  the  27th; 
and  Vetancurt,  Trat.  Mex.,  11,  the  26th. 

(757) 


758 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


He  had  been  there  with  his  father;  had  indeed  resided 
in  the  country  many  years,  fiHing  various  important 
positions,  particularly  those  of  alferez  real  of  the 
ayuntamiento  of  Mexico  and  regidor  of  Cempoala. 
He  was  more  one  of  themselves  than  any  who  had 
hitherto  represented  the  crown  in  New  Spain;  and  as 
he  was  popular,  well  beloved  for  himself,  and  came 
with  all  the  prestige  of  rank  and  worthy  performance, 
all  that  wealth  and  warm  hearts  and  high  anticipation 
could  do  was  done  to  make  his  reception  befitting. 
Shortly  before  his  present  appointment  he  had  been 
employed  in  the  diplomatic  service  of  the  king.^ 

A  better  selection  for  the  ruiership  of  New  Spain 
could  not  have  been  made  at  this  juncture.  There 
had  been  troubles  throughout  the  land,  some  real  and 
some  imaginary,  the  latter  usually  the  hardest  to  bear ; 
now  all  were  in  the  humor  for  a  reign  of  prosperity 
and  rejoicing.  Gold  and  silver  were  plentiful,  the  fruits 
of  the  earth  abundant,  the  native  nations  throughout 
their  broad  area  for  the  most  part  at  peace ;  now  might 
the  sons  of  the  conquerors  rest;  they  might  put  on 
gay  attire  and  become  fat  and  effeminate.  Velasco 
possessed  ability  and  energy;  he  was  intelligent  and 
learned.  Above  all  he  was  loyal,  not  to  the  king  alone, 
but  to  the  people.    He  was  honest  upon  instinct. 

One  of  his  first  endeavors  was  to  elevate  the  con- 
dition of  the  people,  wliite  and  red.  He  was  wise 
enough  to  know  that  the  best  thing  for  them  was 
work,  which  manifested,  indeed,  great  intelligence  as 
coming  from  a  Spaniard.  Among  other  beneficent 
measures,  he  decreed  on  June  1,  1590,  the  reopening 
and  operating  of  the  extensive  wool  and  cotton  fac- 

^Alaman,  Disert.y  iii.  app.  18,  and  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  76,  assert  that 
Velasco  was  a  native  of  Mexico.  This  is  an  error.  He  came  to  New  Spain 
with  his  father  in  1550,  when  11  years  of  age,  and  was  married  in  1556  at 
the  age  of  17.  During  a  subsequent  trip  to  Spain  he  received  many  favors 
at  the  hands  of  the  king.  When  Villamanrique  arrived  he  was  at  first  on 
friendly  terms  with  Velasco,  but  enmity  arising  the  latter  again  went  to  Spain. 
There  he  was  appointed  ambassador  to  Florence,  whence  he  was  recalled  to 
assume  the  present  position.  He  was  at  present  a  widower,  51  years  of  age, 
and  had  four  chddren,  who  resided  in  Mexico.  Tonjuemada,  i.  651;  Cam, 
Tras  Sighs,  ii.  217. 


VELASCO  THE  SON. 


759 


tories,  established  by  the  first  viceroy,  and  which  had 
been  closed.  This  gave  employment  to  hundreds  of 
idle  persons,  and  the  benefits  flowing  from  this  in- 
dustry were  soon  felfc  throughout  the  country.  The 
consumers  paid  less  for  the  home-made  article,  and  the 
money  remained  in  the  country. 

Then  he  thought  it  would  be  well  to  beautify  the 
capital,  one  of  the  results  of  which  was  the  alameda,  for 
centuries  the  favorite  resort  of  all  classes  in  search  of 
relaxation  and  recreation,  and  remaining  such  to-day, 
a  beautiful  certificate  to  the  taste  and  liberality  of  this 
ruler.^  The  city  now  contained  about  three  thousand 
Spanish  families,  besides  a  numerous  Indian  and  mixed 
population.  During  the  successive  decades  it  had 
slowly  unfolded  into  magnificent  proportions  from  the 
ruins  of  old  Tenochtitlan.  There  were  broad  streets 
bordered  by  fine  dwellings,  with  here  and  there  temples 
and  public  buildings  presenting  a  yet  more  imposing 
aspect.^ 

Velasco  also  put  laborers  at  work  to  strengthen  the 
fortifications  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  and  to  erect  new 
forts  for  the  better  protection  of  the  harbor  and  ap- 
proaches to  Vera  Cruz.^  This  was  but  a  preliminary 
step  to  the  transfer  of  the  city  itself,  in  1599,  to  its 
immediate  vicinity,  upon  the  very  site  where  Cortes 
had  nominally  founded  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz  four- 
score years  before.  The  transfer  had  been  several 
times  recommended,  owing  to  the  unheal thiness  of 
the  site,  its  inconvenience  for  trade,  and  its  exposure 
to  floods  and  attacks.^    Few  people  indeed  lived  there 

^  The  alameda  was  laid  out  by  the  viceroy  in  1593,  the  name  coming 
originally  from  alamo,  poplar,  and  applying  to  a  peculiar  grouping  of  trees, 
of  a  xjromenade.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Slex.,  11;  Panes,  Vireyes,  in  Mon.  Dom. 
Esp.,  MS.,  90-1. 

*  A  contemporary  religious  narrator,  extolling  the  fine  houses  and  streets 
of  Mexico,  gravely  affirms  that  '  beautiful  children  and  fine  horses  grew  there. ' 
Ponce,  Relacion,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  Ivii.  174—9. 

°In  1568  a  garrison  of  50  men  were  stationed  there,  with  about  150  negro 
laborers.    It  now  became  quite  populous. 

''This  was  forciljly  represented  by  the  episcopal  council  of  November  1555, 
wherein  it  was  termed  a  '  sepoltura  de  vivos. '  Lencero  was  suggested  for  a 
new  site.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iii.  524^6.  English  travel- 
lers also  bear  witness  to  its  unhealthiness.    Infants  generally  died  there,  and 


760 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


permanently,  and  it  was  only  during  the  presence  of 
the  fleet,  from  September  to  March,  that  it  assumed 
the  appearance  of  the  leading  seaport  of  New  Spain. 
After  that  all  who  could  removed  to  the  interior, 
notably  to  the  beautiful  Jalapa/  The  new  site  of  Vera 
Cruz,  if  by  no  means  healthy,  was  certainly  better  than 
the  former,  and  the  city  made  rapid  strides  under  its 
alcaldes  may  ores.  ^ 

Another  matter  of  importance  was  brought  to  a  suc- 
cessful issue.  While  the  conquerors  had  from  the 
first  grasped  at  vast  areas,  they  really  occupied  few 
other  than  mining '  districts,  at  least  in  the  north. 
Thus  population  was  distributed  without  order,  and 
with  wide  distances  between  one  settlement  and  an- 
other, to  the  obvious  jeopardy  of  the  invading  race. 
When  the  natives  had  recovered  from  their  first 
surprise  at  the  Spanish  entry,  and  were  relieved  from 
the  superstitious  awe  of  sorcery  supposed  to  be  exer- 
cised by  the  new-comers,  perceiving  that  their  sole 
object  was  to  rule  them,  many  abandoned  the  towns 
where  they  had  temporarily  submitted  to  the  Span- 
iards, and  betook  themselves  to  the  mountains,  thence 
to  sally  forth  and  harass  the  settlers.  More  particu- 
larly was  this  the  case  with  regard  to  the  roving  bar- 
barous Chichimecs,  who,  gathering  into  strong  bands, 
would  suddenly  burst  from  their  strongholds,  and  as 
quickly  return  to  them  after  their  raids.  Much  had 
been  done  toward  pacifying  them,  during  the  govern- 
ment of  Enriquez,  by  the  establishment  of  presidios 
along  the  northern  borders.  Though  that  ruler  was 
greatly  assisted  in  his  efibrts  at  pacification  by  Luis  de 

women  on  finding  themselves  enceinte  went  to  the  country  *  to  avoid  the  perill 
of  the  infected  aire.'  Chilton,  in  HaUvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  456.  See  also  Tomson 
and  Hawks,  in  Id.,  453,  462;  Moreri,  Gran.  Dice,  ix.  108,  x.  475.  In  June 
1589,  a  storm  assisted  the  swollen  river  to  create  immense  damage  among  the 
buildings  and  shipping.  Ponce,  Rel,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  Iviii.  535-6. 

Cortes  there  founded  a  Franciscan  convent,  which  was  finished  in  1555. 
Perote,  on  the  route  to  Mexico,  had  quite  a  settlement  in  1568. 

^Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  68;  Clavujero,  iii.  30;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  276-7; 
Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  27-8.  Panes  confounds  the  date  of  transfer  with  those 
ol  later  cedulas  granting  favors.  Coat  of  arms  was  conferred  June  20,  1618. 
Veracruz,  MS.,  1-2.    See  also  Hist.  Mex,,  i.  154,  this  series. 


QUERETARO  AND  ZACATECAS. 


761 


Carabajal,  subsequently  governor  of  Nuevo  Leon,  tlieir 
joint  labors  proved  but  partially  and  temporarily  suc- 
cessful.^ 

Nevertheless,  spells  of  comparative  quiet  were 
obtained,  affording  the  sorely  distressed  settlements 
round  the  mines  of  Guanajuato,  San  Luis  Potosi,  and 
Zacatecas  the  opportunity  to  develop  their  wealth, 
and  attract  much  needed  immigration.  Zacatecas, 
which  since  its  discovery  in  1546  had  been  exposed  to 
repeated  ravages,  received  such  an  impetus  that  in 
1585  it  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  city.^^ 

Twenty  years  before  the  Franciscan  order  had 
proved  sufficiently  numerous  to  form  here  a  custodia, 
the  beginning  of  the  later  provincia  de  Guadalupe  de 
Zacatecas,  which  became  so  famous  for  its  missionary 
labors  throughout  the  vast  north.  Most  of  the  settle- 
ments in  this  region  also  owed  their  origin  to  Zacatecas, 
whose  alcaldes  mayores,  subject  to  Nueva  Galicia,  sent 
forth  or  promoted  numerous  expeditions  to  open  mines, 
among  them  San  Martin.  This  was  made  the  seat  of 
a  new  alcaldia  mayor,  which  extended  and  controlled 
settlements  far  into  Durango/^  where  Nombre  de 

^In  1581  Viceroy  Suarez  complained  much  of  the  continued  hostilities 
of  the  Chichimecs,  '  tan  lebantado  y  con  tanto  numero  y  desberguen9a. '  Co- 
rima,  Carta  al  Rey,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  340. 

^'^  To  which  was  added  in  1588  the  title  of  'muy  noble  y  leal,' together 
with  a  coat  of  arms.  Arlegui,  Cron.  Zac,  43-4.  This  was  due  to  the  effort 
of  Baltasar  Tremino.  Beryhes,  Zac,  3.  Rivera  Bernardez  confounds  the 
two  dates.  Zac,  27-8,  35.  The  population  was  at  first  settled  toward  the 
north,  where  the  earlier  mines  were  discovered,  and  there  the  first  church  was 
built  on  the  hacienda  of  Domingo  Tagle  Bracho.  Afterward,  on  the  coming 
of  two  images  of  Christ,  imported  by  Alonso  Guerrero  Villaseca,  and  placed 
on  his  two  haciendas,  the  population  settled  where  it  now  is.  Frejes,  Hist. 
Breve,  208-9.  Subject  to  it  was  a  settlement  of  Mexicans  named  Mejicalpa, 
now  corrupted  to  Mejicapa.  The  municipal  houses  of  Zacatecas  were  built  in 
1559.  The  first  minister  was  the  Franciscan  friar,  Gerdnimo  de  Mendoza, 
from  Mexico.  Arleijui,  Cron.  Zac,  13-14;  Mier  y  Campa,  Muralla,  Zac,  in 
Bevista  Cient.,  ii.  111-12;  Museo  Mex.,  iv.  118.  The  first  parish  was  fovmded 
in  1567,  with  Fernando  Maldonado  for  curate,  according  to  the  municipal 
records  reproduced  in  Dice  Univ.,  x.  1033,  1078-82.  At  the  time  the  title  of 
city  was  bestowed  the  actual  settlers  numbered  about  400,  not  counting  women 
and  children.  There  were  fully  as  many  traders  and  others  of  a  floating 
character,  and  a  large  number  of  slaves  and  native  workers.  The  first  corre- 
gidor  was  Felix  Guzman  y  Avellaneda. 

Under  Juan  Vazquez  de  Ulua,  the  alcalde  mayor  then  ruling  at  Zacate- 
cas was  Caspar  de  Tapia.  One  of  his  successors,  Hernan  Martel,  in  1563 
founded  Santa  Maria  de  los  Lagos,  as  a  clieck  upon  the  Huachipiles,  like 


162 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


Dios  soon  became  a  leading  settlement. The  records 
concerning  the  population  and  yield  of  the  Zacatecas 
region  are  meagre,  but  it  appears  that  while  it  at  one 
time  drew  settlers  away  from  the  Guadalajara  dis- 
tricts, and  became  the  most  populous  settlement  in  New 
Spain,  next  to  Mexico,  the  more  northern  discoveries 
of  Ibarra  created  a  reaction,^^  as  did  the  new  founda- 
tions to  the  south,  such  as  Aguascalientes,  so  named 
after  its  springs,^*  and  the  mining  districts  eastward, 
centring  round  Guanajuato  and  San  Luis  Potosi. 

With  the  conquest  of  Queretaro  and  the  founding 
of  Zacatecas  the  regions  intermediate  and  eastward 
were  soon  occupied.  Silao  was  settled  in  1553  by 
seven  Spaniards,  attended  by  a  number  of  Otomis, 
and  to  the  following  year  is  ascribed  the  founding  of 
Guanajuato,  the  most  famous  of  mining  towns.  San 
Miguel  el  Grande,  the  later  Allende,  rose  six  years 
afterward,  and  in  1562  San  Felipe  was  founded  by  the 
brother  of  Viceroy  Velasco,  as  a  frontier  presidio  or 
advance  post  against  the  Chichimecs,  the  adjoining 

Jerez  de  la  Frontera.  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  233,  552-7;  Parra,  Conq. 
Xal.,  MS.,  31.  Ulua  speedily  became  unpopular,  and  was  replaced  in  1562 
by  Captain  Garcia  Colio  or  Celio.  Francisco  de  Ibarra  claimed  the  discovery 
of  several  of  the  most  important  mines.  Rel.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  XV.  464.  A  report  on  their  condition  in  1575  is  given  in  Miranda, 
Pel.,  in  Id.,  xvi.  563-70,  and  shows  even  then  a  decline  among  many. 

^2  Fresnillo  also  assumed  prominence,  becoming  a  presidio  and  seat  of  an 
alcalde  mayor.  Sombrerete  also  said  to  have  been  discovered  by  Juan  de 
Tolosa  in  1555  or  1558,  was  made  a  villa  in  1570.  Arlegui,  Cron.  Zac,  64; 
Garcia,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii.  23;  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  1035.  Among 
other  mines  are  named  Avino,  San  Lticas,  Pinos,  Inde,  Parral,  Santa  Bar- 
bara, and  Mazapil. 

^■^  As  will  be  shown  in  Hist.  North.  Mex.,  i.,  this  series.  In  1550  it  con- 
tained 160  Spaniards,  60  of  prominence,  working  75  veins  of  metal,  and 
possessing  45  reduction  works  and  5  churches,  says  Marcha,  in  Ternaux- 
Compans,  Recueil,  197-8.  Bernardez  assumes  that  in  1562  there  were  only 
35  reduction  works.  Zac,  42,  In  1569  the  region  had  800  male  Spaniards, 
150  being  occupied  on  the  mines  within  30  leagues  of  the  town.  In  forme  del 
Cabildo,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  494.  Estimates  of  yield,  partly  from 
Humboldt,  are  given  in  Dice  Univ.,  x.  1034;  Museo  Mex.,  iv.  115-19,  and 
others.  See  also  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  MS.,  805,  814,  1088,  and  AUgre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  83-4. 

Juan  de  Montoro,  Cerdnimo  de  la  Cueva,  and  Alonso  de  Alarcon  were 
commissioned  on  October  22,  1575,  to  found  it  as  a  villa,  and  although  the 
title  never  was  formally  confirmed,  yet  its  ayuntamiento  was  ever  after 
addressed  as  '  muy  ilustre.'  Parra,  Conq.  Xal.,  MS.,  30-1.  Medina,  Chrdn. 
S.  Diego,  i.  257,  gives  it  the  religious  name  of  'Assupcion.'  Aguirre,  Doc. 
Antiguos,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2da  6p.,  iii.  17-19;  Beltrami,  Mex.,  i.  174. 


CHICHIMEC  TREATY. 


763 


town  being  formed  by  a  few  Spanish  settlers  assisted 
by  a  number  of  allies/^  Celaya  and  other  towns  also 
sprang  up,  and  by  1680  the  district  claimed  six  hun- 
dred Spaniards.  In  1576  Luis  de  Leixa  had  pene- 
trated north-eastward,  and  on  the  slope  of  a  metal- 
bearing  mountain  he  founded  the  town  of  San  Luis 
Potosi,  which  became  the  seat  of  the  alcaldia  mayor 
controlling  for  a  time  the  whole  region  northward, 
and  promoting  thence  its  settlement. 

Very  naturally  these  rich  and  promising  districts 
were  objects  of  parental  solicitude  to  the  government, 
and  as  armed  measures  availed  so  little  ao^ainst  the 

CD 

inroads  of  the  savages,  Velasco  determined  to  try  con- 
cession. In  1591,  while  seeking  to  devise  the  best 
means  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  purpose,  he  was 
gladdened  by  the  arrival  of  an  embassy  from  the  hos- 
tile tribes,  desirous  to  sue  for  peace.  The  Indians  had 
been  persuaded  to  this  step  by  the  mestizo.  Captain 
Caldera,  whose  mother  was  a  Chichimec.  Caldera 
was  a  brave  soldier,  and  a  person  of  influence  among 
his  mother's  people.  He  had  been  able  to  convince 
them  that  continued  war  against  the  stronger  race 
was  useless,  and  they  had  now  decided  to  make  a 
treaty.  The  ambassadors  were  cordially  received  by 
the  viceroy,  and  when,  in  return  for  their  allegiance. 

At  this  place  existed  a  relic  venerated  generally  under  the  name  of 
Senor  de  la  Conquista,  and  also  a  crucifix  spotted  with  the  blood  of  Father 
Francisco  Doncel,  the  minister  of  Chamacuero  in  the  same  district,  who  with 
Frair  Pedro  Burgense  had  been  murdered  by  Indians.  With  the  pacification 
of  Indians  San  Felipe  declined.  Torquemada,  i.  640-2;  Mex.,  hi  formes,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas ,  Col  Doc,  xv.  247;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ix.  110, 
143. 

It  was  named  after  Leixa,  Potosf  being  added  because  of  its  similarity 
in  rich  veins  and  site  to  the  Peruvian  city.  Frair  Diego  de  la  Magdalena  is 
also  claimed  as  the  founder.  Its  alcalde  mayor  in  1584  was  Gaspar  de  Cas- 
tano.  In  1656  it  was  made  a  city,  and  so  confirmed  by  cedula  of  Aug.  17, 
1658.  In  1787  it  had  22,000  inhabitants.  Among  the  settlements  founded  in 
this  region  are  Matechula,  1550;  San  Gerdnimo  de  Agua  Hedionda,  1552; 
Charcas  Viejas,  formerly  Real  Natividad,  1564,  whose  site  was  changed  in 
1583;  and  San  Pedro  mines,  about  1586.  The  Tlascaltec  towns  of  Tlascalilla, 
Mezquitic,  and  El  Venado,  1580  to  1595;  Santa  Maria  del  Rio,  whose  site 
was  afterward  changed,  1589.  See  T(yrquemada,  i.  640;  Arlegui,  Cron.  Zac, 
73  et  seq.;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  280;  Castillo,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Boletin,  3da  ^p.,  v.  497,  503-8;  Iturribarria,  in  Museo  Mex.,  iv.  12;  Gonzalez, 
Col.  Doc.  N.  Leon,  p.  vi. 


764 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


they  demanded  an  annual  supply  of  cattle  and  clothes, 
although  it  was  quite  reversing  the  orthodox  orHer 
of  things,  under  the  circumstances  the  viceroy  aid 
not  hesitate  to  agree  to  the  terms.  But  to  insure  the 
permanency  of  the  pacificacion,  he  asked  permission 
to  send  among  the  Chichimecs  a  number  of  christian- 
ized Indian  families,  to  assist  them  in  forming  settle- 
ments, and  encourage  them  to  change  their  mode  of 
life.    This  was  granted  and  the  treaty  concluded. 

An  additional  measure  was  the  founding  of  special 
colonies  by  christianized  allies  to  serve  as  nuclei  and 
patterns  for  Chichimec  towns,  and  as  a  protection 
to  missionaries.  The  Tlascaltecs  had  from  the  begin- 
ning been  the  friends  of  the  Spaniards.  They  were 
at  the  same  time  the  most  tractable  of  the  natives, 
and  enjoyed  certain  immunities  from  taxes  and  trib- 
utes for  loyal  conduct.  From  these  Yelasco  selected 
four  hundred  families  to  colonize  among  the  Chichi- 
mecs, and  under  the  direction  of  the  Franciscan  frairs 
and  Captain  Caldera  the  measure  was  accomplished, 
and  four  new  colonies  were  founded.  Here  the  Tlas- 
caltecs and  Chichimecs  continued  to  live  in  peaceful 
community,  though  they  would  never  intermarry  nor 
dwell  together  in  the  same  house.  Otomis  and  Aztecs 
also  joined  these  colonies,  one  of  which,  San  Luis  de 
la  Paz,  was  founded  by  Jesuits,  who  made  rapid  strides 
toward  converting  and  settling  the  roaming  natives, 
and  thus  promoted  the  pacification  of  the  country. 

Yet  another  and  more  disagreeable  and  thankless 
task  demanded  the  attention  of  the  viceroy.  King 
Philip  wanted  money.  He  was  engaged  in  ruinous 
European  wars,  which  so  drained  his  coffers  that  the 
enormous  treasures  constantly  pouring  in  from  the 
New  World  were  not  sufficient  to  meet  the  necessi- 

^'^  Ribas,  TriumpJios  de  la  F4,  723-6;  Alerjre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  280-1, 
356-8.  Cavo  places  the  introduction  of  Tlascaltecs  in  1591,  Ti-es  Sighs,  i. 
220-1,  in  which  year  60  were  massacred  at  San  Andres.  Torquemada,  iii.  351. 
Orozco  y  Berra,  Geog.,  285,  intimates  hastily  that  the  settlement  occurred  in 
1588.  Among  the  towns  formed  by  them  are  Colotlan,  Venado,  San  Miguel, 
Mezquitic,  and  suburbs  near  Saltillo  and  other  Spanish  settlements. 


SPANISH  FORCED  LOAN. 


765 


ties.  The  ordinary  means  for  levying  taxes  were  ex- 
hausted, and  recourse  must  be  had  to  forced  loans.  A 
revenue  system,  covering  internal,  import,  and  export 
duties,  had  been  introduced  by  Viceroy  Enriquez  in 
1574,  pursuant  to  royal  decree  of  1571,  which  the  mer- 
chants, however,  strenuously  opposed.  They  claimed 
that  commerce,  then  in  a  flourishing  state,  would 
greatly  suffer  by  the  system,  as  by  exemption  only 
could  the  merchants  of  the  mother  country  make  it 
profitable  to  bring  hither  their  merchandise.  Never- 
theless Enriquez  remained  inflexible,  alleging  that  the 
commerce  of  the  country  was  so  widely  extended  and 
permanently  established  that  its  interests  could  not  be 
prejudiced.  It  appeared  to  him  unjusfc  that  Mexico, 
whose  commerce  was  the  most  important  of  any  of 
the  New  World  provinces,  should  alone  enjoy  such 
exemption.^^ 

These  forced  loans  of  the  Spanish  king  fell  heavily 
on  the  natives,  who  neither  knew  nor  cared  about 
wars  on  the  other  side  of  the  globe.  Their  tribute 
before  this  had  been  four  reals,  and  it  was  eight  reals 
that  each  must  now  pay.  No  mention  is  made  of  re- 
funding this  difference  on  the  part  of  the  king.  It 
was  with  reluctance  that  the  viceroy  proceeded  to 
impose  this  tax,  knowing  how  difficult  it  was  to  col- 
lect even  the  ordinary  tribute.  An  astute  plan,  how- 
ever, was  devised  which  would  greatly  relieve  the  red 
tax-payer  from  the  infliction.  For  gold  and  silver 
one  must  dig,  but  beasts  and  birds  grow  of  them- 
selves.   That  this  European  fight  in  which  the  Ameri- 

The  tax  imposed  at  first  was  2  per  cent  on  everything  sold  or  exchanged. 
Then  3  per  cent  was  collected  on  all  importations;  4  per  cent  on  real  and 
personal  property;  6  per  cent  on  goods  confiscated  and  on  negroes  imported, 
who  were  valued  at  $150  each.  Exempt  were  ecclesiastical  communities;  the 
clergy  in  particular,  and  all  that  pertained  to  divine  service,  churches,  con- 
vents, and  monasteries,  including  their  income  from  whatever  source;  prop- 
erty sold  for  religious  uses;  mining  utensils  and  machinery;  printing  material, 
and  a  limited  list  of  other  articles  and  products  of  the  soil.  Disposiciones 
Varias,  i.  45-50;  Fonseca  y  Urrutia,  Real  Hacienda,  ii.  5-118;  Alaman,  Hist. 
Mej.,  i.  app.  7;  Rivera,  Governantes,  i.  47.  The  second  custom-house  according 
to  seniority  was  at  Acapulco.  The  treasury  officials  in  Mexico  had  charge  of 
the  collection  of  duties,  but  this  ceased  in  1597,  and  the  port  was  placed  on 
the  same  footing  as  Vera  Cruz.  Mcx.,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1825,  i.  4. 


766 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


can  aboriginal  could  not  take  a  hand  might  be  less 
burdensome,  it  was  decreed  by  the  viceroy  that  of 
the  four  additional  reals  demanded  by  the  king,  only 
three  should  be  required  in  money,  a  fowl  being  held 
equivalent  to  one  real.  It  was  intended  as  a  master- 
stroke, and  might  have  been  called  ''the  raising  of  rev- 
enue made  easy."  Unfortunately  for  the  Indian,  who 
usually  neglected  to  provide  himself  with  the  required 
fowl,  and  who  was  predestined  to  be  cheated  even  in 
the  payment  of  an  imposition,  Spanish  speculators 
bought  up  the  fowls,  and  advanced  the  price  two  hun- 
dred or  three  hundred  per  cent,  so  that  to  obtain  a 
fowl,  which  in  his  Majesty's  forced  loan  was  to  take 
the  place  of  one  real  in  money,  the  red  subject  must 
pay  perhaps  three  reals  in  money. 

But  for  all  this  the  country  made  steady  progress 
in  every  branch  of  industry  during  Yelasco's  rule; 
political,  commercial,  and  social  conditions  were  im- 
proved, and  prosperity  prevailed.  Under  this  gov- 
ernment were  also  begun  the  first  preparations  for 
the  conquest  of  New  Mexico,  which  were  not  wholly 
completed  when  the  present  term  was  brought  to  a 
close.  The  eminent  services  of  Velasco  were  duly  ac- 
knowledged by  the  crown,  many  favors  being  bestowed 
on  him  and  his  family;  and  on  June  7,  1595,  he  was 
appointed  viceroy  for  Peru.^^ 

On  September  18,  1595,  the  ninth  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  Gaspar  de  Zuniga  y  Acebedo,  count  of  Mon- 
teiey,  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  on  the  fifth  of  the 
following  month,  after  observing  the  usual  formalities 
with  respect  to  the  departing  viceroy  he  entered  the 

The  act  was  subsequently  revoked  by  the  succeeding  viceroy,  Monterey. 
Torquemada,  i.  653. 

'^'^  In  1603  he  was  assigned  a  pension  of  6,000  ducats,  and  after  his  death 
4,000  ducats  to  his  eldest  son  for  life;  2,000  ducats  to  his  daughter  for  life,  and 
the  same  after  death  to  her  daughter.  Besides  these  pensions,  when  Velasco 
returned  from  Peru,  he  was  assigned  20,000  ducats  from  the  treasury  of  Mex- 
ico. See  Real  Cedula,  in  Pac/teco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xviii.  256-9;  Calle, 
Mem.  y  Not.,  55-6.  In  1607  we  shall  meet  with  Velasco,  then  marques  de 
Saliaas,  again  as  viceroy  of  Mexico. 


CONDE  DE  MONTEREY. 


7G7 


city  of  Mexico  and  took  charge  of  the  government. 
Monterey  was  reputed  to  be  a  man  of  austere  disposi- 
tion, sound  judgment,  and  great  probity,  but  lacking  the 
urbane  quahties  so  prominent  in  his  predecessor.  He 
was,  therefore,  looked  upon  in  the  beginning  with  some 
feelings  of  distrust,  as  to  how  he  might  conduct  him- 
self There  was  at  this  juncture  more  than  the  usual 
speculation  upon  the  question  of  his  future  policy,  as 
the  23eople  were  now  enjoying  the  fruits  of  the  felici- 
tous rule  of  Luis  de  Velasco. 

Monterey,  however,  was  in  no  haste  to  gratify 
curiosity,  or  determine  a  policy  prematurely.  Some 
gathered  from  this  that  he  was  either  weak  or  in- 
different; but  the  truth  is,  he  was  simply  cautious. 
He  could  not  see  how  one  could  rule  wisely  without 
knowing  something  of  the  country  and  the  necessities 
of  the  people.  More  particularly  would  he  sound  the 
vexed  Indian  question,  which  so  far  had  baffled  suc- 
cessful solution;  it  did  not  take  him  long  to  abolish  the 
infamous  fowl  tax.  He  saw  that  the  natives  had  greatly 
diminished  in  number,  and  were  still  rapidly  diminish- 
ing, notwithstanding  the  claim  set  up  by  Christianity 
and  civilization  that  they  were  better  now  than  for- 
merly, when  under  their  own  religion  and  rulers. 

It  was  now  estimated  that  since  the  coming  of  the 
Spaniards  the  native  population  had  fallen  off  tliree 
fourths.  The  causes  of  this  decline  were  obvious. 
Aside  from  war  and  pestilence  many  were  deprived  of 
their  lands,  and  so  rendered  homeless  in  their  own 
country.  They  appealed  to  the  tribunals,  only  to  in- 
vite greater  evil  by  alluring  more  despoilers.  Their 
opponents  generally  managed  by  false  evidence  or 
bribery  to  obtain  such  decision  as  they  desired,  and 
thus  with  the  addition  of  grants,  usurpation,  and  other 
means,  the  Spaniards  soon  obtained  possession  of 
nearly  all  the  choice  land  in  the  country.^^    The  un- 

21  This  assertion  is  made  in  Memorial,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
vi.  183-4, 

'^'^  An  Austin  friar,  Pedro  Juarez  de  Escobar,  writing  from  New  Spain  to 
the  king,  among  other  wise  suggestions  for  the  good  government  of  the 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


tillable  lands,  and  those  located  at  great  distances  from 
Spanish  settlements,  were  alone  left  the  natives. 

What  the  officials,  descendants  of  the  conquerors,^^ 
and  other  Spanish  settlers  did  not  possess,  was  held 
by  the  friars,  who  through  bestowals,  testaments,  or 
endowments  had  in  time  succeeded  in  obtaining  pos- 
session of  large  areas  of  the  finest  land.  This  had 
been  a  comparatively  easy  task  for  the  friars,  though 
it  was  done  in  violation  of  the  law,  which  forbade  their 
holding  lands  or  other  property. 

Like  those  of  some  other  countries  Spain's  Indian 
regulations  were  good  enough  in  theory.  Indians 
must  not  be  conquered,  but  they  may  be  paci- 
fied; they  must  not  be  enslaved,  but  they  may  be 
forced  to  work  all  their  lives  in  the  mines  at  half  a 
real  a  day;  the  provincial  council  might  place  their 
soul  and  body  on  an  equal  footing  with  those  of  the 
conqueror,  even  permitting  them  to  take  orders  and 
become  priests,  yet  there  was  ever  present  the  iron 
heel  beneath  which  it  is  the  destiny  of  the  weaker  to 
be  ground  to  dust.  How  were  the  tender  consciences 
of  Isabella,  of  Charles,  and  of  Philip  appeased!  Was 
there  not  a  cedula  of  December  29,  1593,  which  re- 
quired the  audiencia  to  punish  Spaniards  who  mal- 

Indies,  speaks  of  the  necessity  of  providing  that  there  should  be  only  one 
lawyer,  one  proctor,  and  one  interpreter  to  attend  to  Indian  affairs,  as  the 
natives  were  constantly  victimized  by  pettifoggers.  He  also  urges  that  the 
chiefs  be  protected  in  their  possessions,  for  they  were  often  swindled  out  of 
them.  The  masses  of  the  native  population  should  be  relieved  of  taxes,  and 
their  ignorance  be  considered  in  the  imposition  of  penalties  for  offences;  their 
imprisonment  or  detention  for  debts  should  be  done  away  with.  Escobar,  Gob. , 
in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  xi.  197-200. 

23  A  complete  list  of  these  descendants  with  brief  remarks  may  be  found 
in  Mem.  de  los  Hijos  de  Conquist.  en  1590,  in  Monumentos  Hist,  y  PoliL,  MS., 
preface.  As  the  more  prominent  of  these  are  mentioned  in  the  course  of  this 
history,  I  do  not  deem  it  desirable  here  to  repeat  their  names. 

2*  Nor  could  the  Indians  legally  transfer  what  they  did  not  legally  own; 
their  lands  were  deemed  the  property  of  the  crown,  except  the  patrimony  of 
chiefs,  who  were  the  only  natives  having  property  in  land,  and  the  right  of 
disposal.  See  Memorial,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  185.  It 
was  recommended  that  the  king  should  institute  an  examination  of  the  titles 
to  lands  held  by  Spaniards  and  friars;  and  that  all  possessions  not  held  under 
legal  tenure  should  revert  to  the  crown.  Also,  among  various  other  meas- 
ures, that  future  grants  should  be  prohibited;  tributes  to  be  assessed  accord- 
ing to  the  value  of  the  lands. 


INDIAN  RESERVATIONS. 


769 


treated  Indians,  with  the  same  punishment  appHed  to 
those  who  had  offended  Spaniards?  And  was  there 
not  a  cedula  forbidding  officials  to  capture  Indians  in 
war  or  peace  ?  and  were  there  not  a  hundred  other  laws 
against  outrages  which  could  never  be  prevented  ? 

A  law  had  long  since  been  issued  requiring  Indians 
to  collect  in  towns,  and  Velasco,  the  previous  viceroy, 
after  his  successful  negotiation  with  the  wild  Chi- 
chimecs,  determined  to  carry  out  this  law  with  regard 
to  all  dispersed  natives  within  the  settled  regions.  He 
met  with  much  more  opposition,  however,  than  had  been 
anticipated,  and  with  some  heart-rending  scenes  that 
affected  even  the  most  callous  among  the  officials. 
An  Otomi,  for  instance,  who  was  to  be  forcibly  re- 
moved from  his  miserable  hovel,  evinced  his  attach- 
ment for  home  by  killing  his  wife  and  children,  and 
cattle,  and  then  hanging  himself  This  occurrence, 
with  others  like  it,  made  a  deep  impression  on  Velasco, 
and  he  directed  his  officials  to  stop  further  attempts 
to  remove  the  natives. 

Monterey  thought  that  by  a  little  judicious  sever- 
ity in  the  beginning,  most  beneficial  results  must 
accrue,^^  and  he  proceeded  energetically  to  carry  out 
this  scheme.  One  hundred  commissioners,  accom- 
panied by  as  many  missionaries,  were  appointed  to 
decide  upon  sites  for  new  towns,  with  instructions  to 
examine  every  promising  locality  in  each  province, 
and  report  thereon  under  oath.^^    The  Spanish  set- 

2^  For  an  account  of  the  abuses  of  Indians,  and  also  of  the  efiforts  made  in 
their  behalf,  and  recommendations  to  the  king  to  abolish  the  system  of  reparti- 
mientos,  and  to  improve  their  condition  in  general,  see  Concilios  Prov. ,  MS. , 
i.  39^6,  78-96,  120;  Id.,  iii.  255;  iv.  17,  35-50,  113-56,  210-26;  Larenau- 
diere,  Mex.  et  Guat.,  148;  Repartimientos,  73-5,  in  Prov.  8.  Evang.,  MS.,  i.; 
In  forme,  149,  in  Id.,  viii.;  Silua,  Advert.  Irrvport.  Gov.  Ind.,  1-110;  Arri- 
civita,  Cr6n.  Serdjica,  346;  Hazart,  Kirchen-Geschichte,  ii.  538-41;  Gil.  Soc. 
Mex.  Georj.,  Boletin,  viii.  493;  Leyes,  Farias  AnoL,  MS.,  153-62,  210;  Ddvila, 
Continuax^ion,  MS.,  125-6;  Mena,  Gob.,  in  ^acMco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc., 
xi.  186-93;  Ficjueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  47. 

2^ '  Verdad  sea,  que  aunque  al  Conde  le  movid  buen  celo,  fue  apretando 
mucho  la  Cedula,  y  anadiendo  inteligencias  a  racones,  que  ^'enian  en  ella  bien 
claras,  y  manifiestas. '  Torquemada,  i.  687-8. 

2^  From  these  preliminaries  we  may  judge  of  the  importance  Monterey 
attached  to  the  matter,  particularly  as  every  one  of  these  commissioners 
received  a  salary  of  2,000  pieces  in  advance.  *Son  docientos  mil  Pesos,  los 
,  Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  H.  49 


770 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


tiers,  however,  were  on  the  alert,  and  when  a  loca- 
tion was  decided  on  which  the  Spaniards  desired  for 
themselves,  as  it  happened  in  most  cases,  they  bribed 
the  commissioners  to  oppose  the  selection,  and  a  less 
favorable  or  even  wholly  unfit  locality  was  chosen. 
The  charge  of  bribery  is  positively  maintained  by 
Torquemada,  who  says  that  for  this  reason  'Hhe  Ind- 
ians suffered  and  the  Spaniards  prevailed,"  protest- 
ing that  he  speaks  not  at  random,  but  of  well-known 
facts.  This  author,  himself  a  prominent  friar,  dwells 
with  a  sigh  upon  the  circumstance  that  those  mission- 
aries had  so  little  influence  in  the  matter,  "because 
now,  when  the  religious  and  ecclesiastics  in  these 
Indies  do  speak  the  truth,  it  is  looked  upon  with  sus- 
picion by  those  who  govern,  on  account  of  our  great 
sins." 

When  the  different  locations  were  finally  determined, 
another  commission  was  appointed  by  the  viceroy  to 
enforce  the  actual  migration  of  the  natives  and  the 
formation  of  the  new  towns.  These  being  entirely 
new  men,  they  were  also  desirous  of  profiting  by 
their  office.  A  new  series  of  abuses  sprang  up;  and 
so  matters  continued ;  for  every  device  by  government 
for  the  protection  of  the  natives  there  were  twenty  by 
the  settlers  for  their  undoing. 

It  was,  indeed,  sorrowful  when  the  commissioner 
came  to  drive  the  Indian  from  the  home  of  his  an- 
cestors, evermore  with  his  family  to  dwell  in  strange 
parts.  They  were  gathered  like  a  flock  of  sheep,  their 
dwellings  burned,  their  fields  destroyed,  and  lamenting 
they  were  driven  away.  Those  who  complained  were 
not  heeded,  and  those  who  bore  their  misfortune  in 
silence  were  treated  like  beasts.  And  though  it  was 
provided  by  the  crown  that  when  Indians  were  re- 
moved to  other  localities  none  of  the  land  thus  vacated 
should  be  taken  from  them  and  given  to  Spaniards, 
the  command  was  but  temporarily  respected,  and  soon 


que  (le  ante  mano  se  gastaron  en  esta  Comision,  para  sola  la  vista  de  los  Sitios, 
y  Pueblos,  donde  avia  de  ser  la  Gente  congregada. '  Torquemada,  i.  687. 


THE  CONFLICT  OF  RACES. 


771 


all  the  ancient  possessions  yielded  to  the  avarice  of 
the  conqueror. 

Monterey  was  not  immediately  aware  of  the  atroci- 
ties committed  by  his  officials,  but  imagined  that  he 
was  performing  a  pious  duty.  Complaints  grew  finally 
so  loud  and  so  frequent  that  no  doubt  was  left;  he 
therefore  countermanded  the  worst  part  of  his  orders, 
and  reported  to  the  king  the  impracticability  of  the 
undertaking. 

In  answer  came  a  cedula  prohibiting  further  steps 
in  the  matter,  and  it  was  proclaimed  that  all  Indians 
who  desired  might  return  to  their  original  homes.  A 
few  took  advantage  of  the  permission,  but  the  major- 
ity, reduced  to  poverty  and  helplessness,  had  not  the 
courage  nor  the  means  to  return  to  their  destroyed 
homes  and  begin  anew  the  cultivation  of  their  fields; 
''and  most  pernicious  damage,"  as  we  are  told  by  Tor- 
quemada,  resulted  from  the  formation  of  these  settle- 
ments.^^ 

New  races  ana  race  intermixtures  were  springing 
up,  however,  to  fill  the  widening  gaps  in  native  ranks, 
and  among  them  the  negroes  and  Indian  zambos,^^ 
the  latter  offspring  of  Indians  and  negroes,  appeared 
conspicuous,  not  alone  from  their  number,  but  from 
their  vicious  tendencies,  which  were  regarded  as  dan- 
gerous. The  Indian  zambos  in  particular  would  not 
apply  themselves  to  mechanical  trades  nor  cultivate 
the  soil.  Their  favorite  occupation  was  herding  cattle, 
in  which  they  could  lead  a  free  and  roving  life;  they 
were  particularly  fond  of  living  among  the  Indians, 
an  association  dangerous  to  the  Spaniards  in  case  of 
revolt,  and  incentive  to  troubles.  Besides,  they  as 
well  as  fugitive  slaves  were  constantly  committing 

2^  I  have  preferred  to  follow  the  statements  of  Torquemada,  who  has  given 
tis  the  fairest  account  of  all  the  steps  taken  in  the  matter,  and  the  results. 
He  had  the  best  opportunity  of  knowing,  as  he  lived  in  Mexico  at  the  time, 
and  in  company  with  other  friars  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  endeavors  to 
protect  the  natives  from  the  lawless  acts  of  the  commissioners. 

'  Zambo  de  indio. '  The  matter  of  race  intermixtures  and  terms  is  more 
fully  given  in  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.,  this  series. 


772 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


depredarions  in  Vera  Cruz  and  its  environs,  between 
the  city  of  Antequera  and  Huatulco,  in  the  province 
of  Pilnuco  and  other  places ;  and  to  stop  this  evil  the 
government  had  been  obliged  to  pursue  and  punish 
the  criminals;  after  which,  such  of  them  as  were 
slaves  w^ere  restored  to  their  masters. 

With  each  year  the  introduction  of  negro  slaves 
increased,  as  their  services  were  needed  for  the  mines, 
and  no  better  laborers  for  that  purpose  could  be 
obtained.  The  natives  were  poor  workmen,  being 
naturally  lazy,  and  encouraged  in  this  vice  by  knowl- 
edge of  existing  laws  against  their  enforced  labor. 
Marriages  between  negro  men  and  Indian  women  were 
common,  the  latter  preferring  negroes  to  Indians,  and 
the  negro  males  being  more  fond  of  Indian  women. 
The  cause  of  this  reciprocal  feeling  may  perhaps  be 
found  in  a  wise  and  humane  law,  which  provided  that 
all  offspring  of  these  unions  should  be  born  free. 

Alarmed  at  the  great  number  of  zambo  children 
born  in  the  country.  Viceroy  Enriquez  had  asked 
the  king  to  decree  that  the  latter  should  be  born 
slaves.  And  the  pope  was  requested  to  forbid  future 
marriages  between  the  two  races,  but  the  proposals 
failed.  Meanwhile  an  officer  was  appointed  to  keep  a 
record  of  all  zambos  of  both  sexes,  to  watch  over 
them,  and  see  that  they  were  engaged  in  honest  pur- 
suits, and  to  punish  vagrants. 

But  if  Count  Monterey  failed  in  some  particulars, 
in  others  he  was  eminently  successful — instance  the 
state  of  affairs  in  Michoacan,  which  under  the  ener- 
getic and  beneficent  rule  of  Quiroga,  first  as  visitador 
and  then  as  bishop,  had  been  sent  forward  on  a 

A  law  of  1557  forbade  the  landing  from  any  vessel  of  negroes  without  a 
license  of  the  king's  officers,  who  were  to  keep  account  of  every  negro  landed. 
Masters  convicted  of  violating  the  law  were  to  be  punished  with  forfeiture  of 
their  vessels,  and  imprisonment.  It  was  a  crime  under  the  laws  of  1568-73 
for  any  negro,  mulatto,  mestizo,  or  other  of  mixed  breed  to  carry  weapons. 
Eecop.,  Ind.,  ii.  361,  363;  Zamora,  Leg.  UlL,  iii.  109,  iv.  461-2. 

See  Enriquez,  Carta  al  Rey,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  298-300. 


MICHOACA^^. 


773 


broad  road  of  peace  and  prosperity,  broken  only  by 
occasional  disturbance  on  the  eastern  border. 

As  a  province  subject  to  the  audiencia  of  Mexico, 
it  was  ruled  by  alcaldes  mayores,^^  to  whom  were  an- 
swerable a  number  of  lieutenants  and  chiefs,  control- 
ling different  towns  and  tribes.^*     Their  residence 


Transfer  oj*  Episcopal  Seat. 


^2  At  Yuririaptindaro  are  still  to  be  seen  in  the  convent  garden  three  trees, 
called  'Trompon  y  de  las  mujeres  libertadas,'  and  planted  in  commemora- 
tion of  the  rescue  by  the  Indian  chief  Trompon  of  two  women  who  in  1588 
had  been  carried  off  from  the  town  by  Chichimec  raiders.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Boletin,  ix.  163. 

22  The  first  person  whose  name  is  j)reserved  to  us  by  the  records  is  Juan 
del  Hierro,  who  in  1581  was  succeeded  by  Doctor  Alonso  Martinez.  For  sub- 
sequent rulers,  see  Linares,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ^p.,  iv.  637-8. 

2*  Among  these  chiefs  were  descendants  of  the  unfortunate  Tangaxoan,  one 
of  whose  blood,  Diego  Tomas,  was  made  captain-general  of  the  Chichimec 
frontier  and  principal  chief  of  the  Tarascan  cacique,  receiving  also  the  title  of 
hijodalgo,  together  with  the  grant  of  Panjamo.  A  letter  from  the  audiencia 
in  Ternaux-Compam,  Voy.,  serie  ii,  tom.  v.  206,  alludes  to  several  sons  of 
Tangaxoan.  Beaumont  refers  only  to  the  career  of  Antonio,  and  his  son  Pablo, 
married  to  a  Spanish  lady,  and  enjoying  an  annuity  from  the  crown.  Cr6n. 
Mich.,  iii.  S61.    Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  mentions  also  Fernando,  and  a  docu- 


774 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


was  at  Patzcuaro,  which  in  1554  had  been  made  the 
leading  city  by  the  transfer  of  the  episcopal  seat  from 
Tzintzuntzan.^^  This  blow  at  the  ancient  seat  of 
royalty  in  favor  of  an  Indian  suburb,  as  Patzcuaro 
was  classed,  created  no  little  remonstrance,  appeals 
being  sent  also  to  the  king.  Despite  the  continued 
clamor,  no  attention  was  accorded  till  Bishop  Morales 
proposed  a  solution  by  recommending  the  transfer  of 
political  and  ecclesiastical  government  to  the  growing 
city  of  Yalladolid.  This  took  effect  in  1580  or  1582, 
although  not  without  further  protests.^^  The  place 
had  been  founded  in  1541  by  Viceroy  Mendoza,  when 
on  the  way  to  the  Mixton  war,  and  was  occasionally 
termed  Guayangareo,  after  the  valley  in  which  it 
lay- 

Tzintzuntzan  appears  to  have  suffered  less  from  this 

ment  in  Orozco  y  Berra,  Hist.  Atit., 
ii.  207,  speaks  of  Constantino  as  a 
son  of  Antonio.  See  also  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  ix.  133-4, 

^^The  royal  order  to  this  ef- 
fect had  been  obtained  by  Quiroga 
while  in  Spain,  the  papal  approval 
being  dated  July  8,  1550.  Nueva 
Esp.,  Breve  Res.,  MS.,  ii.  250-74. 
Beaumont  gives  a  native  painting 
which  I  reproduce  on  p.  773,  re- 
cording the  transfer.  Crdn.  Mich., 
MS.,  app.  A  description  of  the 
arms  of  Patzcuaro  is  given  in  the 
same  book. 

2^  Florencia  states  that  but  for 
the  Jesuits  the  Indians  would  have 
forcibly  resisted  the  transfer.  They 
were  appeased  by  the  grant  of  a 
venerated  bell.  Hist.  Prov.  Jesus, 
225-7.  The  protest  of  Tzintzun- 
tzan appears  in  Mich.  Carta,  in 
Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  244-7; 
Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  128-9; 
Mich.,  Prov.  S.  Nicolas,  42.  The 
ARMS  OF  THE  CiTY  OF  Valladolid.  objection  to  Patzcuaro  was  that 

the  centre  of  business  had  moved 
away  from  its  district,  and  that  it  suffered  from  heavy  rains  in  summer.  Villa 
Sehor,  Theatro,  ii.  8.  It  had  at  this  time  100  Spanish  households,  two  con- 
vents, and  a  Jesuit  college. 

2^  Cavo,  Treji  Sighs,  i.  139.  According  to  Tello,  it  received  a  coat  of  arms 
in  1563.  With  the  transfer  it  received  great  impulse,  and  a.  costly  cathedral 
added  to  its  attractions.  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  450,  460;  v.  548.  The 
coat  of  arms  given  above  is  a  fac-simile  from  Id.,  MS.,  app.;  Me-X-  Col.  Leyes, 
i.,  p.  xlvii.;  Romero,  \i\  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii.  540. 


MONTEREY'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


775 


last  change  than  from  the  previous,  for  it  prospered 
sufEciently  to  be  endowed  in  1593  with  the  title  of 
city.^  There  were  four  other  Spanish  towns  in  the 
province  and  about  three  hundred  native  towns  and 
villages.  The  population  suffered  much  less  here 
from  the  epidemics  of  1563  and  1575-6,  thanks  to 
the  many  hospitals  erected  by  friars,  and  to  which 
Quiroga  had  given  impulse  by  his  establishment  at 
Santa  Fe.^*^  The  memory  of  this  good  bishop  is  to 
this  day  venerated  throughout  the  province  for  his 


Arms  of  the  City  of  Tzintzuntzan. 


many  beneficent  acts  and  fatherly  supervision,  con- 
tinued until  his  death  in  1565,  the  fruits  remaining  as 
a  bright  example  to  his  successors.    Of  gigantic  stat- 

^^The  above  cut  is  from  Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  MS.,  app.  Government 
buildings  had  been  projected  there  as  early  as  1531,  Salmeron,  in  Packeco 
and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  xv.  451. 

2'  With  over  40,000  tribute-payers.  The  Spanish  towns  were  San  Miguel, 
San  Felipe,  Zacatula,  and  Colima.  The  last  was  made  a  s'^illa  in  1554,  with 
the  name  of  Santiago  de  los  Caballeros.  It  sufiFered  severely  from  a  hurricane 
and  earthquake  on  November  14,  1573.  Ships  were  built  at  Salagua  or 
Manzamillo.  Cajitlan  is  also  spoken  of  as  a  prominent  town.  Colima, 
Bepresentacion,  5-7  ;  Informe  por  Cabildo  de  Guad.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.y 
ii.  507 ;  Moia  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  237. 

*^  He  left  an  income  to  support  it,  with  instructions  for  its  management, 
Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  v.  579-81. 


776 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


ure,  great  strength  and  endurance,  and  swarthy  com- 
plexion, the  prelate  was  indefatigable  in  his  efforts  for 
the  advancement  of  Christianity,  particularly  among 
the  Indians,  who  alluded  to  him  affectionately  as  Tata 
Vasco.  He  visited  even  the  remotest  parts  of  his  vast 
diocese,  setting  his  hand  personally  to  rude  tasks, 
erecting  churches  and  schools  for  children  and  arti- 
sans, and  giving  to  all  the  example  of  a  humane  and 
moral  life/^ 

Monterey's  administration  was  also  marked  by  the 
extension  of  Spanish  settlements  in  the  north,  partic- 
ularly in  the  region  then  called  the  Nuevo  Keino 
de  Leon,  whose  conquest  and  settlement  proper  fall 
within  this  period,  though  earlier  attempts  more  or 
less  successful  had  been  made.  The  territory  was 
inhabited  partially  by  some  of  those  wild  tribes  com- 
ing under  the  general  name  of  Chichimecs  with  whom 
Viceroy  Yelasco  had  concluded  a  treaty,  and  by  others 
properly  belonging  to  the  adjoining  province  of  Ta- 
maulipas. 

We  are  told  that  in  the  year  1580  Franciscan  mis- 
sionaries came  from  Jalisco  to  Nuevo  Leon  in  charge 
of  Fray  Lorenzo  de  Gavira;  and  after  preaching  for 
some  time  in  different  places,  they  retired  to  Saltillo, 
where  in  1582  they  founded  the  convent  of  San  Este- 
van.  Gavira  then  returned  to  Jalisco.  Two  years 
later  we  find  established  in  the  territory  Diego  de 
Montemayor,  said  to  have  come  to  Saltillo  in  1575, 
whence  he  petitioned  Gaspar  de  Castano,  alcalde 

*i  He  died  aged  95,  March  14,  1565,  at  Uruapan,  whilst  on  a  pastoral  tour, 
and  was  buried  in  his  favorite  town  of  Patzcuaro,  where  he  had  endowed  the 
college  of  San  Nicolas.  At  the  time  the  cathedral  was  removed  to  Valladolid 
the  chapter  attempted  to  take  away  the  bishop's  remains,  but  the  Indians  of 
Patzcuaro  prevented  it;  the  bones  were  preserved  in  silk  bags  in  the  church 
which  had  been  placed  in  charge  of  the  Jesuits.  Valladolid,  now  Morelia, 
possessed  the  staff  wherewith,  according  to  tradition,  he  struck  the  rock  from 
which  sprang  the  potable  water  used  in  that  city;  also  his  hat  bearing  the 
marks  of  perspiration.  Several  portraits  exist  in  Michoacan,  and  represent 
him  as  of  dark  complexion  and  gigantic  stature.  Villa  Sefior,  Theatro,  ii.  7 
etseq.;  Romero,  mSoc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii.  ^38-40;  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov. 
Jesus,  210,  226-7?  Alegre,  ii.;  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  132-3.  The  fullest  account 
of  his  life  is  given  in  Moreno,  Fragmentos  de  la  Vida . .  .de  Quiroga,  Mex. 
r'^66,  202,  30,  written  by  a  canon  of  Guadalajara,  and  containing  also  interest- 
ing matter  on  the  history  of  the  province. 


SAN  LUIS  POTOSl. 


777 


mayor  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  who  controlled  all  this 
region,  for  a  grant  of  the  lands  and  water  of  the 
hacienda  San  Francisco. This  petition  was  signed 
by  Montemayor  as  royal  treasurer,  showing  that  even 
then  he  was  a  prominent  personage. 

The  favorable  features  and  resources  of  the  region 
soon  became  know^n,  and  Luis  de  Carabajal  y  de  la 
Cueva,  a  frontiersman,  made  a  contract  to  effectually 
colonize  it  at  his  own  expense,  in  consideration  for  the 
ap23ointment  of  governor.  His  original  jurisdiction 
under  the  name  of  Nuevo  Reino  de  Leon  was  to 
comprise  a  vaguely  defined  territory,  from  the  port  of 
Tampico  along  the  River  Panuco  as  a  basis,  thence 
extending  northward,  but  not  to  exceed  two  hundred 
leagues  either  way,  which  would  seem  to  have  in- 
cluded all  of  Tamaulipas.  To  pacify  and  colonize  the 
new  territory  Carobajal  was  allowed  to  employ  one 
hundred  soldiers  and  take  with  him  sixty  married 
laborers,  including  their  wives  and  children. Armed 
with  this  concession  he  appeared  at  Mexico  in  the 
early  autumn  of  1580,  and  began  to  prepare  for  occu- 
pying his  territory.  But  the  allurements  of  the  rich 
mining  districts  of  San  Luis  Potosi  and  Guanajuato 
tended  to  eclipse  the  more  pastoral  vistas  offered  by 
New  Leon,  and  the  enrolment  proved  slow.^^  In  1584, 
however,  he  appears  to  have  set  out,  and  on  reaching 
the  Spanish  settlement  already  established  at  Santa 
Lucia,  in  Estremadura  Valley,*^  he  determined  there 
to  plant  his  colony,  changing  the  name  of  the  place  to 

^^The  present  town  of  San  Francisco  de  Apodaca.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Bohtin,  3da  ep.  i.  231. 

*^This  capitulation  was  dated  May  31,  1579.  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not,  104-8. 
Gonzalez,  Col.  JSf.  Leon,  p.  xvii.  6,  the  historian  of  the  province,  followed  by 
a  writer  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boleiin,  3da  ep.  i.  224-5,  argues  strenuously  that 
Carabajal  was  appointed  in  1569,  but  this  date  is  disproved  not  only  by 
Calle's  document,  but  by  the  admitted  fact  that  Carabajal  did  not  enter  the 
province  till  1584-5. 

An  appeal  must  have  been  made  to  the  king,  for  by  a  cedula  of  April 
19,  1583,  the  viceroy  was  charged  to  promote  the  undertaking  in  every  way. 
See  also  Imtruccione,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  480-99. 

Founded  probably  by  Father  Cavira  and  Diego  de  Montemayor.  Yet 
some  assume  that  General  Urdinola  senior  may  have  brought  the  settlers 
here  established. 


778 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


that  of  City  of  Leon;  and  segregating  the  territory 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  alcalde  mayor  of  San  Luis 
Potosi,  he  established  the  New  Kingdom  of  Leon,  by 


Kingdom  of  New  Leon. 


virtue  of  his  contract  with  the  crown.  At  this  place 
he  must  have  fallen  in  with  Diego  de  Montemayor, 


NEW  LEON. 


779 


for  we  find  that  on  the  16th  of  August,  1585,  the 
grants  extended  to  the  latter  by  the  alcalde  referred 
to  were  confirmed  and  amplified  by  Governor  Cara- 
bajal/^ 

The  new  city  of  Leon  does  not  appear  to  have  made 
much  progress  under  Governor  Carabajal.  But  we 
have  no  further  data  concerning  the  province  at  this 
time,  except  that  in  1591  Gaspar  de  Castano,  who 
seems  to  have  acted  as  lieutenant-governor  of  New 
Leon,  marched  with  about  two  hundred  men  through 
that  territory  and  Coahuila,  on  his  way  to  New 
Mexico/^ 

Two  years  later  the  first  Franciscans  obtained  a 
permanent  foothold  in  the  province,  under  Father 
Andres  de  Leon,  who  was  accompanied  by  fathers 
Diego  de  Arcaya  and  Antonio  Zalduende.  These 
friars  were  of  the  number  who  accompanied  the  expe- 
dition despatched  by  Yelasco,  with  the  Tlascaltec 
families,  to  colonize  the  Chichimec  country.  Having 
reached  Saltillo,  where  they  founded  the  village  of 
San  Estevan,  adjoining  the  convent  of  that  name,  they 
penetrated  to  the  valley  of  Estremadura,  and  founded 
a  large  mission  at  a  place  known  to-day  as  Piedra 
Parada,  distant  about  a  league  from  Leon.  Father 
Zalduende  then  returned  and  continued  his  missionary 
labors  in  the  interior  of  Coahuila. 

Governor  Carabajal  died  about  1595,^  and  Pedro 
Rodriguez,  who  may  have  been  an  alcalde,  was  left  in 
charge  of  the  government  when  the  colony  was  strug- 
gling for  existence.  In  1596  Diego  de  Montemayor 
was  made  lieutenant-governor  and  captain-general  of 

*^  '  Este  auto  de  revalidacion  esta  puesto  en  la  ciudad  de  Leon,  del  Nuevo 
Reyno  de  Leon. '  Gonzalez,  Col.  N.  Leon,  p.  vi.  5.  '  He  hallado  aqui  un  docu- 
mento. .  .que  prueba  que  el  ano  de  1584  San  Luis  era  villa,  y  capital  de  la 
provincia,  regida  por  un  alcalde  Mayor,  que  lo  era  Gaspar  de  Castano,  cuya 
jurisdiccion  se  estendia  hasta  el  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon.'  No  mention  is  made 
of  the  proceedings  of  Carabajal  after  this,  but  it  is  not  improbable  he  employed 
several  years  in  completing  his  project. 

*^  Sosa,  Mem.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  283-354;  also  /c?., 
XV.  191-261. 

^^Calle,  Mem.  y  Not,  105.    The  exact  time  of  his  death  is  not  given. 


780 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


New  Leon,  and  by  special  commission  from  Viceroy 
Monterey  he  proceeded  to  reorganize  the  government 
and  settle  the  province.  It  is  claimed  that  for  this 
purpose  he  brought  thirty-four  Spanish  families,  but 
it  seems  more  probable  that  he  undertook  the  task 
with  those  he  may  have  brought  thither  at  the  begin- 
ning, or  those  who  remained  of  Carabajal's  colony, 
and  the  Indians  gathered  at  the  mission  by  Father 
Andres  de  Leon.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Monte- 
mayor  ever  left  the  province  after  his  first  arrival. 

On  the  20th  of  September,  1596,  the  lieutenant- 
governor  solemnly  incorporated  the  capital  of  the 
province,  changing  the  name  of  Leon  to  the  City  of 
Our  Lady  of  Monterey,  in  honor  of  the  ruling  viceroy; 
but  the  province  retained  the  name  of  New  Leon.^^ 
This  act  of  incorporation  shows  that  Montemayor 
himself  was  the  first  to  introduce  disorder,  and  lay 
the  foundation  of  future  discontent,  by  giving  to  the 
ayuntamiento  and  the  church  of  the  new  city  six 
Indian  tribes  in  encomienda. 

The  civil  and  judicial  affairs  of  New  Leon  continued 
subject  to  the  government  of  Mexico,  while  ecclesias- 
tical matters  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  diocese 
of  Guadalajara.  Father  Andres  de  Leon  was  the  first 
to  receive  the  appointment  to  the  curateship  proper 
of  Monterey.  Of  the  general  progress  of  that  city 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  little 
is  known.  During  the  early  years  of  the  next  cen- 
tury more  Franciscans  arrived  from  Zacatecas,  who 
founded  a  convent  in  Monterey.    Then  Father  Andres 

The  document  of  incorporation,  or  carta  de  fundacion,  preserved  in  the 
municipal  archives  of  Monterey,  bears  date,  '  en  el  valle  de  Estremadura  Ojos 
de  Santa  Lucia,  Jurisdiccion  del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon,'  September  20,  1596, 
signed  by  Diego  de  Montemayor.  The  first  municipal  officers  were  Alonso 
de  Berreda  and  Pedro  Inigo,  alcaldes  ordinaries;  Juan  Perez  de  los  Rios, 
Diego  Diaz  de  Verlanga,  and  Diego  Maldonado,  regidores;  Diego  de  Monte- 
mayor, procurador  general;  the  regidor  Verlanga  acting  at  the  same  time  as 
notary  of  the  cabildo.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  3da  ep.,  i.  225;  Gonzalez,  Col. 
N.  Leon,  8-11.  The  following  authorities  erroneously  place  the  founding  of 
Monterey  in  the  year  1599.  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  231;  Villa  Sefior,  Theatro,  ii. 
295;  Mayer,  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  175;  Dice.  Univ.,  ix.  884.  The  article  on  'Nuevo 
Leon '  in  the  latter  work  is  replete  with  errors  in  facts  and  dates.  Mota 
Padilla  gives  the  year  1602,  and  Arlegui  1603. 


NEW  MEXICO. 


7S1 


was  better  enabled  to  follow  up  his  religious  labors, 
so  that  in  1603  thirty-five  thousand  Indians  had  been 
baptized,  besides  three  thousand  who  had  died  in  the 
mean  time.  These  numbers  Arlegui  claims  to  have 
taken  from  a  public  document.  Thus  the  permanent 
colonization  of  New  Leon  became  one  of  the  success- 
ful undertakings  of  Count  Monterey,  the  capital  of 
which  province  perpetuates  his  name  to  this  day. 

Many  other  attempts  were  made  during  the  las*^ 
quarter  of  this  century  to  explore  and  populate  the 
north-western  and  more  northerly  regions  of  New 
Spain  as  far  as  the  interior  of  New  Mexico,  a  fuller 
account  of  which  is  given  in  my  History  of  the  North 
Mexican  States.  After  the  expedition  of  Vasquez  de 
Coronado  in  1540-2  and  his  subsequent  retreat,  this 
vast  region  was  almost  forgotten  for  forty  years.  In 
1581  the  ill-fated  priest,  Agustin  Kodriguez,  penetrated 
north,  over  two  hundred  leagues,  into  the  Tiguas  prov- 
ince, on  the  Rio  del  Norte.  Then  came,  in  the  following 
year,  the  expedition  of  Antonio  de  Espejo  and  Father 
Bernardino  Beltran,  which  advanced  through  the  val- 
ley of  Rio  Conchos  up  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande 
to  the  Pueblo  territory  and  beyond,  in  a  north-westerly 
direction.  There  they  found  traces  of  the  Coronado  ex- 
pedition, and  after  some  exploring  in  the  vicinity  they 
returned  in  safety.  The  next  Spaniards  to  explore  in 
that  direction  were  those  under  Caspar  de  Castano, 
in  1590,  mentioned  in  this  chapter.  He  set  out  prob- 
ably from  New  Leon,  and  was  subsequently  arrested 
by  order  of  Velasco.  Then  came  the  expedition,  in 
1594  to  1596,  under  Bonilla  and  Humana,  in  search 
of  Quivira,  which,  came  to  such  on  unfortunate  end 
that  but  one  Spaniard  and  a  mulatto  girl  are  said  to 
have  escaped. 

Meanwhile  arrangements  for  the  conquest  of  New 
Mexico  had  been  completed  between  Viceroy  Yelasco 
and  Juan  de  Onate,  on  August  24,  1595.  Many  and 
serious  difficulties  arose  about  the  matter  between 


782 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


Monterey  and  the  principal  leaders  of  the  enterprise, 
so  that  several  years  elapsed  before  the  expedition 
was  fairly  under  way.  Finally,  in  the  autumn  of  1 597, 
Onate  set  out  with  four  hundred  men,  one  hundred 
and  thirty  of  whom  had  families.  Many  were  the 
hardships,  reverses,  and  successes  of  this  important 
expedition,  until  formal  possession  of  the  newly  con- 
quered territory  was  taken  in  the  name  of  the  crown, 
by  Juan  de  Onate,  on  April  30,  1598,  thus  adding 
another  important  province  to  the  rapidly  expanding 
boundaries  of  New  Spain. 

Thus  terminated  the  sixteenth  century  in  New 
Spain,  the  opening  of  which  had  beheld  at  the  zenith 
of  its  glory  the  most  advanced  and  powerful  empire  in 
America,  as  yet  undreamed  of  by  the  Spanish  adven- 
turers who  were  scouring  the  western  seas  in  search 
of  India.  Within  two  brief  years  it  fell,  thereafter 
to  serve  as  a  base  for  the  extension  of  a  new  power. 
The  ancient  capital  of  the  Aztecs  was  made  the  me- 
tropolis of  yet  vaster  domains.  The  decade  following 
the  fall  of  Mexico  saw  these  Spaniards  spreading  in 
small  but  irresistible  bands  southward  over  Chiapas 
and  Guatemala,  until,  stayed  in  Honduras  by  the  cur- 
rent of  invasion  from  the  Isthmian  capital,  they  turned 
to  subjugate  the  still  untrodden  north,  advancing  on 
the  one  side  beyond  Pdnuco,  on  the  other  to  the 
borders  of  Sinaloa,  nearly  opposite  Lower  California. 
Another  decade  saw  the  conquest  of  the  peninsula  of 
Yucatan  in  the  east,  while  in  the  north  exploring  ex- 
peditions disclosed  the  other  great  peninsula,  that  of 
California,  entering  the  gulf  by  its  side,  and  passing 
through  Sonora  and  Arizona  into  the  land  of  Cibola, 
and  beyond,  to  the  borders  of  Kansas.  Meanwhile 
a  few  wanderers  had  crossed  their  track  and  traversed 
the  broad  expanse  of  continent  from  Florida  to  the 
shores  of  the  gulf  of  California.    The  following  dec- 


^  For  particulars  and  full  narrative  of  these  various  expeditions,  some  of 
which  are  absolutely  ignored  by  modern  writers,  see  Hist.  North  Mex.  States, 
i.,  and  Hist.  Ariz,  and  New  Mex.,  this  series. 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  EPOCH. 


783 


ades  witness  tlie  mining  excitement  which  confines 
exploration  within  the  latitudes  of  Queretaro  and 
Chihuahua,  and  the  coast  ranges  east  and  west.  Here 
a  number  of  metalliferous  districts  and  towns  sprang 
up  under  the  protecting  wing  of  presidios  and  armed 
camps,  most  of  which  still  exist  as  famous  mining- 
centres  and  state  and  county  capitals. 

Then  the  long  and  fitful  dream  of  treasures  which 
had  danced  the  early  adventurers  hither  and  thither, 
bringing  blood-hounds  and  fire-tortures  on  many  a 
luckless  chief,  had  become  fixed  and  realized.  And 
although  for  a  time  the  numerous  mines  discovered 
proved  the  chief  attraction  and  the  more  immediate 
source  of  wealth,  gradually  attention  was  turned 
to  the  more  enduring  forms  of  prosperity,  agricul- 
ture and  manufactures,  which  will  more  clearly  be 
brought  to  light  in  the  succeeding  volumes  of  this 
history. 

And  all  along  through  the  century  we  have  seen 
explorers  and  conquerors,  city-builders  and  miners, 
side  by  side  with  self-denying  and  exemplary  friars, 
who,  while  replacing  a  cruel  and  debasing  worship 
with  a  gentler  faith,  sought  to  ameliorate  the  condi- 
tion of  their  charge,  ever  mysteriously  fading  into  the 
immaterial  before  their  pitying  eyes. 

Meanwhile  able  men  appear  at  the  head  of  eccle- 
siastical affairs,  and  the  church  rises  into  power,  gain- 
ing for  the  millions  lost  in  the  Old  World  millions  in 
the  New.  Government  becomes  organized;  conquer- 
ors give  way  to  encomenderos ;  adelantados  to  audi- 
encias  and  viceroys,  who  by  mutual  aid  and  restraint 
form  an  administration  which  with  a  few  exceptions 
may  be  called  beneficial.  Society  improves,  wealth 
and  refinement  come,  education  advances,  and  the 
aboriginal  culture  is  replaced  by  a  higher  civilization. 
As  with  increasing  age  the  conscience  of  Philip  be- 
comes yet  more  tender,  gradually  fall  the  shackles  of 
an  enslaved  people ;  sympathizers  of  the  superior  class 
born  upon  the  soil  come  to  their  support,  and  from 


784 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


this  union  springs  a  new  people  destined  in  time  to 
revive  the  faded  glories  of  the  past. 

Mexican  history  during  the  viceregal  rule  has  one  attraction  not  possessed 
by  the  preceding  annals  of  the  conquest,  that  of  novelty;  since,  as  I  have 
intimated,  no  narratives  of  this  period  exist  in  English  beyond  vague  gener- 
alizations and  bare  fragmentary  outlines,  in  connection  with  treatises  on  mod- 
ern Mexico  and  its  resources.  Even  the  works  in  Spanish,  by  Cavo,  Ribera,  and 
Zamacois,  are  most  unsatisfactory,  especially  for  the  sixteenth  century,  which 
is  treated  in  a  brief,  uneven,  and  fragmentary  manner.  This  is  chiefly  owing 
to  their  neglect  of,  and  want  of  access  to,  the  voluminous  documents  in  dif- 
ferent ancient  and  modern  collections,  and  even  in  a  number  of  quite  attain- 
able chronicles  and  histories.  The  lack  of  research  is  augmented  by  a 
neglect  of  generalization,  of  institutional  topics,  of  local  annals,  aod  of  the 
critical  and  philosophical  treatment  of  subjects  so  essential  to  proper  history. 

The  sources  for  material  on  the  period  subsequent  to  the  fall  of  Mexico 
change  as  the  din  of  battle  ceases,  and  the  cross  takes  possession  of  the  field 
opened  for  its  labors.  For  a  while  it  advances  side  by  side  with  the  sword;  at 
times  it  even  becomes  the  precursor,  and  finally  the  peaceful  symbol  becomes 
dominant.  Yet  soldier-chroniclers  continue  for  some  years  as  leading  narra- 
tors of  events,  notably  Cortes,  in  his  clear,  concise  Cartas,  supplemented  by 
Oviedo  with  testimony  from  diflPerent  sources,  while  Las  Casas  furnishes  views 
from  the  other  side,  exaggerated  though  they  may  be  from  excess  of  zeal. 
Gossipy  Bernal  Diaz,  so  full  and  thorough  for  the  earlier  period,  becomes 
fragmentary  and  less  reliable,  describing  now  this  expedition  from  personal 
experience,  now  a  number  of  others  from  vague  hearsay;  or  he  jots  down 
events  as  they  occur  to  his  fading  memory.  Gomara  concentrates  his  coloring 
upon  the  closing  achievements  of  his  patron,  while  disclosing  many  important 
points.  But  Herrera,  who  so  far  had  followed  him  pretty  closely,  maintains 
an  even  tenor,  borrowing  now  from  more  varied  sources  wherewith  to  fill  his 
bald  and  stulted  decades.  Despite  his  false  method,  want  of  breadth,  and 
pronounced  Castilian  tendencies,  he  stands  forth  brimful  of  facts,  the  most 
complete  general  writer  on  American  events  for  the  first  half  of  the  century. 
Elegant  Soils,  like  philosophic  Clavigero,  stops  with  dramatic  tact  at  the  fall, 
but  a  successor  arises  in  Salazar  y  Olarte,  a  man  who,  in  undertaking  to  con- 
tinue his  narrative  from  the  material  ofi'ered  in  a  few  printed  versions,  seeks 
also  to  clothe  it  in  florid  language  befitting  the  original,  only  to  degenerate 
into  a  verbose  and  spiritless  declaimer  whose  word-painting  excites  derision. 
Robertson's  attractive  outline  dwindles  into  a  brief  philosophic  review  of 
progress  in  Spanish -American  colonies,  and  Prescott  becomes  after  the  fall 
merely  the  biographer  of  his  hero,  and  his  allusions  to  contemporary  history 
do  not  pretend  to  be  more  than  a  culling  from  a  few  accessible  authors. 

The  places  gradually  vacated  by  soldier-chroniclers  and  their  followers 
are  occupied  by  civilians,  visitadores,  judges,  viceroys,  and  municipal  bodies, 
who  in  voluminous  reports  or  less  complete  letters  disclose  political  unfold- 
ings  and  factions,  dwell  on  the  development  of  settlements  and  mines,  and 
discourse  on  local  affairs  and  social  features.    Singly  they  furnish  but  frag- 


CHRONICLERS  OF  THE  PERIOD. 


785 


mentary  evidence,  jointly  they  cover  their  field  satisfactorily,  as  will  be  found 
by  the  investigator  who  patiently  searches  through  the  many  and  voluminous 
collections  into  which  their  writings  have  been  gathered,  as  Coleccion  de  Dom- 
mentos  Ineditos,  in  over  50  volumes;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Coleccion  de 
Documentos,  in  over  40;  Documentos  para  Historia  de  Mexico,  in  over  20;  Ter- 
nauX'Compans,  Voyages,  and  other  issues,  in  more  than  20;  the  even  more 
bulky  Sodedad  Mexicana  de  Geografia,  Boletin,  the  collections  of  Navarrete, 
Icazbalceta,  Ramirez,  Hakluyt,  Purchas,  Cartas  de  Indias,  Archivo,  Mexicavo, 
Florida  Coleccion  de  Documentos,  the  unique  Squier's  MSS.,  in  over  20  vol- 
umes; the  original  minutes  and  records  in  Concilios  Provinciales,  MS.,  and 
Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS. ;  the  curious  material  in  Monumentos  de  la  Domi- 
nacioH  Espafiola,  MS.;  Id.,  Histdricos  y  PoUticos,  MS.,  and  Lihro  de  Cabildo, 
MS. ;  the  collections  and  summaries  of  laws  in  Puga,  Cedulario,  drdenes  de 
la  Corona,  MS.,  and  Reales  drdenes,  both  in  a  number  of  volumes,  in 
Pecopilacion  de  Indias  Montemayor,  and  Zamora,  and  so  forth. 

Nevertheless  there  remain  many  features  not  touched  by  civilians,  such  as 
the  wide-spread  labors  of  religious,  who  to  a  great  extent  acted  also  as  peace- 
ful conquerors  of  vast  provinces,  and  as  rulers  in  their  districts,  guiding  the 
destinies  of  millions.  The  labors  and  observations  of  these  men  were  incor- 
porated in  monk-chronicles,  written  in  many  instances  by  themselves,  and 
the  better  known  by  formally  appointed  historians  for  the  orders  and  prov- 
inces concerned.  While  their  attention  is  bent  chiefly  on  religious  topics, 
miracles,  and  biographies  of  friars,  they  narrate  also  political  and  kindred 
topics,  although  not  with  much  connection,  thoroughness,  or  impartiality. 
They  nevertheless  form  a  check  on  statements  from  the  opposite  side,  and  in 
this  their  very  antagonism  becomes  valuable  to  the  student  in  sifting  the  truth 
from  varied  testimony.  Among  the  earliest  of  chroniclers  stands  Motolinia, 
whose  Historia  de  los  Indios  relates  in  rambling  and  naive  manner  the  per- 
sonal experience  of  a  founder  of  the  Franciscan  order  in  New  Spain,  and 
dwells  also  upon  the  relation  between  church,  friars,  and  state,  and  the  treat- 
ment of  his  native  portages.  His  follower,  Mendieta,  was  an  equally  ardent 
defender  both  of  his  order  and  of  the  natives,  yet  more  talented  as  a  writer, 
so  much  so  that  he  was  appointed  official  historian  of  his  province,  and  gained 
great  distinction.  His  Historia  Eclesidstica  gives  the  most  thorough  account 
of  religious  labors  for  the  greater  part  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Neither 
of  these  histories  was  published,  however,  till  of  late,  and  Torquemada 
stepped  forward  to  avail  himself  of  them,  in  connection  with  a  mass  of  other 
material  in  print  and  manuscript,  presenting  in  his  Monarquia  Indiana  the 
most  complete  general  history  for  the  century  of  ecclesiastical,  political,  and 
Indian  affairs.  He  is  consequently  copied  by  a  number  of  both  general  and 
local  writers,  such  as  Vetancurt,  who,  while  less  full,  adds  a  mass  of  informa- 
tion on  orders,  churches,  cities,  and  other  topics,  in  his  numerous  histories 
and  treatises.  Beaumont  figures  in  his  Crdnica  de  Michoacan  as  the  historian 
of  a  western  province,  yet  he  covers  in  a  very  complete  manner  all  general 
affairs  of  New  Spain  that  lead  up  to  or  are  connected  with  his  district. 
Tello  and  Mota  Padilla  write  on  the  farther  north-west,  New  Galicia,  though 
adhering  more  closely  to  their  particular  sections,  and  Arricivita  and  Arlegui 
continue  the  link  eastward.  Cogolludo  in  the  same  manner  stands  forward 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  IT.  50 


786 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY, 


as  a  very  thorough  historian  of  Yucatan,  the  farthest  east,  while  Villagutierre, 
Remesal,  and  Burgoa  complete  the  circle  in  the  south,  for  Itza,  Chiapas,  and 
Oajaca,  respectively.  Remesal  represents  also  the  Dominican  order,  which 
in  Chiapas  held  sway,  and  other  orders  have  their  special  historians,  such  as 
Grijalva,  the  Augustinian  chronicler;  Garcia,  who  records  Bethlehemite  deeds; 
Philoponus,  the  Benedictine;  Alegre  and  Florencia,  the  Jesuit  annalists,  and 
so  forth;  while  the  church  itself  found  historians  in  Fernandez,  Gonzalez 
Davila,  and  Hazart. 

In  connection  with  the  monks  figures  a  new  class  of  writers,  natives  and 
mestizos,  who  were  educated  at  the  convents  or  became  members  of  orders, 
and  imbibed  from  teachers  the  love  of  writing.  Repelled  to  a  certain  extent 
by  the  proud  Spaniard,  they  cling  more  closely  to  their  own  race,  and,  while 
seeking  in  its  glorious  records  a  balm  for  their  sorrow,  they  feel  a  yearning  to 
preserve  them  and  to  advocate  the  claims  of  their  people.  Among  these 
writers  I  have  already  spoken  of  Camargo,  who  in  connection  with  material 
on  aboriginal  history  and  customs  gives  a  brief  sketch  of  events  during  Span- 
ish rule.  There  is  also  Chimalpain,  who  besides  his  translation  of  Gomara, 
to  which  he  adds  several  valuable  features,  is  credited  with  works  on  ancient 
and  conquest  times.  Ixtlilxochitl,  the  native  Cicero,  writes  more  fully  on 
the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  with  which  the  achievements  of  his  own  family, 
the  main  topic  of  his  works,  are  so  closely  bound  up,  and  he  frequently  ven- 
tures to  throw  light  on  incidents  wherein  the  conquerors  appear  to  little 
advantage.  His  son  Manuel  Alva  issued  several  translations  of  Vega's 
comedies  together  with  platicas  against  native  superstitions.  The  native  Jesuit 
Juan  Tovar  wrote  on  ancient  history,  but  the  works  of  the  mestizo  friar 
Duran,  so  largely  used  by  Acosta,  have  been  wrongly  credited  to  Tovar  by 
hasty  modern  historians.  Antonio  Tovar,  Cano  Montezuma,  Francisco  Pi- 
men  tel  Ixtlilxochitl,  the  mestizo  Cristobal  Castillo,  Saavedra  Guzman,  the 
author  of  El  Peregrino  Indiano,  1599,  Pedro  Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  Pedro 
Ponce,  Tezozomoc,  Juan  Bautista  Pomar,  Tadeo  de  Niza,  Gabriel  de  Ayala  in 
his  Comentarios,  Cristobal  Castaneda,  who  wrote  on  Michoacan,  and  Jaun 
Ventura  Zapata  y  Mendoza,  the  Tlascaltec  annalist,  are  among  the  noted 
writers  of  native  or  mixed  origin,  whose  productions  on  ancient  and  conquest 
periods  have  either  been  published  or  incorporated  in  the  works  of  Torque- 
mada,  Vetancurt,  Clavigero,  and  others. 

Torquemada,  as  I  have  shown,  must  be  regarded  as  the  leading  chronicler 
of  New  Spain  for  the  sixteenth  century,  giving  as  he  does  a  comprehensive 
account  of  political  as  well  as  ecclesiastical  and  aboriginal  affairs,  compiled 
for  the  first  half  of  the  century  from  a  number  of  versions  extant  in  manu- 
script and  print,  and  the  remainder  written  to  a  great  extent  from  personal 
observations.  For  this  work  he  was  particularly  well  fitted  by  his  training, 
attainments,  and  position.  Born  in  Spain,  he  came  at  an  early  age  to  Mexico, 
where  he  assumed  the  Franciscan  robe  and  studied  philosophy  and  theology 
under  the  famous  Juan  Bautista,  whose  love  for  the  Mexican  language,  his- 
tory, and  antiquities  he  readily  imbibed.  His  ability  was  early  recognized, 
and  he  became  definidor,  guardian  of  Tlatelulco  college  and  of  Tlascala  con- 
vent, and  provincial  of  his  order  in  Mexico,  holding  the  latter  ofl&ce  from  1614 
to  1617.    To  this  position,  or  to  the  influence  which  gained  it,  may  be  due 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. 


787 


the  success  which  so  many  predecessors  failed  to  achieve,  the  publication  of 
his  great  work,  Los  Veinte  i  vn  Libros  Rituales  i  Monarchia  Indiana,  con  el 
orifjen  y  ffuerras  de  los  Indios  Ocidentales,  de  sus  Pohlaciones,  etc. ,  first  issued 
at  Seville  1615,  in  3  folio  volumes.  Antonio,  Bib.  Hist.  Nova,  iii.  788.  Pinclo, 
followed  by  Ternaux-Compans,  says  1613;  but  this  is  an  error,  as  shown  by 
the  fact  that  the  permission  to  print  was  issued  only  in  May  1513.  The  issue 
of  these  bulky  volumes,  full  of  notations,  must  have  taken  some  time.  The 
greater  part  of  the  edition  was  lost  in  a  shipwreck,  and  the  remaining  copies 
disappeared  so  rapidly  that  Solis  could  not  obtain  one.  Indeed,  a  century 
after  the  imprint  date  only  three  copies  could  be  traced.  The  importance  of 
the  work  had  meanwhile  become  so  appreciated  that  a  new  edition  was  issued 
at  Madrid  in  1723,  corrected  from  the  original  manuscript  which  had  been 
discovered  in  Gonzalez  de  Barcia's  library.  Several  parts  had,  however,  been 
cut  out  by  the  censor,  such  as  the  first  chapter  to  the  second  book,  containing 
the  '  key  to  the  idea '  of  the  migration,  which  is  similar  to  that  given  in 
Garcia,  Origen.  As  indicated  by  the  title,  the  work  consists  of  21  books,  in 
three  volumes,  of  which  the  first  book  treats  of  cosmogony  and  origin  of  Ind- 
ians, the  second  and  third  of  aboriginal  history,  the  fourth  of  the  conquest, 
and  the  fifth  of  the  events  in  New  Spain  from  the  fall  of  Mexico  to  1612. 
This  last  book  is  unevenly  treated,  the  middle  period  being  very  brief  as  com- 
pared with  later  decades.  The  second  volume,  with  nine  books,  is  devoted 
to  aboriginal  mythology  and  customs;  the  third,  with  seven  books,  to  the 
progress  of  conversion,  the  condition  of  the  natives  under  the  new  rule,  the 
history  of  the  church,  and  particularly  of  the  Franciscans  in  New  Spain,  with 
a  number  of  chapters  on  afi'airs  in  the  Antilles,  Philippines,  and  elsewhere. 

The  instructions  issued  to  Torquemada  in  1609  directed  him  to  collect  and 
use  all  existing  material  for  the  work  in  question,  and  he  certainly  showed 
no  hesitation  in  obeying  the  order  to  the  letter.  Indeed,  Motolinia,  Sahagun, 
Mendieta,  Acosta,  Herrera,  and  others,  have  been  literally  copied  to  a  great 
extent.  The  conquest  and  subsequent  events  for  several  decades  are  almost 
wholly  from  the  last  named,  while  Mendieta  is  called  upon  to  supply  the  re- 
ligious history.  According  to  Juan  Bautista,  Adviento,  prologue,  to  whom 
Mendieta  had  intrusted  his  manuscript,  it  had  been  decided  at  one  time  that 
Torquemada  should  embellish  it  with  his  lore  and  arguments.  As  it  was,  he 
absorbed  the  contents,  softening  the  condenmatory  language  so  freely  poured 
forth  by  the  fearless  Mendieta  wherever  he  thought  it  necessary.  Besides 
the  sources  mentioned,  Torquemada  used  several  narratives  by  writers  of 
Indian  extraction,  a  mass  of  material  from  public  and  private  archives, 
together  wdth  his  own  diaries  and  observations.  He  had  spent  over  fourteen 
years  in  gathering  this  material,  and  seven  in  preparing  for  his  work,  called 
to  it  by  a  literary  taste,  and  a  sympathy  for  the  subject,  stimulated  by  his 
predecessors,  so  that  his  volumes  were  already  well  advanced  before  the  offi- 
cial order  came  for  him  to  write  them.  His  superiors  evidently  examined  the 
work  beforehand,  and  recognized  his  fitness  to  undertake  it;  a  fitness  already 
made  manifest  in  a  previous  publication,  the  Vida  del  Santo  Fr.  Sebastian  de 
Aparicio,  1605,  Pinelo,  Epitome,  ii.  829,  and  in  his  vast  store  of  biblical  and 
classical  lore,  which  he  scatters  throughout  the  pages  in  lavish  profusion, 
and  frequently  with  little  regard  for  the  appropriate.    While  more  prudent 


788 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


than  the  hot-headed  Mendieta,  he  is  less  clear-sighted,  and  easily  led  into 
errors;  he  fairly  revels  in  miracles  and  saintly  dissertations,  and  loses  himself 
in  wordy  arguments  for  his  theme  and  cloth,  often  with  striking  simplicity. 
Nevertheless,  his  work  merits  admiration  for  its  laborious  thoroughness,  which 
has  deservedly  made  it  the  standard  history  for  its  period  and  field,  for  its 
comparatively  excellent  plan  and  order,  and  for  its  clearness  of  style;  in  all  of 
which  Torquemada  stands  preeminent  among  contemporaries,  justly  entitled 
to  what  a  modern  Mexican  writer  calls  him,  the  Livy  of  New  Spain,  The  claim 
of  the  Monarquia  Indiana  as  a  standard  authority  is  conceded  in  the  frequent 
and  copious  use  made  of  it  by  general  and  local  writers;  and  by  the  absence 
till  Cavo's  time  of  a  comprehensive  history  for  the  century.  Yet  the  latter  is 
brief  and  unsatisfactory,  giving  in  his  volume  on  the  three  centuries  of  Span- 
ish rule  but  one  seventh  to  this  earlier  and  more  important  period.  A  little 
fuller,  yet  equally  unsatisfactory,  as  before  remarked,  is  the  more  modern 
Ribera,  while  Zamacois,  who  dwells  on  the  Spanish  colonial  period,  1521- 
1821,  in  seven  respectable  volumes,  accords  but  a  little  more  than  one  of  them 
to  the  sixteenth  century.  This  unevenness  applies  also  to  the  subject-matter, 
which  is  compiled,  and  carelessly  so,  from  a  few  of  the  most  accessible  books 
and  records,  so  that  a  number  of  interesting  periods  and  incidents  are  either 
wholly  overlooked,  or  treated  in  bare  outline. 

Besides  these  general  works,  a  number  of  treatises  on  special  episodes  and 
states  have  been  edited  or  written  by  such  Mexican  writers  as  Alaman,  Rami- 
rez, Icazbalceta,  Orozco  y  Berra,  Bustamante,  Romero,  Gil,  Prieto,  and  a 
number  of  others  whose  names  figure  in  the  volviminous  Boletin  of  the  Mex- 
ican Geographical  Society.  Still  another  class  of  contributions  is  to  be  found 
in  the  narratives  of  travellers  and  navigators,  who  report  not  only  on  aflfairs, 
society,  and  resources  as  observed  by  them  in  the  countries  visited,  but  add 
much  to  the  knowledge  of  their  earlier  history  from  hearsay  or  research. 
This  material  is  scattered  throughout  a  vast  number  of  collections  of  voyages, 
a  class  of  books  to  which  Ramusio  may  properly  claim  title  as  founder,  as  I 
have  shown  elsewhere. 

Herewith  I  give  broader  references  to  some  authorities  consulted  for  the 
preceding  chapters:  Torquemada,  i.  332-670,  and  iii.  232-634,  passim;  Con- 
ciliosProv.,  MS.,  i.  34-320;  ii.  89-100;  iii.  1^55;  iv.  67;  Mex.,  Adas  Prov., 
MS.,  43-8,  62-170;  America,  Descrip.,  MS.,  180;  Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS., 

i.  328-74;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col  Doc,  iii.  480-91,  520-30;  iv.  360-77, 
440-62,  491-547;  vi.  65,  182-3,  455-6;  xi.  5-29,  102-18,  190-211;  xiv.  101-3, 
196-201;  XV.  447-60;  xvi.  142-87,  376-460;  xvii.  532;  xviii.  328-30,  435-7; 
xix.  32-5;  xxiii.  520-47;  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  Oajaca,  i.  34-194,  passim; 

ii.  202-388,  passim,  410-11;  Id.,  Palestra  Hist.,  57-139, 189-200,  260-3;  Kings- 
horouglis  Mex.  Antiq.,  v.  157-8;  vi.  153;  ix.  284-93;  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  63; 
Benzoni,  Mondo  Nvovo,  93-4;  Cartas  de  Indias,  108-867,  passim;  Becop.  de 
ludlas,  i.  51-221,  passim,  594,  608;  ii.  39,  48-64,  122,  199-200,  384;  Cortes, 
Escritos  Sueltos,  102;  Id.,  Despatches,  30;  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  52-90;  Mex., 
Hieroglyph.  Hist.,  113,  126-7,  157;  Corjollvdo,  Hist.  Yucaihan,  8-754,  passim; 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  20-4,  249-50;  Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  47,  54, 
74;  HaUvyt's  Voy.,  iii.  396-7,  469-95,  560-1,  602-3,  814-15;  Squiers  MSS., 
X.  4,  5;  xiii.  4;  xix.  39-42;  xxi.  1-3;  xxii.  1,  33,  101,  115-16;  Soiis,  Hist. 
Mex.,  i.  74-8;  Oviedo,  iii.  168;  San  Francisco  de  Mex.,  MS.,  1,  5,  216;  Sin., 
Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  i.  10-13;  Las  Ca.sas  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  374-6,  465-6,  477,  495; 
V.  1-5;  Id.,  Hist.  Apolof).,  MS.,  28-9;  Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  3-156;  Id.,Chron. 


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789 


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111,  122-27,  225;  Iviii.  1-2,  101,  108,  141-319,  382-543;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
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la  Verdad,  6-7;  Descrip.  Am.,  180;  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  29,  254-8;  Filisola, 
Hist.  Texas,  i.  25;  Frost's  Hist.  Mex.,  137;  Berenger,  Col  Voy.,  i.  140-1,  176-8; 
Goodrich's  Man  upon  the  Sea,  253;  Gallo,  Hombres  Illustres,  ii.  207-59;  Ber- 
nardez,  Zac,  27-8,  35;  Gaz.  Mex.  (1784-5),  i.  77;  Gottfried's  Newe  Welt,  79; 
Burney's  Discov.  South  Sea,  i.  113-15,  341;  ii.  85-9;  Gonzalez,  Col  N.  Leon, 
I)t.  V.  6,  11,  372-3;  Poussin,  Puissance  Amer.,  i.  345-8;  Id.,  Question  de 
V Oregon,  25-7;  Philipinas,  Ext.  Hist,  1-2;  Proceso  contra  Aquino,  MS.,  114 
et  seq.;  Stephen's  Yuc,  ii.  264-7;  Siguenza  y  Gongora,  Parayso  Occ,  5-24, 


790 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY. 


48-128;  Salazar,  Mex.  en  1554,  71,  251-3,  318-21;  Sartmnkgo,  Eel,  104;  Mac- 
phersons  An.  Com.,  ii.  122,  154;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc.,  ii.  104-13;  Arrdniz, 
Viajero,  54-99;  Id.,  Hist,  y  Cron.,  110-22,  327-8;  Alcedo,  iii.  323;  v.  291; 
Alef/re,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesu^,  i.  83-380,  passim;  Guerra,  Rev.  N.  Esp.,  366-8, 
577-604;  Agurto,  Tractado,  190;  Album  3Iex.,  ii.  38,  486,  519;  MuseoMex.,  iii. 
161,  341-2,  395-6,  451;  Arevalo,  Compend.,  237;  Andersons  Comm.,  ii.  102, 
139;  Apiano,  Cosmog.,  34,  73,  75-6;  Hazart,  Kirchen-GeschicMe.  ii.  534-59; 
Harris'  Col.  Voy.,  i.  26-7;  Touron,  Hist.  Gen.  Am.,  vi.  170-206,  222-6,  238-46, 
278-90;  vii.  9-14,  95-6,  164-220,  233-48,  289;  Illust.  Am.,  ii.  375-7;  Casa 
Contratacion,  Oixlenanzas,  60-84;  Ohers  Hist.  Mex.,  361-82;  Prieto,  Hist. 
Tamaidipas,  79-80;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  No.  v.  265;  Liceo  Mex., 

i.  210-418,  passim;  Heller  Reisen  Mex.,  288-90;  La  Cruz,  i.  368-680,  and 

ii.  81-476,  passim;  vii.  473-5;  Ortelivs,  Theat.  Orb.,  1-2;  Zamacois,  Hist. 
Mej.,  iv.  41;  v.  40-383,  passim;  x.  916,  1151-2,  1325-34;  x.  app.  35,  43; 
Holmes'  Annals  Am.,  i.  107;  Piedrahita,  Hist.  Gen.,  589-94;  Mosaico  Mex., 

iii.  349;  iv.  317-19;  v.  601-4;  Mayers  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  151-85;  Mendoza,  Hist. 
China,  132-3,  290-4,  310-12;  Id.,  Nociones  Cronol,  161-2;  Murray's  Hist. 
Discov.  N.  Am.,  ii.  80-3;  Ortiz,  Mex.  Indep.,  182-3;  Iglesias  y  Conventos, 
6-15,  151-68,  312-16,  324-7,  343-5. 


